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Hans India
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Pagis read the sand, Politicians read scripts
When bullets fly and borders burn, some politicians retreat to the comfort of air-conditioned conference rooms, mouthing platitudes about 'standing with our soldiers.' Yet, behind the scenes, they nitpick, undermine, and insult the government—even if it means lowering the morale of the armed forces. This is precisely what the Congress Party and the INDIA bloc, under Rahul Gandhi's leadership, are doing in response to Operation Sindoor. All for the Bihar elections, no less. It's a move that will backfire—spectacularly. Here's the truth that our political elite conveniently ignore: war isn't fought by the army alone. It is a national endeavour, a test of collective willpower, where every citizen, every institution, and every leader must contribute. Instead of rallying the nation, these self-serving critics sow division, spread confusion, and paralyse resolve. This isn't just irresponsible—it's a betrayal of the very soldiers they claim to support. In wartime, we need leaders who inspire courage, not cowards who crumble under the weight of their petty ambitions. The Indian Army's firepower and courage are unmatched. But even the best army cannot win wars alone. Victory demands a united, determined population, ready to contribute—from conserving resources to maintaining civil order. Defeatist rhetoric and opportunistic criticism, in such times, play straight into the enemy's hands. Every word against our soldiers and government weakens morale and emboldens our adversaries. Our civilians, too, must recognise their role. Supporting the war effort isn't optional; it's a duty. When the nation faces an existential threat, comfort and convenience must give way to sacrifice and solidarity. Every act of support, no matter how small, fortifies the nation. Consider the 1971 Indo-Pak War, when the Pakistan Air Force bombed Bhuj airbase in Gujarat, dropping 64 bombs and crippling the runway. Even contractors and workers fled. Yet, the women of nearby villages picked up whatever tools they had and rebuilt the runway in under 76 hours, enabling the Indian Air Force to strike back and dismantle enemy strongholds. That's civilian patriotism—real, gritty, and unapologetic. But courage and resilience aren't limited to singular acts of defiance. In the harsh, arid expanses of Gujarat's Kutch and Rajasthan's desert districts, generations of unsung heroes have silently served the nation: the Pagi trackers. These 'footprint readers,' armed with ancestral knowledge, have for centuries turned the treacherous sands into a canvas of national security. The word Pagi—derived from Gujarati, meaning 'one who reads footprints'—denotes a legacy of acute observation and intuitive tracking. Communities like the Banni and Rabari have passed down this craft for generations, turning it into a precise science. Pagi's can decipher how many people or animals crossed a point, their direction, load, and even estimate how long ago the tracks were made. In the Rann of Kutch, where mirages and shifting sands deceive even the best surveillance technologies, Pagi's can read the ground's whispers like no machine ever could. During British colonial rule, especially in Sindh, Kutch, and the Gujarat-Rajasthan borderlands, Pagi's were invaluable to the colonial police, tracking dacoits, recovering stolen livestock, and solving crimes. While their skills were often exploited without due recognition, their reputation for accuracy and loyalty earned them begrudging respect. Post-Independence, the India-Pakistan border turned these desert regions into sensitive security zones. In the 1965 war, when the Rann of Kutch became a battleground, Pagi's detected infiltrators, tracked enemy scouts, and helped the BSF lay ambushes. Even today, despite radars, drones, and satellite imagery, Pagi's continue to be the unsung guardians of the nation's frontiers. In terrains where technology falters, the human instinct and terrain wisdom of a pagi remain irreplaceable. Yet, this proud legacy is fading. Young members of Pagi families are drifting into other professions. There is little formal training or institutional support to preserve their craft. Many Pagi's work on daily wages or informal contracts, without proper recognition. Even though the BSF and other security agencies acknowledge their contributions, a systematic approach to preserving and professionalising this skill is sorely lacking. Some initiatives—like formal Pagi training schools, incorporation into paramilitary ranks, and documentation of traditional knowledge—have been proposed, but they remain under-implemented. In an age where AI and indigenous skills can complement each other, the revival of Pagi expertise isn't just desirable—it's vital. Consider the stories of legendary Pagi's whose names are etched in Gujarat's collective