Latest news with #IrishSeaBorder
Irish Times
22-05-2025
- Business
- Irish Times
EU-UK deal is a gift to unionists. Shame they can't all see it
The UK's 'reset' agreement with the EU , unveiled on Monday, lowers the Irish Sea border much further than many observers had expected. It commits both sides to an agri-food deal with dynamic alignment to the EU's rules and primacy for the EU's court, two features controversial in British politics, or at least in Westminster politics. Once this is implemented – Monday's announcement is more of an agreement to agree – it will remove most paperwork and inspection for food, plants and animals entering Northern Ireland from Britain. Farmers, food producers and retailers have all expressed their delight. Checks and paperwork remain, of course, including the Windsor Framework's full set of requirements for manufactured goods. The UK has no intention of joining the EU's customs union, so customs declarations still apply, although there are separate schemes to mitigate this for food suppliers. Brussels appears to have tried throwing its weight around and London seems to have pushed back A veterinary medicines sea border, due to come into effect at the end of this year and predicted to be a fiasco, has not been addressed by the reset deal. Reset talks were not the forum to do so, however. Issues specific to Northern Ireland have their own resolution mechanisms. READ MORE In March, the EU proposed adding its new artificial intelligence regulations to the Windsor Framework, to the bemusement of trade experts. The UK blocked this three weeks ago, and the question now goes to dispute resolution. It is intriguing that this all occurred during the reset negotiations. Brussels appears to have tried throwing its weight around and London seems to have pushed back. The British government continues to insist on full implementation of the Windsor Framework to demonstrate good faith to Brussels and build a better relationship overall. The final outcome on the AI argument will indicate the extent to which the reset requires a British rollover on Northern Ireland. So far, reaction to Labour's deal among conservative politicians and commentators has portrayed Northern Ireland as a victim Whatever problems remain, Monday's announcement sets a clear direction of travel. The UK will be moving ever closer to the EU, certainly for as long as the Labour Party is in government. This new dynamic will have its own formal mechanism through annual EU-UK summits, where more agreements to agree will presumably be agreed. The direction of travel, rather than the content of any deal, is the true gift to unionism. For the first time in years it can point to a political trend in its favour, even if this only promises to undo part of the damage it has suffered since Brexit – damage it is widely seen to have brought upon itself. In the zero-sum game of Northern Ireland politics, that should mean a setback for nationalism. Much of northern nationalism in particular has convinced itself that Brexit and the sea border will drive a terminal wedge into the union. This has fostered a degree of complacency and even contempt in some quarters for the hard work of advancing a united Ireland. While the Irish Government has risen above this with its Shared Island initiative, others in nationalism have bet the farm on a Brexit process that has now gone into reverse. Predictably, unionism seems determined to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. The TUV and prominent figures in the DUP have complained not only about the shortcomings of Monday's deal but about the direction of travel, decrying it as a betrayal of Brexit. In effect, they are saying: 'This does not fix everything, and when it fixes more things that will only make it worse.' Such an argument only makes sense if the objective is a hard no-deal Brexit for Northern Ireland. Research published this month by Queen's University Belfast shows unionist support for the Windsor Framework is falling. Although moderate unionists support the British government's policy of a closer relationship with the EU, three-quarters of what the research termed 'strong unionists' oppose it. The final outcome on the AI argument will indicate the extent to which the reset requires a British rollover on Northern Ireland So there is a large Brexiteer unionist constituency, yet the DUP cannot give these people what they want and they have lost faith in it to deliver regardless, as shown by the party's declining vote. If the DUP embraced the direction of travel, it could begin putting failure behind it by selling a plausible, positive message. If unionists do not seize the narrative, there is a danger of Brexiteers in Britain writing one for them. So far, reaction to Labour's deal among conservative politicians and commentators has portrayed Northern Ireland as a victim, being used to drag the rest of the UK into the EU's orbit. It is a short step from there to portraying Britain as a victim of Northern Ireland. The DUP leadership is trying to hedge its bets. 'The devil is in the detail,' party leader Gavin Robinson said of the reset deal – the same words used by Sinn Féin first minister Michelle O'Neill. He is mistaken. For unionists, damnation lies in obsessing over detail while ignoring the big picture.
