Latest news with #Indo-PacificStrategy
Malaysia Sun
3 days ago
- Politics
- Malaysia Sun
ASEAN leaders at Shangri-La Dialogue: 'We won't choose sides'
Singapore's Defense Minister Chan Chun Sing delivers his speech during the 22nd Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, June 1, 2025. /VCG In a special address to the 22nd Shangri-La Dialogue on Saturday, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim - as chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2025 - rejected the pressure of choosing sides in geopolitical rivalries. Speaking at the final session of the dialogue on Sunday, Singaporean Defense Minister Chan Chun Sing echoed Anwar's stance. Out of geopolitical necessity, Southeast Asia must engage with both China and the United States as well as other nations, rather than take sides, he said. "If we have to choose sides, may we choose the side of principles - principles that uphold a global order where we do not descend into the law of the jungle, where the mighty do what they wish and the weak suffer what they must," Chan said. Their making clear the stance of taking no sides came after U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth on Saturday urged Asia-Pacific countries to increase their military spending to 5 percent of GDP to counter perceived threats from China in a speech at the dialogue. Da Wei, director of the Center for International Security and Strategy at Tsinghua University, said Hegseth's attempts to drive a wedge between China and ASEAN countries will not work. "I think the U.S. attempt to divide China and Asia-Pacific countries is ineffective because it lacks persuasiveness," Da told media on the sideline of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim delivers an address at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, May 31, 2025. /VCG No to bloc confrontation In his first address at the the Shangri-La Dialogue, Hegseth outlined the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" of the Trump administration since the U.S. president returned to the White House in January. The Chinese Foreign Ministry slammed his remarks, saying that he deliberately ignored the call for peace and development by countries in the region, and instead touted the Cold War mentality for bloc confrontation, vilified China with defamatory allegations, and falsely called China a "threat." "The remarks were filled with provocations and intended to sow discord. China deplores and firmly opposes them and has protested strongly to the U.S.," said the ministry in a statement. Meng Xiangqing, a professor at the National Defense University of the People's Liberation Army, said the U.S. side has once again promoted its "Indo-Pacific Strategy" at the dialogue. After years of implementation, this strategy has achieved nothing beyond provoking incidents, creating crises, and destabilizing the Asia-Pacific region, Meng told China Media Group. The essence of America's "Indo-Pacific Strategy" is simply a tool for hegemony, he said. Militarily, it promotes bloc formation and confrontation - establishing mechanisms like the Quad between the U.S., Japan, India and Australia, and AUKUS nuclear submarine cooperation with Australia and the United Kingdom; politically, it forces nations to choose sides; technologically, it erects "small yard, high fences" barriers; and economically, its trade wars and tariff policies push for decoupling between economies, and it also imposes coercion against others based on values, Meng explained. "This has artificially divided the Asia-Pacific region into competing blocs," he said. Shen Chen, deputy director of the Department of International Political Theory at the Institute of World Economics and Politics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), said the U.S. "Indo-Pacific Strategy" heightens regional tensions, embodying its practice of hegemonism and power politics. "Its very purpose is to perpetuate U.S. dominance by sacrificing regional peace and stability for its own interests," Shen told CGTN. A police officer walks on patrol during the 22nd Shangri-La Dialogue at the Shangri-La Hotel in Singapore, May 30, 2025. /VCG China's Asian security model: A better choice for region Zhang Chi, a member of the Chinese delegation to the Shangri-La Dialogue, said China's Asian security model aligns with the common interests of all Asian nations and charts a practical path for the region to safeguard its prosperity and stability. At a central conference on work related to neighboring countries in April, China, for the first time, proposed the Asian security model that features sharing weal and woe, seeking common ground while shelving differences, and prioritizing dialogue and consultation. Shen, the CASS professor, said that the Asian security model demonstrates fundamental differences from the U.S. "Indo-Pacific Strategy." Emphasizing win-win cooperation and equal consultation, the Asian security model is committed to safeguarding regional peace and prosperity, he said. Aligned with the shared interests of all Asian nations, this model represents an open, inclusive, and mutually beneficial approach to security governance, Shen added. He also criticized the U.S. demand for Asian