memory. Kesar Singhji Pagi, from Banaskantha district near the Gujarat-Rajasthan border, was a master tracker whose skills bordered on the supernatural. He could identify not only the number of people and animals who crossed an area but also their approximate weight and even their origin—just by studying footprints. His invaluable service to the BSF and police in tracking infiltrators, smugglers, and fugitives earned him the President's Police Medal and the Indian Police Medal for Gallantry. His exploits are still shared in BSF training sessions as models of excellence. Similarly, Jetha Pagi, though less nationally recognized, was a local hero whose tracking skills helped police solve murders, thefts, and smuggling cases. His grasp of desert terrain and human movement was legendary. Bhima Pagi, another master tracker, worked closely with the BSF to prevent cross-border smuggling and infiltration. These men weren't just border sentinels; they were living embodiments of India's ancient knowledge systems, blending seamlessly with modern defense needs. Their stories remind us that the nation's security is woven not just through steel and satellites but also through sand, footprints, and human instinct. But where is the recognition today? Where is the effort to preserve this priceless knowledge? When pagis retire, their wisdom dies with them—unless we act. It's time for a national revival of pagi tracking, with structured training, fair pay, and generational continuity. And let's not forget the symbolism. Pagi trackers stand for something larger than border security. They represent India's unique blend of traditional wisdom and modern security architecture—a blend that politicians sitting in their echo chambers can neither understand nor replicate. When they undermine military efforts, when they nitpick and paralyse national resolve for political gains, they not only betray our soldiers but also insult the memory of these silent guardians of the frontier. When the stakes are high, and India's survival is at risk, victory doesn't belong to the soldiers alone. It belongs to the villagers rebuilding runways under fire, the silent pagis reading enemy footprints in the sand, and the people who refuse to be divided by petty politics. Victory is national; defeat is collective. Rahul Gandhi and his ilk should remember this: Operation Sindoor isn't just a military campaign; it's a test of national unity. Playing politics at a time like this isn't just cowardice—it's treachery. And history will not forgive it.
Express Tribune
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Incredulous India
Listen to article In 1991, Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated by a suicide bomber representing the banned separatist organization, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Subsequently, 21st May was declared Anti-Terrorism Day in India. A day dedicated topromoting peace through awareness and education by conducting trainings and workshops to curb the spread of terrorism. The 1991 assassination, however, was not the first time a terroristattack (even in the modern sense of the word),had occurred in India. The first Indo-Pak War was fought from 1947 -1948 over the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, marking the birth of separatist movements and militant groups in the country, regardless of alleged external support. Insurgent groups in the Northeastern states have fought for greater autonomy since the 1970s. The Meenambakkam Bombing was yet another terror attack by the Tamil Eelam Army in 1984. A plethora of terror incidents to draw from, in particularthe Bombay Bombings (1993) followed by the post 9/11 attacks (Indian Parliament Attack (2001), Mumbai Train Bombings (2006) and Mumbai Attacks (2008). Across the border, Pakistan too has bledin its fight against terrorism -losing more than 70,000 (The South Asia Terrorism Portal) people to terrorist incursions, regardless of who's 'war' was/is being fought. The fallout from the Afghan conflict in the late 70's and 80's sowed the seeds of extremism. Since then, not only has Pakistan fought homegrown militant groups but faced the reality of sectarian violence and weathered the storm of insurgencies with outside influence. The sacrifices of the soldiers, the unwavering spirit of the people facing a very real threat to life and the resulting heavy toll on the economy are undisputed facts. To brand a nation that has lost countless lives - both civilian and military - to terrorism as a 'terrorist state' isn't just insensitive; it's a blatant twisting of the truth. An example of 2009, Pakistan's worst hit year, with 2,586 terrorist, insurgent and sectarian related incidents reported, killing 3,021 people and injuring 7,334 according to the 'Pakistan Security Report, 2009' published by the Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS). Armed with decades of such experience, in the immediate aftermath of the