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Japan Forward
5 days ago
- Entertainment
- Japan Forward
NANBYO Day at Expo 2025: Taking On Rare Diseases Together, Joyfully and Inclusively!
このページを 日本語 で読む Let's all have fun thinking about it! Expo 2025 Osaka-Kansai, brought people together on May 23 in celebration of Japan's NANBYO Day and International Rare Disease Day (RDD Day). The event brought attention to the world's rare and intractable diseases. Supporters joined in the collaboration as patients performed songs and dances, sending out the message that "it's okay for each person to be different." Attending the event, her Imperial Highness Crown Princess Kiko joined in the singing. She also shared the words in her signature sign language, at which she excels. Afterward, she interacted with the patients and their families. Crown Princess Kiko exchanges comments with participants at NANBYO Rare Diseases Day on May 23 at Expo 2025, Osaka-Kansai. (©Sankei by Yasushi Kawamura) "For all of us, there are things we cannot do. But it's okay that we are all different," crooned singer-songwriter Ayako Ozawa from her wheelchair. She battles muscular dystrophy, an intractable disease that causes muscle weakness. Ayako Ozawa performing a song for NANBYO Day. (©Sankei by Yasushi Kawamura) Ozawa was diagnosed with muscular dystrophy at the age of 20. At one time, she had given up on finding a job, getting married, and having children. However, with the encouragement of those around her, she was able to accomplish all three. She found a job, got married, and became a mother. "I can't raise my arms, and there are many things I can't do," Ozawa told the crowd. "But it means a lot to let people know that we are all the same human beings at this Expo." Soprano Mamiko Sakaida, who has been diagnosed with Neuromyelitis Optica Spectrum Disorder (NMOSD), an autoimmune disease, also let her voice soar from her wheelchair. Mamiko Sakaida sings onstage from her wheelchair. (©JAPAN Forward by Mika Sugiura) Singer-songwriter Ayako Ozawa, smiling. (©JAPAN Forward by Mika Sugiura) "As the disease developed, I became paralyzed from the waist down," she said. "Through rehabilitation, I have recovered to the point where I can sing, but it still hurts as if I am being stabbed. There are friends in this venue who are suffering from the same disease. I want people to learn about this while they're at the Expo." Rare and intractable diseases are defined by their low prevalence and complex pathophysiology. These features often result in delayed treatment and hinder drug development. Meanwhile, there are approximately 7,000 rare diseases in the world, with an estimated 350 million patients. Many patients participated with their families. (©JAPAN Forward by Mika Sugiura) In 2016, an NGO focused on rare diseases was established within the United Nations. Its task: create a patient community and raise social awareness. Later, in 2024, Rare Diseases International, a rare disease patient association, was approved as an official partner of the World Health Organization. Wanting a "rare day" to bring attention to the disease annually, February 29 in leap years immediately came to mind. Taking it as a cue, February 28, the day before, was designated World Rare Disease Day. During the last week of February, special events featuring rare diseases and their victims were held around the world. EURODIS, a nonprofit alliance of rare disease patient organizations, hosted the global Rare Disease Day Event on February 28, 2022, at the Dubai Expo (October 2021-March 2022). This time, however, Expo 2025 Osaka-Kansai does not include the month of February. Japan, therefore, marked its international contribution by hosting NANBYO Day on May 23 to highlight rare diseases domestically. Patients and families participated together. (©JAPAN Forward by Mika Sugiura) Yukiko Nishimura, president of the NPO ASrid, played a key role in organizing the event. "This is the first time that an intractable diseases day event has been held at an expo in Japan," she said. "'Everyone' is the key word. It is an opportunity for patients, families, and supporters to come together and appeal to visitors. We hope people will begin thinking about intractable diseases in a more positive light." Patients, families, and high school students also participated in the NANBYO Day activities. They performed a play of their own composition and expressed their frank opinions. Takashi Hudson Naito gives his presentation at NANBYO Day. (©JAPAN Forward by Mika Sugiura) A high school senior from Osaka Jogakuin High School confided, "Grave's disease changed my appearance. I was trapped because people around me did not understand. "But I transferred to my current school and underwent surgery, and am now able to communicate with others," she added. "I want a society where people can have confidence in themselves and not be ostracized." Takashi Hudson Naito, a junior at Osaka's Nada High School, described his research on brainwaves using AI to determine emotional ups and downs. Naito has a chronic illness himself. "I wear a scarf on