nations to raise defense spending to 5 percent of GDP as "both unreasonable and unrealistic." That would serve America's strategic self-interest, but it risks pushing Asia Pacific into an arms race, exacerbates regional tensions, and runs counter to the shared aspirations of regional countries for peace and development, said Shen. He said while some nations might waver under U.S. pressure, most will remain clear-eyed about the U.S. demand's irrationality. The Asian security model proposed by China offers a better alternative, said Shen, adding that regional countries prefer partnering with China and other major countries to uphold security through peace and collaboration - not following the U.S. down the path of military expansion. Read more: Shangri-La Dialogue: China says it rejects unilateralism, bullying Experts slam Hegseth's remarks at Shangri-La Dialogue as provocative, harmful to regional stability Source: CGTN
Yomiuri Shimbun
06-05-2025
- Business
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Canadian General Election: Anti-American Sentiment Boosts Ruling Party
The ruling party in Canada, which had been in a tight spot, became rejuvenated from asserting it would not give in to threats from U.S. President Donald Trump. In the Canadian general election, in which 343 seats were up for grabs, the center-left Liberal Party led by Prime Minister Mark Carney maintained its position as the largest party, and Carney secured his position as prime minister. Although the party increased its seat count compared to when the House of Commons was dissolved, it fell short of a majority and will govern as a minority government. The Liberal Party, which has been in power since 2015, had been struggling with low approval ratings due to rising prices and a housing shortage. In January, then Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was forced to announce his resignation. It seemed inevitable that the largest party among the opposition, the Conservative Party, would take the reins of government. But the situation was completely upended by Trump. He has referred to Canada as 'the 51st state of the United States' and expressed a desire to annex it. In the name of stopping illegal immigration and the influx of synthetic narcotics, he was quick to target Canada with his tariffs. In response, Carney, who became prime minister in March, criticized Trump for betraying Canada and destroying the global economy. He countered Trump's moves with retaliatory tariffs. There is no doubt that opposition to Trump has grown among voters, providing a tailwind for the ruling party. Canada has had its patriotism aroused, and there have even been movements to boycott U.S. products. Trump should take seriously the fact that his words and actions have influenced the outcome of the election and caused Canada, a close ally, to turn away from him. Carney will enter into tariff negotiations with the United States, which is Canada's largest trading partner. If Canada fails to pave the way to lower tariffs, there is a risk that its economy will fall into a recession. On the other hand, Carney said after the election, 'Our old relationship with the United States, a relationship based on steadily increasing integration, is over.' Due to external pressure from Trump, Canada is seeking to reevaluate its excessive dependence on the United States. Facing a coercive Trump administration, Canada is trying to protect its national interests while increasing its economic and diplomatic options by diversifying its trade and deepening relations with European and other countries. The new strategy that Canada is pursuing could serve as a reference for Japan. Japan and Canada are members of the Group of Seven (G7) advanced countries and the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement. They are important partners in trade and investment in areas such as energy and automobiles. The two countries also overlap in many respects on security. Canada has adopted an 'Indo-Pacific Strategy' and has participated in joint military exercises led by Japan and the United States. The country is also focusing on security in new areas such as the Arctic. The G7 summit will be held in the western Canadian city of Kananaskis in June. Japan should work with Canada, the G7 chair this year, and the European member countries to urge the United States to prioritize international cooperation. (From The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 6, 2025)
Asia Times
17-04-2025
- Business
- Asia Times
South Korea's strategic autonomy and India