Pahalgham attack, Pakistan volunteered to allow an independent investigation into the matter; a call that fell on deaf ears. While the fight for terrorism within the two neighbouring countries is alive, it is rife with contentious statements of the other country's deep state machinations. The age-old blame game gives birth to patriotic fervor, which has sky rocketed post the latest skirmish in the decades long Indo-Pak patriotismin Pakistan played out with an explosion of nihilistic memes and TikTok videos taking jabs at our institutions and the neighbouring state machinery in equal parts. Another extreme, however, was on full theatrical display in India with calls for the annihilation of the state of Pakistan, fueled fervently by the national media itself. Suffice it to say, the root cause being the rise in tensions. What has also been on therise is Hindutva nationalism in India since Modi's election in 2014. The extreme hate for the Muslims, especially in Pakistan stems from a narrative that is very old and equally dangerous. The term 'Hindutva' was coined by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his writings, through which he changed the narrative Swami Vivekanandaestablished in late 1800s where Vivekanandastatedthat Hinduism was the only universal religion. Savarkar then traced the word Hindu to not be inclusivist, but exclusivist in nature. He prescribed that there are three essentials to Hindutva – a common nation, a common race and a common civilization in turn - making religious belief and practice secondary in nature and thereby excluding Muslims and Christians altogether. M.S. Golwalker, a prominent advocate of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), further exploited the ever evolving Hindudtvaideology by declaring that Hindus came 'into this land (Hindustan) from nowhere, but are indigenous children of the soil always, from times immemorial and are natural masters of the country specifically referencingthe example of Nazi Germany and how it had shown that it was impossible for 'for Races and cultures, having differences to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for use in Hindustan to learn and profit by.' The RSS is the ideological mentor of The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Not surprisingly then, the recent attack on Pakistani soil, killing civilians, including two children by attacking civilian areas in the dead of the night has been dubbed by many as anattack reminiscent of the Israeli tactics being used in Palestine. Equally preposterous, and again seemingly taken directly from the Israseli textbook was the justification peddled out, when the Indian representatives, both state and media, deemedall the civilian casualties as terrorists, even children. Hence, hateful tweets from the Indian citizenry followed – one such asking for Pakistan to be flattened just like Gaza. What then, one may ask, is the significance of 21st May when the BJP and the ruling class presents terror and hate in the mainstream? To see the practical effects of such hateful rhetoric, one does not need to go too far back. The 2002 Gujrat massacre holds all the key elements of terrorism, played out under Modi, Chief Minister at the time, whose controversial role in the incident itself has been widely debated. So much so, he was even denied visa to the United States in 2005, reportedly based on serious concerns surrounding human rights issues. Bilawal Bhutto's words, if ever appropriate, certainly may be used in this context, 'Osama Bin Laden is dead, but the butcher of Gujrat lives. And he is the Prime Minister of India'. What then does the future hold for the new Hindutva-led Bharat and subsequent Indo-Pak relations?
India.com
21-05-2025
- Politics
- India.com
Explained: What Is The Field Marshal Rank? How Many Have Held It In India And Pakistan?
In a major turn of events, the Pakistani government on Tuesday cleared the elevation of Army Chief General Asim Munir to the ceremonial post of Field Marshal in recognition of his role in the recent Indian-Pakistan military showdown. This will be General Munir's elevation to the five-star title, as he is now only the second military officer in Pakistan's history to be given the honor. A press release issued by the Prime Minister's Office stated, "The Government of Pakistan has approved the promotion of Gen. Asim Munir (Nishan-e-Imtiaz Military) to the rank of Field Marshal for ensuring the security of the country and defeating the enemy through strategic leadership and courage." The move has renewed interest in the seldom-dispensed rank of Field Marshal—a designation above even that of General and usually reserved for wartime distinction or ceremonial honor. What Is A Field Marshal? Field Marshal is the most senior rank achievable in the Indian and Pakistani militaries, represented by five stars. Although it carries no operational control in contemporary peacetime organisations, it is given in special cases to recognise exceptional military service. The rank is essentially ceremonial in India and has been granted a mere two times in the nation's history. In Pakistan, it is the second time an elevation like this has been given. India's Two Field Marshals 1. Sam Manekshaw • Promoted: January 3, 1973 • Context: For having led India to victory in the 1971 Indo-Pak War. • Legacy: His leadership resulted in the birth of Bangladesh. He was subsequently appointed India's first Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) in an advisory post-war position. 