my head because I have no hair or eyelashes due to alopecia, the cause of which is unknown," he explained. His dream is to deepen his research and put it to practical use for patients suffering from incurable diseases. Participating high school students. (©JAPAN Forward by Mika Sugiura) The Expo is an international event that reflects the future of society. For high school students and those with rare diseases, it has also provided an opportunity to interact with other patients and their families while introducing the problem to the broader public. They want to keep the focus on "tomorrow." Meanwhile, they are spreading their optimism for discovering new treatments and solutions for rare and intractable diseases. High school students participate in a panel discussion on rare and intractable diseases on May 23 at Expo in Osaka-Kansai. (©JAPAN Forward by Mika Sugiura) This report was first published on May 30, on J apan 2 Earth , a JAPAN Forward website featuring Japan's initiatives on the SDGs. Author: Mika Sugiura このページを 日本語 で読む
Japan Forward
6 days ago
- Business
- Japan Forward
With a New Name, Dassai Evolves to Take Sake to the World
このページを 日本語 で読む On June 1, sake brewery Asahi Shuzo will officially change its name to DASSAI, aligning the company's corporate identity with its globally recognized flagship sake. It's a symbolic move, but one that speaks volumes about the company's ambitions. CEO Kazuhiro Sakurai reflects on the brand's evolution in an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward. He outlines its push into international markets and the company's commitment to redefining the potential for Japanese sake. Dassai CEO Kazuhiro Sakurai at the Tokyo Bar Show. (©JAPAN Forward) For Sakurai, the decision to rename the company isn't just about branding. It's about conviction. "As we expand globally, we want to go forward not as Asahi Shuzo, but as DASSAI," he explains. "When people hear 'Asahi Shuzo's DASSAI,' it sounds like DASSAI is just one brand among many. And if DASSAI doesn't do well, they might assume we'll just switch to another brand. But that's not who we are. We're committed to DASSAI. Even if we fail and need to try something different, we'll do so under this name." Such clarity and purpose have come to define DASSAI's identity. At its core, the brand is about pushing boundaries. "Japanese culture can be very conservative. There's often a belief that tradition must stay the same," says Sakurai. "But I believe tradition has to evolve. Culture only survives if it changes. That involves risk. You try, fail, correct your course, and try again. That's what we've done with sake. And I believe it's part of a larger pattern whereby Japan's traditional industries have helped shape our culture through the same cycle of repetition and refinement." That drive to evolve — and occasionally stumble — is also how DASSAI has managed to thrive internationally. The company is now one of the few Japanese sake brands with widespread global recognition. But as Sakurai relates, it hasn't been easy — and the road ahead won't be either. "There are two big challenges," he says. "The first is logistics. Sake is a brewed alcohol, like wine, but it's far more sensitive. Premium sake needs to be stored at or below five degrees Celsius and is best consumed fresh. Wine, on the other hand, often benefits from aging and can be stored at higher temperatures. That difference changes everything — how we ship, store, and present the product." Dassai CEO Kazuhiro Sakurai at the Tokyo Bar Show (©JAPAN Forward) The second challenge is how people perceive sake itself. "Many people outside Japan still see sake as something you only drink hot and only with sushi," he says. "That image is deeply ingrained, and it's limiting." Even in the United States, sake accounts for just 0.2% of the alcoholic beverage market. In Europe, it's even less. Changing those perceptions, Sakurai says, will take time — and a lot of glasses poured. So, how do you shift the world's view of sake? "There's no perfect strategy," Sakurai says with a smile. "We just want people to try it. When someone takes a sip of DASSAI and smiles, that's the beginning. It's about building fans, not just customers. And it's also about constantly talking with our partners overseas: What works? What doesn't? Let's adapt. It's a cycle of trial and error." Among DASSAI's lineup, DASSAI 23 stands out as its signature expression. It's also especially dear to Sakurai. "It started as something of a marketing challenge," he says. "My father wanted to make the most highly polished sake in the world. At the time, that meant reducing the rice grain to just 23% of its original size." Initially, some saw it as a gimmick. But as the team refined their brewing methods, they discovered something special: unmatched clarity, elegance, and depth. Dassai CEO Kazuhiro Sakura is also sharing tasting opportunities at Tokyo Bar Show. (©JAPAN Forward) "We believed in it, even when others didn't. Experts told us that polishing beyond 50% wouldn't make a difference. But we kept going. And now, 23 is everywhere for us — the