Yahoo
19-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Unionists size up possible new UK-EU deal as PM walks tightrope
Making up is never easy after such a bruising and bitter break-up but that challenge begins later for the prime minister as the UK and EU hold their first bilateral summit since Brexit. The trick for Sir Keir Starmer will be to reset relations with Brussels without making it appear like a Brexit retreat. Both sides are keen to tear down trade barriers and that could see a deal being struck to greatly reduce the impact of the Irish sea border. An agri-food agreement would remove the need for checks and controls on goods moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland. But it will take some time to negotiate and may come at a high price, as the UK may have to align with some EU regulations. That, say opponents, would mean the UK becoming a rule taker from Brussels once more in what would be a Brexit betrayal. It is the tightest of tightropes for Sir Keir Starmer and his government to negotiate, coming at a time when a resurgent Reform party will now be targeting Labour seats in leave-voting constituencies. But it also presents a big challenge for unionists who want the Irish sea border completely dismantled. How do they strike the balance between welcoming a deal that begins to eradicate the border while at the same time undermining the Brexit they championed? Do they adopt a purist or pragmatic approach? UK and EU still locked in deal talks hours ahead of summit 'Our business needs Irish Sea border reset' Minister 'pushing' for deal over use of EU passport e-gates A Queens University poll last week suggested unionist support for the Brexit deal - the Windsor Framework - has dropped significantly in the past year. Support for those described as "slightly unionist" fell from 51% to 26% That trend is likely to continue as more checks and controls come into force across the Irish sea border - like pet passports, which from next month will require those travelling from Great Britain to Northern Ireland to obtain travel documents for their pets. But whatever the fallout, the Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) insist the UK must not concede to following EU rules whatever the impact on the the Irish sea border. "The purpose of Brexit was to take back control and make our own laws," said TUV leader Jim Allister. "If we embrace a veterinary agreement then we throw this away." He added: "Labour can try to further sabotage Brexit in this way but they will play a high price at the next general election." Meanwhile, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) say a new agri-food deal would not provide the "silver bullet to the whole host of problems created by the application of EU law specifically in Northern Ireland only". "For example, any agreement would not cover, or resolve, issues around customs and other barriers to trade, not least in relation to product standards," A DUP spokesperson said. The party added that the government needs to be "radical in moving on from the Windsor Framework and not tinkering around the edges of it". "We continue to make the case for full restoration of Northern Ireland's place within the United Kingdom, including removing the application of EU law in our country and the internal Irish Sea Border it creates." Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) deputy leader Robbie Butler said if the UK and EU work to reduce the friction in trade then it would "cautiously welcome what amounts to an overdue recognition of what we have been advocating all along". However, he added that "warm words and rushed deals often leave Northern Ireland as an afterthought" and that any agreement that does not put Northern Ireland centrally in the UK market will "fail our people, our producers and our prosperity". He said the party will be "unapologetic in defending Northern Ireland's farmers, agri-businesses, and rural economy from the damage of needless economic borders". "Our prosperity depends on it - and so does the principle of a truly United Kingdom." Is Britain really inching back towards the EU? No sequins or dancing at EU summit - but it'll be an extravaganza nonetheless
BBC News
18-05-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
UK-EU summit: Unionists size up possible new Brexit deal