2. K.M. Cariappa • Promoted: January 15, 1986 • Context: Honoured for outstanding service as the first Indian Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army after independence. • Note: Promoted almost 33 years post-retirement. Pakistan's Field Marshals 1. General Ayub Khan • Promoted: 1959 • Context: Self-promoted after assuming power through martial law in 1958. • Controversy: His promotion is widely seen as a symbolic move during his authoritarian rule. He led Pakistan during the 1965 war with India. 2. General Asim Munir (2024) • Promoted: May 2024 (date unspecified) • Context: Recognised for his leadership during the recent standoff with India, following India's military strikes on Pakistani installations during Operation Sindoor in response to the Pahalgam terror attack. A statement by the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) quoted Munir saying, "This is not a personal achievement but a tribute to the armed forces and the people of Pakistan." Operation Sindoor And The Context Of Promotion The tensions mounted earlier in May when 26 civilians were slaughtered in a terror attack in Pahalgam valley in Jammu and Kashmir. Operation Sindoor was launched by India on May 7, targeting nine military installations belonging to Pakistan, according to reports. India's officials said later that Pakistan requested a ceasefire following four days of fighting. A Historical Parallel And Poetic Reminder The promotion of Gen Munir has also revived memories of Pakistan's previous military governments, more specifically the government of Ayub Khan. Unlike Ayub, who was in power at the time of the 1965 war and received the Field Marshal rank during his term, Munir's promotion is made under a civilian government amidst increased civil-military tensions. Under the rule of Ayub Khan, leading Pakistani poet Habib Jalib emerged as a vocal critic of dictatorship. His poem "Mein Ne Us Se Yeh Kaha"—a scathing satire on authoritarianism—remains a cultural reminder of the price of military overextension.
India Today
16-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
India's war hero who created a graveyard of Pak's Patton tanks with a gun
"That's a bad omen... Don't go today," said Rasoolan Bibi as she saw the rope around the holdall bag of her husband, Quartermaster Havildar Abdul Hamid, snap. It was 1965 and Hamid was rushing to join his battalion, the 4th Grenadiers, as war clouds hovered over the Indian subcontinent."Didn't I return safe from the 1962 war?" Hamid replied. With this assurance to his wife, Hamid left his home in UP's Dhamupur village in Ghazipur ominous feelings that his wife had would prove prophetic. But not before generations in India got a hero to look up extraordinary bravery in the Battle of Asal Uttar, (meaning the real reply), Abdul Hamid would etch his name as one of India's bravest the battle, Hamid stood atop his jeep, manoeuvring through the sugarcane fields of Punjab with a recoilless (RCL) gun, and single-handedly took down at least half a dozen American-made Pakistani Patton tanks. The 1965 Indo-Pak War saw the largest tank battle since World War II (1939–1945).In recognition of Hamid's valour and supreme sacrifice in service to the nation, he was posthumously awarded the Param Vir Chakra, India's highest gallantry was Pakistan that thrust upon India the 1965 War with Operation Gibraltar, its second failed bid to seize Kashmir through infiltration, after the first in 1947. The third came in 1999 at Kargil. Thwarted each time, Pakistan has turned to terrorism as a prolonged proxy war against April 22 Pahalgam attack, where terrorists of The Resistance Front, Pakistan's new proxy outfit of old Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), brutally gunned down 26 people, was another horrific face of the proxy war. What followed was India's retaliatory strike -- Operation Sindoor -- which destroyed nine terror hubs across Pakistan and Pakistan-cooupied Kashmir (POK). Over 100 terrorists were eliminated, including those linked to the 1999 IC-814 hijacking and the 2019 Pulwama attack. Pakistan responded by deploying heavy artillery and armoured units near the border. Alongside cross-border drone, artillery, and mortar strikes, it targeted military and civilian areas along the Line of Control (LoC) and the International tried to hit Indian military and civilian areas but