date of our US sake brewery opening, our car license plates, even our wedding dates. For us, it's a significant number." This philosophy extends to DASSAI's taste profile: clean, refined, but never lacking in complexity. "There are what you might call 'sake connoisseur' opinions out there," Sakurai says. "But that's not what we focus on. To us, great sake is simply great — something anyone can easily appreciate. Our goal is to craft a sake that's both immediately delicious and endlessly rewarding, revealing new depths with every sip." More than anything, Sakurai wants people to feel happy when they drink DASSAI. "Yes, it's alcohol — people get tipsy. But it's more than just that. It connects people, enhances food with its flavor, and brings a sense of joy to the heart. That is our mission. Culture alone isn't enough if it doesn't bring happiness." With CEO Kazuhiro Sakurai, Dassai team members and friends, all at Tokyo Bar Show. (©JAPAN Forward) That idea — that culture and joy should go hand-in-hand — also fuels DASSAI's international mission. "We're not just exporting a product. At the heart of what we do is a desire to share Japanese craftsmanship and values with the world. We hope our journey, with all its challenges and missteps, can inspire other Japanese creators in fields like craft, cuisine, or art to take on their own bold challenges. Sakurai is quick to add that changing Japan's internal mindset is just as important as winning over global markets. "There's still this idea that Japanese things are for Japan only, that they don't need to change, or that change would dilute them. But I think Japanese craftsmanship has real potential overseas. We shouldn't shy away from that." He adds, "At the same time, we still have to keep evolving if we want to see that potential fully bloom. I hope that resonates with people." So, what does he want to see change? "I want people to break out of the old image: that sake can only be drunk hot, and only with Japanese food. It can be paired with oysters, ceviche, carpaccio, even blue cheese or dried mango. At sushi restaurants, it's become common to see wine or whiskey served. And yet, outside of Japanese cuisine, sake is still rarely chosen. " Dassai CEO Kazuhiro Sakurai at the Tokyo Bar Show. (©JAPAN Forward) With that, Sakurai returns to his central message: evolution. "Whether it's art, music, or literature, what survives is what changes. Even sake. As Dassai continues to evolve, it won't just be for ourselves. It's a journey we hope will inspire others in Japan." "We'll make mistakes," he says, "but we won't run away. That's why we're changing our company name. DASSAI is who we are. And we're taking it to the world." Dassai (formerly Asahi Shuzo Co Ltd) cooperated in the publication of this report . Author: Daniel Manning このページを 日本語 で読む
Japan Forward
28-05-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
The War Criminals Issue and Japan's Path to Legal Closure
Eighty years have passed since the end of World War II. Yet despite this major milestone, public debate over whether Japan's prime minister should visit Yasukuni Shrine has been unusually subdued compared to previous years. Opinions on the matter remain divided, and a national consensus is still lacking. However, there is one fact all Japanese should recognize: our predecessors settled the issue of war criminals. On August 15, 1945, the war came to an end. The San Francisco Peace Treaty was signed on September 8, 1951. As Professor Kazuo Sato, emeritus of Aoyama Gakuin University, writes in The New Edition of Collected Essays on Yasukuni : "Strictly speaking, war crimes trials — those dealing with violations of the laws of war — are conducted as part of a state's wartime actions (military operations). Typically, once a peace treaty comes into effect, the rulings of such tribunals lose their validity, unless the treaty contains specific provisions to the contrary." However, Article 11 of the San Francisco Peace Treaty was crafted precisely to override that norm. It stipulated that pardons, sentence reductions, or parole for convicted war criminals could not be determined by Japan alone. They required the approval of the Allied powers, along with a formal recommendation from the Japanese government. Visitors queue up in the summer heat to pay their respects. Yasukuni Shrine, August 15, 2024 (© JAPAN Forward by Daniel Manning) The peace treaty took effect on April 28, 1952, officially restoring Japan's sovereignty. Yet even then, 927 individuals remained imprisoned at Sugamo under Japanese control. Another 111 were still held in Muntinlupa Prison in the Philippines. In addition to these, 206 more were held on Manus Island in Australia, bringing the total to 1,244 people. "Why are these men still serving time if our sovereignty has been restored?" That question resonated with the public, sparking a nationwide wave of sympathy and calls for the release of war criminals. Leading the charge was the Japan Federation of Bar Associations (JFBA). On May 27, it established a Special Committee on War Criminal Releases. Less than a month later, on