In today's rapidly evolving international landscape, the concept of a 'pivotal state' is gaining renewed attention. As the global order transitions into a phase of intensified great-power rivalry, particularly between the United States and China, countries that can maintain strategic autonomy while influencing regional and global power dynamics are emerging as vital players. South Korea has, with its advanced economy, vibrant democracy, strategic geographic position, and growing soft power, all the essential ingredients to play such a role. Yet, under the Yoon Suk-yeol administration, Korea has drifted from this potential, becoming overly reliant on one side of the geopolitical spectrum. Now, however, with the political tide turning and the possibility of Lee Jae-myung ascending to the presidency, Korea has a real opportunity to reset its course and finally step into the role of a true pivotal state. A pivotal state is not merely a middle power, but a country that actively shapes the balance in great-power politics. Unlike satellite states that gravitate around dominant powers, a pivotal state maintains a strategic center of gravity of its own. It responds flexibly to shifting international dynamics, refuses to become a vassal of larger powers and uses diplomacy and autonomy to enhance its national interests. Examples of such countries include India and Brazil – states that pursue independent foreign policies and often play both sides when necessary, leveraging their positions for national gain without being fully subsumed into any alliance system. These nations do not just survive the global power competition – they shape it. When President Yoon Suk-yeol came to power in 2022, he proclaimed Korea's ambition to become a 'global pivotal state.' At face value, this was a welcome shift from past administrations that often wavered between great powers. Yoon promised bold, principled diplomacy that would elevate Korea's standing on the global stage. However, in execution, this vision became more rhetoric than reality. Instead of striking a balance between competing powers, the Yoon administration veered sharply toward unconditional alignment with the United States. It enthusiastically embraced the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, tightened security and intelligence cooperation with Washington and Tokyo, and made highly visible moves such as hosting extended deterrence dialogues and participating in anti-China rhetoric. This foreign policy posture, while arguably addressing immediate security concerns, came at the expense of Korea's strategic autonomy. Moreover, by choosing clear alignment in a world that is increasingly multipolar, Korea forfeited its ability to mediate, influence or act as a bridge between diverging global interests. In doing so, it reduced itself from a potential rule-shaper to a rule-follower. It alienated not only China – its largest trading partner – but also developing nations that value non-alignment and autonomy. The Yoon administration's vision of a pivotal Korea turned out to be a paradox: how can a nation claim the mantle of a global pivot while acting as a strategic extension of another great power? There are several reasons why now is the right moment for South Korea to have a true strategic autonomy. The global power structure is fragmenting. The Cold War's rigid bipolarity is long gone. Even the current US–China rivalry is increasingly complicated by the rise of influential players like India, Russia, Turkey, and Brazil. This emerging multipolarity offers middle powers like Korea a rare and valuable space to maneuver – provided they have the strategic vision and political will to seize it. At the same time, cooperation among great powers is proving unstable and unpredictable. The shifting dynamics of the war in Ukraine and the behind-the-scenes bargaining between the US and China reveal a hard truth: Smaller nations can be easily sidelined or sacrificed in the name of strategic compromise. South Korea must not allow itself to remain a passive observer while others decide its fate. Meanwhile, the world's attention is increasingly focused on Asia. As the geopolitical center of gravity shifts toward the Indo-Pacific, Korea finds itself at a unique crossroads. But to wield influence, it must move beyond the role of a subordinate within a US-led axis and stand as a confident, self-defining actor. India's example proves this is not only possible – it is necessary. As South Korea heads toward another electoral shift, the political winds are changing. The opposition Democratic Party, led by Lee Jae-myung, is gaining momentum. Should Lee win the presidency, Korea may finally find the political leadership necessary to realize the true meaning of a pivotal state. Lee's foreign policy signals indicate a desire to rebalance Korea's diplomacy – not by abandoning its alliance with the United States, but by supplementing it with greater strategic flexibility, economic pragmatism and a non-ideological approach to China and the Global South. In his public speeches, Lee has emphasized cooperation over confrontation, economic sovereignty, and diplomatic pragmatism – principles that align well with the idea of a pivotal state. Rather than choosing between Washington and Beijing, a Lee-led administration would likely pursue a 'both-and' strategy. This includes maintaining the security alliance with the US while re-engaging China diplomatically and economically, expanding relations with ASEAN, Middle Eastern countries, and Eurasian nations and strengthening South Korea's voice in multilateral forums such as the G20, APEC, BRICS+ and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Lee's foreign policy is also expected to prioritize technological sovereignty, green diplomacy, and economic diversification – all key areas where Korea can assert its influence globally without taking sides. Under