Making up is never easy after such a bruising and bitter break-up but that challenge begins later for the prime minister as the UK and EU hold their first bilateral summit since trick for Sir Keir Starmer will be to reset relations with Brussels without making it appear like a Brexit sides are keen to tear down trade barriers and that could see a deal being struck to greatly reduce the impact of the Irish sea agri-food agreement would remove the need for checks and controls on goods moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland. But it will take some time to negotiate and may come at a high price, as the UK may have to align with some EU say opponents, would mean the UK becoming a rule taker from Brussels once more in what would be a Brexit is the tightest of tightropes for Sir Keir Starmer and his government to negotiate, coming at a time when a resurgent Reform party will now be targeting Labour seats in leave-voting it also presents a big challenge for unionists who want the Irish sea border completely do they strike the balance between welcoming a deal that begins to eradicate the border while at the same time undermining the Brexit they championed?Do they adopt a purist or pragmatic approach? What do unionists make of a possible new UK-EU deal? A Queens University poll last week suggested unionist support for the Brexit deal - the Windsor Framework - has dropped significantly in the past for those described as "slightly unionist" fell from 51% to 26%That trend is likely to continue as more checks and controls come into force across the Irish sea border - like pet passports, which from next month will require those travelling from Great Britain to Northern Ireland to obtain travel documents for their whatever the fallout, the Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) insist the UK must not concede to following EU rules whatever the impact on the the Irish sea border."The purpose of Brexit was to take back control and make our own laws," said TUV leader Jim Allister."If we embrace a veterinary agreement then we throw this away."He added: "Labour can try to further sabotage Brexit in this way but they will play a high price at the next general election." Meanwhile, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) say a new agri-food deal would not provide the "silver bullet to the whole host of problems created by the application of EU law specifically in Northern Ireland only"."For example, any agreement would not cover, or resolve, issues around customs and other barriers to trade, not least in relation to product standards," A DUP spokesperson party added that the government needs to be "radical in moving on from the Windsor Framework and not tinkering around the edges of it"."We continue to make the case for full restoration of Northern Ireland's place within the United Kingdom, including removing the application of EU law in our country and the internal Irish Sea Border it creates." Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) deputy leader Robbie Butler said if the UK and EU work to reduce the friction in trade then it would "cautiously welcome what amounts to an overdue recognition of what we have been advocating all along". However, he added that "warm words and rushed deals often leave Northern Ireland as an afterthought" and that any agreement that does not put Northern Ireland centrally in the UK market will "fail our people, our producers and our prosperity". He said the party will be "unapologetic in defending Northern Ireland's farmers, agri-businesses, and rural economy from the damage of needless economic borders". "Our prosperity depends on it - and so does the principle of a truly United Kingdom."
Yahoo
18-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
'Our business needs Irish Sea border reset'
A UK-EU summit is likely to pave the way for a deal which could substantially reduce the impact of the Irish Sea border. The UK wants to reset its post-Brexit relationship with the European Union ( EU) after years of tension. Monday's summit is expected to include an "agreement to agree" on trade issues, including the trade in food and agricultural products. If a full agri-food deal follows, potentially later this year, that will reduce the need for checks and controls on products being sent from GB to Northern Ireland. It could mean the end of 'Not for EU' labelling and the removal of most physical checks on goods. One food business in Belfast said the reset cannot come soon enough and that immediate measures are needed to help small firms. BBC News NI first spoke to the owners of Arcadia Deli in 2020 before the sea border started to be implemented. They have faced continuous struggles with the processes needed to get products from GB. Co-owner Laura Graham-Brown said that new sea border rules on parcels have made the situation much worse in the last month. "Our partners in England have decided they are not supplying Northern Ireland until further notice until they can get some clarification on how to make it easier," she said. "That is our biggest distributor so it is starting to tell on our counter as it becomes increasingly empty." She said she would welcome any deal that improves the situation