June 21, it issued a formal opinion titled Opinion regarding the recommendation for amnesty under Article 11 of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, urging the reluctant Ministry of Foreign Affairs to act swiftly and advocate full pardons to the relevant Allied nations. A nationwide signature campaign followed, reportedly gathering nearly 40 million signatures. In parallel, the National Diet overwhelmingly passed a series of resolutions: Resolution on the Release of Incarcerated War Criminals (June 9, 1952), the Pardon of Those Convicted of War Crimes (August 3, 1953), and the Release of Those Imprisoned for War Crimes (December 9, 1952). These coordinated efforts pushed the Japanese government to begin formally recommending full pardons to the Allied nations starting in June of that year. Legislative changes soon followed. The Act on Relief for Wounded and Sick Soldiers, War Bereaved Families, etc. , was amended to classify the deaths of convicted war criminals during imprisonment as "deaths in the line of duty." As a result, their families became entitled to survivor pensions and condolence payments. In addition, the Pension Act was also revised, allowing time served in prison to count toward pensionable service and improving benefits for both the inmates and their families. Below is an unofficial English translation of the full text of the House of Representatives resolution passed on August 3, 1953, titled Resolution on the Pardon of Those Convicted of War Crimes. Quoted as recorded in the official Diet proceedings, with original wording preserved, it captures the depth of public sentiment in Japan at the time. "As we approach the ninth anniversary of the end of the war on August 15, and more than fifteen months have passed since regaining independence, it is unbearable to the public's emotions that the heartfelt wish of our people, to see all those convicted of war crimes fully pardoned, remains unfulfilled. From the perspective of international friendship, this is truly regrettable. "Looking back on the progress of the war crimes issue since the peace treaty took effect, China, upon the enactment of the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty last August, executed a full pardon. France, in early June of this year, carried out a major commutation of sentences, releasing nearly all prisoners. Furthermore, on July 22, the Republic of the Philippines, through the resolute decision of President Quirino, welcomed home all Japanese prisoners. We celebrate these actions and express our heartfelt gratitude to the Australian government, which is set to repatriate all 165 prisoners from Manus Island on August 8. "The greatest obstacle lying across the path to resolving the war issue has thus been completely removed. We now find ourselves in a pivotal autumn, with the matter entering its final phase. Should we miss this opportunity to take appropriate and effective measures, we fear the psychological well-being of the remaining prisoners may deteriorate. "Therefore, for the sake of our nation's complete independence and in the interest of global peace and international amity, we firmly believe it is of urgent necessity to reach a full resolution. "Accordingly, we hereby strongly request the government to implement forceful, appropriate, and swift actions to bring about the full pardon of those convicted of war crimes. "We so resolve." The Allied nations responded differently to Japan's recommendations for full pardons. Both the United States and the United Kingdom, however, were not especially lenient. By contrast, the decision by Philippine President Elpidio Quirino to grant a full pardon left a profound impression on the Japanese people. In recognition of his act of compassion, a monument honoring Quirino now stands in Tokyo's Hibiya Park. It was the site of a national rally held to express public gratitude. Monument to Philippine President Elpidio Quirino in Tokyo's Hibiya Park (©Sankei by Makiko Takita) Inscribed on the monument are his words: "I should be the last one to pardon them as the Japanese killed my wife and three children and five other members of the family. I am doing this because I do not want my children and my people to inherit from me hate for people who might yet be our friends for the permanent interest of the country. After all, destiny has made us neighbors." All remaining prisoners at Sugamo were released on May 30, 1958, just ahead of the seventh anniversary of the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty. Their release, made possible only through the unanimous consent of all concerned nations, marked the formal resolution of the war crimes issue. The wartime classifications of Class A and B/C war criminals — imposed unilaterally by the victors — were, in effect, rendered null and void. Debate continues to surround the prime minister's visits to Yasukuni Shrine. They are often framed in terms of constitutional concerns or objections from China. But at its core, the issue is far more fundamental. It concerns how the living relate to the dead, including those who died in