India not only foiled but caused damage to Pakistani military infrastructure in its retaliatory strikes. Indian forces proved their superior capabilities, just like they had done in the 1965 War, in which Abdul Hamid emerged as a national hero. A postage stamp issued in 2000 commemorated Company Quartermaster Havildar Abdul Hamid, a Param Vir Chakra awardee, for his role in the 1965 War, marking 50 years of the Republic of India. (Image: India Post) PAK'S OP GIBRALTAR, KASHMIR INFILTRATION WAS A CALCULATED MOVE AMID LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN DELHIThe 1965 Indo-Pak War was triggered by Pakistan's Operation Gibraltar, named after Gibraltar, from where the early Muslim conquest of Europe's Iberian Peninsula was launched. In August 1965, Pakistani troops from the so-called Azad Kashmir Regular Force, disguised as mujahideen, infiltrated Jammu and Kashmir to incite unrest and spark an armed uprising among the Valley's Muslim-majority in the 1960s, after signing a 1954 defence pact, Pakistan secured $1.5 billion in military aid from its ally, the United States. Pakistan acquired a bunch of American military hardware, including Patton tanks, F-86 Sabre jets, M24 Chaffee light tanks, and M48 tanks."India had suffered a severe reversal in the Sino-Indian War of 1962, her economy had suffered substantially, reorganisation of her forces was incomplete, arms-aid after the war with China [in 1962] was only for the mountains and that too had yet to be absorbed... Her [Pakistan's] own economy was sound due to agricultural production and industrial growth," Major General Ian Cardozo (retired) wrote in 'Param Vir: Our Heroes in Battle'. Major General Cardozo is India's first war-disabled army officer to command a battalion and a [Jawaharlal] Nehru had died [in 1964] and his replacement, the diminutive Lal Bahadur Shastri, did not seem to impress the Pakistanis. Pakistan felt that the opportunity was too good to be wasted and needed to be taken advantage of," Major General Ian Cardozo (retired) added. Pakistan was a key ally of the US in the region, playing the role in containing communism and supporting anti-Soviet policies. (Image: Generative AI by Sushim Mukul) Then a member of SEATO and CENTO, Pakistan, armed and bolstered, launched its offensive aiming to capture Indian territory, especially in launching Operation Gibraltar to annex Jammu and Kashmir, General Ayub Khan-led Pakistan tested India by initiating a limited offensive in the Rann of Kutch desert between April and June 1965, according to Major General Ian Cardozo (retired).To push India further back, Pakistan deployed mujahideen and regular troops from across the LoC into Gulmarg, Uri, and Baramulla. Major General Afsir Karim (retired) estimated the force at 30, ROAD TO ASAL UTTAR. HOW AND WHY PAKISTAN ATTACKED INDIA IN 1965After Pakistan's multi-front troop movements, Indian forces fought back in Jammu and Kashmir and the Rann of situation escalated into the confrontation at Asal Uttar (in Punjab's Tarn Taran district), north of Khemkaran, where Pakistani forces advanced after Indian multi-unit troops moved toward Kasur, in Pakistan. The clash was one of the largest post-World War II tank battles, with the last of similar scale being the 1943 Battle of Kursk between Nazi Panzers and Soviet 8 September, hours after Indian units, including Hamid's Grenadiers, took position amid thick sugarcane fields, the rumble of numerous enemy tanks was heard."The fields are rustling with sugar cane and even as Hamid sits in the passenger seat of his jeep, which has mounted on it a recoilless (RCL) gun, he can hear the wind. The jeep trundles over a narrow mud track ahead of Cheema village... Taking cover behind the tall crop, Hamid points his gun in their direction and then waits. The Grenadiers hold their fire so as not to warn the enemy," journalist and author, Rachna Bisht Rawat wrote in her book, The Brave: Param Vir Chakra as the tanks come within 30 yards, Hamid asks his loader to load the gun and shoot. He watches the shell go up and arch towards the first enemy tank. Even as he picks up his binoculars, he hears the blast. The tank is burning in front of his eyes. Hamid and his men rejoice. 