but said something needs to change soon. "All we want to do is sell cheese and olives. In order to keep stocking our shelves we need something to happen fairly quickly," she said. There are no guarantees about the scope of the agreement being negotiated and, on its own, it would not eliminate the sea border. Stuart Anderson from NI Chamber of Commerce said businesses would take time to analyse the detail of any deal. "NI Chamber has been calling on the UK government to reach an agreement that is ambitious enough to substantially reduce bureaucracy for all operators in our agrifood supply chain," he said. It comes as a poll from Queen's University Belfast suggests dwindling unionist support for Northern Ireland's current Brexit deal, the Windsor Framework. Professor David Phinnemore said there was an "evident drop" in the already limited unionist support that exists for the Windsor Framework particularly among those identifying as "slightly unionist". Support among that group has fallen from 51% to 26% over the last year. Prof Phinnimore said: "If that trend is to be reversed, a closer UK-EU relationship needs to deliver on reducing obstacles to the GB-NI movement of goods." The Labour government made a manifesto commitment to seek a new agri-food agreement with the EU which, it said, would aim to "eliminate most border checks created by the Tory Brexit deal". The deal would apply to the UK as a whole but would have the biggest impact in Northern Ireland. That is because NI is still effectively inside the EU's single market for goods but its supermarkets are mainly supplied from the UK. The Centre for European Reform (CER), a think tank, said that an agri-food deal would not be of "great macroeconomic significance" for the UK as a whole but that NI would be a "major beneficiary". It added: "The closer UK regulations come to those of the EU, the less is the need for border controls on goods crossing the Irish Sea from Great Britain to Northern Ireland." The Irish Sea border continues to have an impact on Northern Ireland's politics and its economy. It came about as the result of a Brexit deal between the EU and UK in 2019, which was revised in 2023, and is now known as the Windsor Framework. It was agreed that the most practical way to keep the border open between NI and the Republic of Ireland was for NI to follow many EU laws on the regulation of goods. This means that goods coming from the rest of the UK into NI face checks and controls to ensure they meet EU rules. For many nationalists in NI, this is a necessary compromise to minimise the impact of Brexit on the island of Ireland. For many unionists it is a constitutional affront which undermines NI's place in the UK. The largest unionist party, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), prevented NI's power-sharing government from operating between 2022 and 2024 in protest. Agri-food deals from the EU fall into two broad categories: New Zealand-style or Swiss-style. The EU's deal with New Zealand means that each party recognises that the other has high food standards and so the frequency of checks on products and paperwork is reduced. However, New Zealand still sets its own standards and a proportion of goods are still checked as they enter the EU. By contrast there are no regulatory border controls for trade in agri-food products between Switzerland and the EU. But the Swiss only have this deal because they agreed to follow EU rules almost to the letter, without much say in setting those rules. Switzerland is obliged to modify its laws in response to changes in EU legislation, what is known as dynamic alignment, and accept oversight from the European Court of Justice. A Swiss-style deal would mean controls on GB food products entering NI could be effectively ended. The EU has previously said this deal would be on offer to the UK but the government had retained an ambivalent stance on whether it would accept this. However in recent weeks ministers have been careful not to rule it out. Such a deal will face opposition from Brexit supporters who say it would involve surrendering powers which were returned to the UK after it left the EU. The Irish Sea is really two borders. One deals with products' standards - making sure goods can be legally sold. The other deals with customs - making sure the correct tariffs have been paid. An agri-food deal would go a long way to removing the standards border but it would leave the customs border untouched. Businesses in GB would still have to make customs declarations for goods going to NI with the risk that goods would be delayed if the paperwork is incorrect. How the NI Protocol became the Windsor Framework New rules for GB to NI parcels to come into force What is the new Northern Ireland Brexit trade deal?