war. This deeper perspective was powerfully expressed by Jun Eto, a literary critic. Eto served on a private advisory panel on Yasukuni Shrine visits during the Yasuhiro Nakasone administration. In The New Edition of Collected Essays on Yasukuni (Kindai Shuppan, Yasukuni Ronshu – Shinpan, in Japanese), Eto later revealed that he regretted not resigning from the panel, having sensed from the beginning that its approach was fundamentally misguided. Eto argued that in matters such as official visits to Yasukuni, the central question should be: "The very nature of the nation itself — embracing its culture, traditions, and customs. It is about the accumulated way in which the Japanese people have lived and died in this country. In both the broadest and deepest sense, this is a question of Japanese culture." He continued: "Within that cultural framework, how have the dead been honored, and how have the living treated them? The real issue is whether those customs can still be carried out seamlessly today. In comparison, debates over how to interpret the current Constitution are nothing more than superficial distractions. "Even viewed as a political matter, the true responsibility of statesmen is to preserve and nurture Japanese culture. "If we understand the Liberal Democratic Party's call for official visits to Yasukuni Shrine in this light, then a government that refuses to take up that demand sincerely cannot be considered a legitimate government of Japan." Honoring and remembering those who died in war is a duty we bear as Japanese people. There should be no hesitation, no sense of guilt. We must not allow the tireless efforts of those who resolved the war crimes issue to be forgotten or cast aside. (Read the article in Japanese .) Author: Makiko Takita, The Sankei Shimbun
Japan Forward
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Conservatism or Collapse? Ex-PM Hwang Kyo-ahn's Warning Call
From Tokyo to Ottawa, Sydney to Washington, center-right conservatism appears to be in retreat. Across the democratic world, traditional moderates are being squeezed out by nationalist populists on one flank and ideological progressives on the other. South Korea is no exception. The last two general elections saw a crushing defeat for the conservative People Power Party. Two right-leaning presidents were impeached and ousted in less than 10 years. And now, with the June 3 snap presidential election looming, a staunchly left-wing candidate is leading the national polls. This moment represents a final reckoning in the eyes of Hwang Kyo-ahn, South Korea's former Prime Minister and Justice Minister. Hoping to revive what he sees as the true spirit of conservatism, Hwang has broken with his party and launched an independent run for the presidency. In an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward, Hwang reflects on his crusade to uphold embattled conservative values. He served as acting president during President Park Geun-hye's impeachment from 2016 to 2017. I left the People Power Party to run independently because my core values demand it. This campaign is about defeating anti-state forces, stopping election fraud, and building a truly free, liberal democracy. I concluded that these goals could no longer be achieved within the party. Hwang explains how alleged electoral fraud unfolded in South Korea. (©Kenji Yoshida) Right now, South Korea's conservative party appears either unwilling or unable to stand up to anti-state forces or rein in left-wing opposition. In fact, some lawmakers even supported President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment. Without their votes, he wouldn't have been ousted. More critically, today's conservatives suffer from a lack of strong leadership. Leaders like Rhee Syngman, Park Chung-hee, and Chun Doo-hwan once commanded authority and charisma. But after losing twice to the left in general elections, the conservative movement weakened. The breaking point came with President Park Geun-hye's impeachment in March 2017. Since then, the party has turned inward, prioritizing survival and personal interests over a unified conservative vision. South Korea is currently at the center of an ideological war. Since China's economic and military rise in the 2000s, more voices have emerged arguing that Seoul should pivot toward Beijing. During the consecutive left-wing administrations of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, pro-North and pro-China elements began to take root and gradually coalesced into a broader political force. Unlike neighboring Japan, South Korea has the unique experience of enduring the Korean War and national division. Geopolitically, it is situated closer to China and North Korea, and the influence of these regimes remains significant. Anti-state forces here are not only persistent, but they also systematically train and embed their people. Meanwhile, the conservative camp is unprepared. Focused mainly on economic revival, it has failed to engage in a serious ideological struggle. President Roh meets North Korea's Kim Jong-il for the 2007 Inter-Korea Summit (©Pool