'Shabaash!', he mouths, and they exchange wide smiles," Rawat tasted blood with his first tank kill. There was no stopping him later when the second tank attack began, Abdul Hamid knocked out his second Patton, forcing the crews of two follow-up tanks to abandon and flee. By the end of the day, two tanks were destroyed and four were next day, on September 9, Pakistani Sabre jets and armoured divisions launched a fierce assault on Indian troops who had just the RCL into enemy fire, Abdul Hamid took out two more a confirmed tally of four tanks destroyed, Abdul Hamid's citation for the Param Vir Chakra was sent. That's why the Param Vir Chakra credits Hamid with just destroying four more tanks would meet the same fate at Hamid's hands. Asal Uttar, located near Tarn Taran in Punjab, was a crucial battlefield in the 1965 War where Indian forces decisively halted Pakistan's armoured advance. HOW PARAM VIR ABDUL HAMID CREATED PATTON GRAVEYARDOn Day 3 — September 10 — as Indian battalion defences came under intense shelling and Pakistani Patton tanks advanced, Abdul Hamid destroyed another tank and swiftly repositioned his RCL gun. Hours later, as enemy tanks pushed forward again with heavier artillery support, Hamid took out his sixth tank with deadly Bisht Rawat, however, credits Hamid with destroying three, not two, tanks on the third day, citing a person named Jameel, who heard the account first-hand from a surviving soldier of the battle."The next tank and Abdul Hamid spotted each other simultaneously. Being alone, he could not change his position, so he reloaded his weapon and traversed it. The Pakistani tank gunner and Abdul Hamid placed each other in the cross-hairs of their sights together and fired nearly simultaneously. Abdul Hamid was killed instantly. It is not clear whether the enemy tank was also destroyed. The battalion history, however, states that both fired simultaneously and blew each other to bits," wrote Major General Ian Cardozo (retired) in his book. Then-Army Chief General Bipin Rawat in 2015 unveiled a memorial to commemorate Param Veer Chakra Havildar Abdul Hami's legacy, in Ghazipur, UP. (Image: PTI) For his unmatched valour, Abdul Hamid was posthumously awarded the Param Vir Chakra, India's highest wartime gallantry award. While the Param Vir Chakra citation says Company Quartermaster Havildar Abdul Hamid destroyed four Pakistani Patton tanks. Other sources say as many as eight to nine tanks were taken down by Hamid single-handedly. Some sources even put the Pakistani tanks destroyed by him at destruction of Patton tanks broke the momentum of Pakistan's armoured thrust in the Khem Karan sector. Holding the line with just a recoilless rifle, he paved the way for India's 4th Mountain Division to trap and decimate Pakistan's 1st Armoured Division in what came to be known as the "Patton Graveyard"."As many as 75 Pakistani Patton tanks were destroyed or deserted, and the Indians collected these as war trophies. In fact, the place where they lay deserted was named Patton Nagar by the locals and was a symbol of Pakistan's humiliating defeat," wrote Major General Ian Cardozo (retired) in his book. After the 1965 War ceasefire, a unique tank graveyard called 'Patton Nagar' emerged at Bhikkiwind, Punjab, showcasing the destroyed American-made Patton tanks of the Pakistani Army. (Image Ministry of Defence) The Patton tanks failed in the 1965 War because their ammunition was stored in the turret and hull. They were vulnerable to high-explosive anti-tank (HEAT) rounds. Hit by Indian soldiers, the tanks blew up in catastrophic explosions. The swampy sugarcane fields crippled them decisive Indian resistance at battles like Asal Uttar, the war reached a stalemate, prompting both sides to accept a United Nations-mandated ceasefire on 23 September. The Tashkent Agreement, brokered by the Soviet Union and signed in January 1966, formalised the end of hostilities, with both India and Pakistan agreeing to withdraw to pre-war Pakistan has hardly mended its ways, still flirting with provocation, still betting on steel and strategy over sense. Amid the new clouds of conflict, Abdul Hamid's story speaks of the steely resolve of its soldiers. It's a reminder that wars aren't necessarily won by swaggering machines alone, but by the sheer grit of men who refuse to back down, even when the odds are stacked up against as Major General Ian Cardozo (retired) noted, "Abdul Hamid was the right man, at the right place, at the right time".If Pakistan had Pattons, India had a Param Vir at the right place at the right time. Hamid didn't just earn the Param Vir Chakra, he defined it to a great InTrending Reel
New Indian Express
14-05-2025
- General
- New Indian Express
Reading between the ruins
Recommendations: Cost of War by Simran Randhawa: It is a personal and moving account of love, loss, and resilience. 'It tells the story of Major SJS Randhawa, an Indian Army officer who died in service and was posthumously awarded the Kirti Chakra. Just as much, it is about the family he left behind — his wife Romi (RJ) and their daughter. It also captures the transformation of Romi into Lt Col Ravinder Jit Randhawa — from a grieving wife to the first war widow to join the Indian Army as an officer. 1971: Stories of Grit and Glory from the Indo-Pak War by Maj Gen Ian Cardozo: 'In 1971, Maj Gen Ian Cardozo shares untold stories of bravery and sacrifice from one of South Asia's most important wars. Through interviews with survivors and families, the book brings to life acts of courage: a Gorkha battalion's heliborne assault behind enemy lines, Indian Air Force raids over Dhaka, and the INS Khukri captain who went down with his ship.'