such a strategy, Korea could begin to function as a connector, not just a consumer, of international norms. India presents a timely and practical example as South Korea seeks to redefine its role in the global order. While maintaining strong strategic ties with the United States, India has consistently upheld its strategic autonomy, refusing to be drawn into any single power bloc. Instead, it pursues a pragmatic, issue-based diplomacy rooted in national interest and guided by values – without becoming subordinate to any major power. South Korea can draw important lessons from India's approach. India's 'Non-Alignment 2.0' strategy allows it to engage deeply with the US while simultaneously participating in multilateral platforms like BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the G20 alongside countries such as China and Russia. This flexible, multi-vector diplomacy enables India to navigate a complex geopolitical landscape without being locked into rigid alliances. Korea, too, can adopt such a strategy to avoid the risks of bloc-based alignment and preserve its strategic space. India's growing engagement with the Global South – particularly in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia – has significantly boosted its international standing. Korea can work with India to develop closer ties with these regions, allowing it to diversify its foreign policy engagements without undermining its existing relationships with rising power blocs. Both countries can co-invest in development projects, technology transfer, and sustainable infrastructure, thereby expanding Korea's global footprint and building partnerships that go beyond the traditional US–China binary. Beyond the pursuit of strategic autonomy, India's focus on technological and trade sovereignty offers another valuable blueprint for South Korea to consider in strengthening its position as a sovereign and globally autonomous power. In critical sectors such as semiconductors, clean energy, and digital infrastructure, India has launched initiatives aimed at reducing external dependency and building resilient domestic capabilities. South Korea, facing its own challenges due to overdependence on select global supply chains, can benefit by following a similar path – strengthening self-reliance while remaining globally competitive. By aligning more closely with India and embracing a broader, multidimensional strategic vision, South Korea can overcome its current limitations and emerge as a more independent, respected actor in both regional and global affairs. Thus, through strategic learning and enhanced cooperation with India in both economic and geopolitical domains, South Korea can strengthen its capacity to emerge as a genuinely global pivotal state. This growing partnership is not about choosing sides, but about standing together – confidently and collaboratively. Through deeper cooperation and shared leadership, Korea and India can shape a more inclusive, balanced, and multipolar international order, reinforcing one another's journey toward genuine strategic autonomy. By following India's lead, South Korea can reclaim a more self-directed, balanced foreign policy – one that protects its national interests while contributing meaningfully to a more stable world. To become a true pivotal state and have strategic autonomy , Korea must craft a foreign policy identity grounded in self-determination rather than alignment. This doesn't mean taking an anti-American or pro-Chinese stance – it means being unequivocally pro-Korea. At the core of this identity lies the principle of strategic autonomy: South Korea makes decisions based on its own national interests, not according to the expectations or pressures of its allies. Such an approach requires balanced engagement, meaning South Korea should actively pursue diplomacy with all major powers – especially those in Asia and the Global South – while also playing a constructive role in multilateral forums. At the same time, Korea's new diplomacy must be guided by value-based pragmatism. This involves upholding principles like democracy, peace, and the rule of law, while also acknowledging the realities of a diverse international system. Korea today stands at a historical crossroads. The failures of the Yoon administration to fulfill the promise of a global pivotal state have shown what happens when rhetoric is not matched by strategic independence. But this failure also provides a valuable lesson – that true leadership on the global stage requires courage, balance, and the will to chart one's own path. With Lee Jae-myung poised as a serious contender for Korea's next presidency, the country may have its first real opportunity in decades to shift from alignment to autonomy, from reactive diplomacy to strategic leadership. The world does not need another follower in the US-China rivalry. It needs a Korea that stands firm, speaks clearly, and acts wisely – a Korea that can finally become the true pivotal state it was always destined to be. Korea's moment to reclaim its strategic autonomy has finally arrived – and by looking to India as both a partner and a model, it may discover its clearest path forward and its closest ally in these challenging times.