photo) President Moon with North Korea's Kim Jong Un at the 2018 inter-Korea Summit (©Blue House) We must first strengthen our traditional alliance with the United States and other like-minded partners. Simultaneously, we must cultivate a new generation of conservative leaders, politicians and intellectuals alike. Confronting the leftist and anti-Korea forces is also critical. I repeatedly urged the Yoon administration to address these threats head-on through investigations into former President Moon Jae-in and presidential frontrunner Lee Jae-myung. But they refused to listen. Without determination, we cannot restore the core conservative values of strong national security, liberal democracy, free and fair elections, a free market economy, and the rule of law. Achieving this vision is nearly impossible within the current People Power Party. It has become concerned with short-term gains rather than defending principles. Yet there is a glimmer of hope. Following the December 3 martial law declaration, public awareness has heightened. More citizens, especially the younger generation, are beginning to grasp the true stakes: the fragility of liberal democracy and the threat posed by anti-state forces. To win the June 3 presidential election, conservatives must consolidate their forces. That said, during my leadership years after President Park's impeachment, I learned that forced or superficial unity can be more harmful than helpful. At that time, I brought in figures like Yoo Seung-min, Lee Jeun-seok, and Lee Eun-joo to build a broad coalition. But this completely fell apart in the general election. I realized then that unity built on overlooking deep-rooted problems, like shielding problematic members, only fuels more discord. Kim Moon-soo visits Park Chung-hee's birthplace during his campaign in May (©Kim Moon-soo FB) Unity remains essential even now. However, third-party candidates like Lee Jeun-seok have clarified that he will not join hands. Forcing a coalition under these circumstances risks backfiring down the line. Fortunately, Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party is in strong form as the election approaches. His recent approval ratings have climbed nearly 40%, and he's rapidly closing the gap with Lee Jae-myung. If Lee becomes president, the relationship between Washington and Seoul will suffer greatly, and ties with Tokyo could face irreversible damage. With the opposition Democratic Party pushing legislation unchecked and Lee implicated in multiple crimes, the very foundation of the rule of law is at risk of collapse. Democratic Party lawmakers protest the Supreme Court's May 1 guilty ruling against Lee Jae-myung, who currently faces five separate criminal trials. (©Park Chan-dae FB) Having spent over 20 years as a public prosecutor, I have witnessed these threats unfold subtly and on a larger scale. If the left regains power this time, I fear conservative values may be lost forever. So far, media coverage has spotlighted allegations unfavorable to President Yoon, as most witnesses are coming from the prosecution side. These, of course, include claims that Yoon ordered the National Assembly blockade during martial law and the arrest of lawmakers. President Yoon has consistently denied these allegations. Once the prosecution concludes its case, the defense will present its witnesses, allowing for a comprehensive review and rebuttal of the testimonies made. I recently visited former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, detained over the December 3 martial law. His calm, fact-based account stood out, revealing many accusations against President Yoon as unfounded. Having served on Yoon's impeachment defense team and reviewed numerous undisclosed materials, I believe the court will ultimately deliver a just and favorable verdict. Author: Kenji Yoshida
Japan Forward
25-05-2025
- Business
- Japan Forward
Mieko Nakabayashi on 'Managing Risk, Not Fearing It'
このページを 日本語 で読む Japan faces population decline, labor shortages, geopolitical volatility, and climate threats. Political scientist and former Diet member Mieko Nakabayashi says it's time to rethink how the country approaches risk — and embrace it as a force for growth, not just a danger to avoid. She recently supervised the publication of Risk-Smart: Crisis Management as a Career Strategy ( 危機管理の基礎と実践―リスク管理は最強のキャリア術 , Sanwa, 2025, in Japanese) , a multi-author volume exploring how Japan can better navigate uncertainty across politics, business, and society. The book brings together experts from diverse fields and encourages a mindset shift: from avoiding risk to managing it strategically. In an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward, the Waseda University professor expands on the book's themes, offering practical insights into the country's labor challenges, security vulnerabilities, climate risks, and the cultural shift needed to face them. In conversation with Mieko Nakabayashi (©JAPAN Forward) "Japan is heading into an era of even steeper population decline," Nakabayashi warns. "With more elderly people and fewer young workers, we'll