BBC News
18-05-2025
- Business
- BBC News
Brexit: UK-EU summit could 'reduce Irish Sea border impact'
A UK-EU summit is likely to pave the way for a deal which could substantially reduce the impact of the Irish Sea UK wants to reset its post-Brexit relationship with the European Union ( EU) after years of summit is expected to include an "agreement to agree" on trade issues, including the trade in food and agricultural a full agri-food deal follows, potentially later this year, that will reduce the need for checks and controls on products being sent from GB to Northern Ireland. It could mean the end of 'Not for EU' labelling and the removal of most physical checks on goods. One food business in Belfast said the reset cannot come soon enough and that immediate measures are needed to help small News NI first spoke to the owners of Arcadia Deli in 2020 before the sea border started to be implemented. They have faced continuous struggles with the processes needed to get products from Laura Graham-Brown said that new sea border rules on parcels have made the situation much worse in the last month. "Our partners in England have decided they are not supplying Northern Ireland until further notice until they can get some clarification on how to make it easier," she said."That is our biggest distributor so it is starting to tell on our counter as it becomes increasingly empty."She said she would welcome any deal that improves the situation but said something needs to change soon."All we want to do is sell cheese and olives. In order to keep stocking our shelves we need something to happen fairly quickly," she are no guarantees about the scope of the agreement being negotiated and, on its own, it would not eliminate the sea Anderson from NI Chamber of Commerce said businesses would take time to analyse the detail of any deal."NI Chamber has been calling on the UK government to reach an agreement that is ambitious enough to substantially reduce bureaucracy for all operators in our agrifood supply chain," he said. It comes as a poll from Queen's University Belfast suggests dwindling unionist support for Northern Ireland's current Brexit deal, the Windsor David Phinnemore said there was an "evident drop" in the already limited unionist support that exists for the Windsor Framework particularly among those identifying as "slightly unionist".Support among that group has fallen from 51% to 26% over the last Phinnimore said: "If that trend is to be reversed, a closer UK-EU relationship needs to deliver on reducing obstacles to the GB-NI movement of goods." What has the UK government said? The Labour government made a manifesto commitment to seek a new agri-food agreement with the EU which, it said, would aim to "eliminate most border checks created by the Tory Brexit deal".The deal would apply to the UK as a whole but would have the biggest impact in Northern is because NI is still effectively inside the EU's single market for goods but its supermarkets are mainly supplied from the Centre for European Reform (CER), a think tank, said that an agri-food deal would not be of "great macroeconomic significance" for the UK as a whole but that NI would be a "major beneficiary".It added: "The closer UK regulations come to those of the EU, the less is the need for border controls on goods crossing the Irish Sea from Great Britain to Northern Ireland." What is the Irish Sea border? The Irish Sea border continues to have an impact on Northern Ireland's politics and its came about as the result of a Brexit deal between the EU and UK in 2019, which was revised in 2023, and is now known as the Windsor was agreed that the most practical way to keep the border open between NI and the Republic of Ireland was for NI to follow many EU laws on the regulation of means that goods coming from the rest of the UK into NI face checks and controls to ensure they meet EU many nationalists in NI, this is a necessary compromise to minimise the impact of Brexit on the island of many unionists it is a constitutional affront which undermines NI's place in the largest unionist party, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), prevented NI's power-sharing government from operating between 2022 and 2024 in protest. How could an agri-food deal change things? Agri-food deals from the EU fall into two broad categories: New Zealand-style or EU's deal with New Zealand means that each party recognises that the other has high food standards and so the frequency of checks on products and paperwork is New Zealand still sets its own standards and a proportion of goods are still checked as they enter the contrast there are no regulatory border controls for trade in agri-food products between Switzerland and the the Swiss only have this deal because they agreed to follow EU rules almost to the letter, without much say in setting those is obliged to modify its laws in response to changes in EU legislation, what is known as dynamic alignment, and accept oversight from the European Court of Justice.A Swiss-style deal would mean controls on GB food products entering NI could be effectively EU has previously said this deal would be on offer to the UK but the government had retained an ambivalent stance on whether it would accept in recent weeks ministers have been careful not to rule it a deal will face opposition from Brexit supporters who say it would involve surrendering powers which were returned to the UK after it left the EU. What border processes would remain? The Irish Sea is really two deals with products' standards - making sure goods can be legally sold. The other deals with customs - making sure the correct tariffs have been agri-food deal would go a long way to removing the standards border but it would leave the customs border in GB would still have to make customs declarations for goods going to NI with the risk that goods would be delayed if the paperwork is incorrect.