Korea Herald
28-01-2025
- Business
- Korea Herald
India marks 76th Republic Day, highlights milestones with S. Korea
The Indian Embassy in Seoul celebrated India's 76th Republic Day on Friday, highlighting India-Korea bilateral milestones. The day commemorates the adoption of India's constitution in 1949, declaring India a "sovereign socialist secular democratic republic" that upholds the principles of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity for all citizens. In his speech at the event, Indian Ambassador to Korea Amit Kumar reiterated India's transformation and development in the decades since and its ties with South Korea. India and South Korea established diplomatic ties on December 10, 1973. This year marks the 10th anniversary of the two countries' special strategic partnership. Their ties deepened in the late 1980s with India's "Look East" policy and gained momentum in the 1990s under Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao, whose 1993 visit to Seoul strengthened bilateral ties. Other milestones include the 1996 state visit by President Kim Young-sam, the 2004 "long-term cooperative partnership" under President Roh Moo-hyun, and the 2010 "strategic partnership" under President Lee Myung-bak. The partnership was elevated to a "special strategic partnership" during President Park Geun-hye's 2014 visit, which was formalized during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 2015 Korea visit. South Korea has forged a special strategic partnership with only a few countries, including India, Indonesia, the United Arab Emirates and Uzbekistan. South Korea seeks to strengthen value-based solidarity with India by aligning the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" with India's vision for the Indo-Pacific region, focusing on peace, security and a rules-based order, including on the Korean Peninsula and the G20 stage. According to Kumar, the year 2024 witnessed substantive diplomatic engagements marked by five meetings between foreign ministers of India and Korea. 'We established new dialogue mechanisms, including trilaterally with the US on technology security and with Japan on policy planning,' said Kumar. In March 2024, the United States, India and South Korea held their first trilateral technology dialogue, focusing on cooperation in critical technologies like semiconductors, AI, quantum and clean energy. The three sides affirmed their commitment to strengthening supply chains, supporting Indo-Pacific security and economic interests, protecting sensitive technologies, and building trusted global technology ecosystems, according to the US Embassy in Seoul. The first ROK-India-Japan Trilateral Policy Planning Dialogue occurred on October 21, 2024, in Seoul. ROK stands for South Korea's official name, the Republic of Korea. In the dialogue, representatives from the three countries discussed global and regional ways to enhance trilateral cooperation and global governance. South Korea is seeking commitments to reinforce the rule-based international order through minilateral networks. The Indian ambassador mentioned new bilateral milestones, including the Korea Investment Corporation, the national sovereign fund, opening an office in Mumbai, as well as the $3.3 billion public listing by Hyundai Motor Group in India — their only listing outside Korea — and the announcement by Korean steelmaker Posco and Indian conglomerate JSW Group to build an integrated steel plant in India with an annual capacity of 5 million metric tons. In April 2024, KIC opened its first office in Mumbai, targeting alternative investments in venture capital, private equity, infrastructure and real estate. Hyundai Motor India went public on October 22, 2024, raising $3.3 billion in India's largest-ever IPO, aiming to make India a global manufacturing hub for exports to Europe and Southeast Asia. Posco has signed a memorandum of understanding with JSW Group to collaborate on steel, battery materials and renewable energy, planning to build an integrated steel mill in India's Odisha state with a 5 million ton annual capacity. According to Kumar, the Indian community in South Korea has almost tripled over the past seven years to around 17,500 people with enhanced connectivity through academia, higher education, media, culture and tourism The event was attended by more than 700 people, with the attendance of members from the diplomatic corps, Indian community members, Indian Embassy officials and their families, South Korean foreign ministry officials, think tank staff, academics, the media, and non-governmental organization staff.