have to rethink who works — and how." This includes breaking from the traditional model that assumed women would stay at home. "We can't sustain the current standard of living unless women are fully part of the workforce," she explains. "And we'll also need to rely more on skilled foreign workers." Nakabayashi also calls for fundamental changes in corporate hiring and compensation. Japan's seniority-based, new graduate recruitment system must give way to a merit-based, skills-oriented approach. "The idea that everyone is treated equally after joining a company is outdated," she adds. "People need to keep upgrading their skills and be open to changing jobs if necessary." Changes in the United States, particularly leadership transitions that alter trade or security policy, are also a major external risk that Japan must prepare for. "The US is not just our biggest trading partner. It's our most important security ally. We rely on it for deterrence," she says. US President Donald Trump takes questions from reporters aboard Air Force One on February 9. (©AP via Kyodo News) Given Japan's position, surrounded by authoritarian powers like China, Russia, and North Korea, a sudden change in US posture could have profound consequences. "We can't avoid these risks," she states. "Instead, Japan needs to diversify its security and trade relationships, take more initiative, and prepare for a world where the US may not always take the lead." Rising rice prices and aging farmers have exposed another overlooked vulnerability: Japan's food supply. "We're seeing rice shortages now, and part of the reason may be flawed policies that restricted production," Nakabayashi says. With the average age of Japanese farmers nearing 70, she argues that simply aiming for food self-sufficiency is no longer realistic. Instead, Japan needs to "diversify its import sources" and avoid overreliance on any one country, including the US. "Of course, ideally we'd be self-sufficient," she adds. "But unless we reform how agriculture is managed — perhaps by consolidating farmland under corporations — that won't happen anytime soon." Stockpiled rice is transported out of a storage warehouse. March 2025, Saitama Prefecture. Nakabayashi points to climate change as another dimension of national security that already affects Japanese lives. "It's only May and we're already seeing people hospitalized for heatstroke," she says. "The summer will be worse." Rather than follow political cues from Washington, she believes Japan should lead by example. "We should work with developing countries and share our technology, especially with those likely to emit more CO2 in the future," she says. "Our responsibility is to prevent things from getting even worse." Crystal Sound, Antarctic Peninsula, a region experiencing the direct impacts of climate change. Turning to domestic threats, the Waseda professor highlights the rise of misinformation, especially among Japan's aging population. "Unlike in Finland or other Nordic countries, we don't teach people how to spot fake news," she explains. "And it's older people who are especially vulnerable. They'll watch one video after another without knowing who made them or whether the claims are true." She calls for broad-based education on media literacy, not just in schools, but through community programs and adult learning. "We need to give people the tools to question what they see. That's how we preserve freedom of speech without allowing disinformation to run wild." These themes, from economic and demographic risk to international strategy and climate, are at the heart of Risk-Smart . The book is structured in three parts. Historical approaches to risk in Japan are the focus of the first. In the second, academic perspectives and theory are laid out. And the third presents practical risk management solutions, drawing on essays from consultants, executives, and subject-matter experts. "I wanted to provide a 360-degree view — practical, historical, and strategic," she says. "The response has been especially strong from professionals — CEOs, risk consultants, leaders in both the private and public sectors," she notes. "But I want young people to read it too. Japan's future depends on their ability to adapt." Asked about Japan's so-called "zero-risk culture," Nakabayashi doesn't mince words: "Avoiding risk entirely is no longer possible." She emphasizes that risk isn't inherently bad. It's often a doorway to opportunity. "What we need now is a shift in mindset. Instead of asking how to eliminate risk, we should ask how to manage it, and sometimes even turn it into a chance for innovation." Her hope is that readers, especially the next generation, will come away with a new way of thinking: that risk is not something to be feared or ignored, but understood, anticipated, and used creatively. "Change is coming," Nakabayashi concludes. "And Japan can't afford to keep looking for perfect safety. We need to face the world as it is — complex, unstable, full of challenges — and prepare ourselves not to avoid risk, but to navigate it." Author: Daniel Manning このページを 日本語 で読む
