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News18
8 hours ago
- Politics
- News18
Balancing The Scales: BJP And The Politics Of OBC Representation
Last Updated: The OBC issue is no longer a footnote. It is the future of Indian politics. And for the BJP, the time to choose is now In the smoke and dust of Indian politics, where identity is often currency, the question of OBCs (Other Backward Classes) has returned to centre stage. As the BJP charts its future, the party's relationship with the OBC voter base stands at a critical inflection point. No party can afford to ignore this bloc, and the BJP, with its grand ambitions, must now navigate a delicate tightrope—balancing upper-caste legacy, backward-caste empowerment, and a shifting social landscape. OBC equation is more than just numbers At nearly 45 per cent of India's population, the OBCs are not a vote bank. They are the battleground. Their aspirations are not one-dimensional—they range from economic security and social dignity to political power and symbolic recognition. For decades, these communities were underrepresented in power structures. But over time, parties from the Mandal-era champions like the Janata Dal to regional leaders like Nitish Kumar and Mulayam Singh Yadav emerged from within their ranks. The BJP entered the OBC game late but aggressively. In the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Narendra Modi—himself an OBC—successfully crafted a narrative that bypassed traditional caste loyalties. He offered something different: a pan-Hindu identity laced with ambition and nationalism. 'Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas" resonated, especially among non-dominant, non-Yadav OBCs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, who felt excluded by earlier caste-based parties. The recent chorus for a nationwide caste census has thrown the BJP into a strategic bind. Mandal 2.0 is not about social justice alone—it is a demand for statistical truth, for a reordering of privilege. It pits the call for OBC-centric policies against a party structure that still draws much of its intellectual and organisational muscle from upper-caste networks. While regional allies and rivals have openly backed the caste census, the BJP has been hesitant. There's a reason. A full revelation of caste numbers could undermine the Hindu unity narrative. It could also expose the disparity between representation and population share—especially if dominant castes are shown to wield disproportionate political and bureaucratic power. The BJP's resistance is not just ideological but also tactical. The party knows that embracing the caste census may demand a restructuring of power within its own house. That kind of churn does not come easy. Shift must be silent Internally, the BJP has made overtures to the OBCs by creating OBC Morchas, expanding OBC quotas in educational and political institutions, and ensuring greater OBC representation in its ticket distribution. Leaders like Keshav Prasad Maurya, Sanjay Nishad, and Bhupendra Patel are meant to signal inclusivity. Yet, these are not organic mass leaders in the mould of Lalu Prasad Yadav or even Nitish Kumar. They are appointees, not products of long grassroots movements. Their influence often stops at the stage, not the street. Moreover, the party's increasing reliance on centralisation—with power flowing from the top down—has curbed the rise of assertive OBC voices from within. The BJP's core structure remains tightly controlled, and while it uses the language of social justice, its machinery often runs on a different fuel: loyalty, hierarchy, and central planning. A moment of reckoning The 2024 general elections revealed cracks in the OBC wall that the BJP had built. In states like Uttar Pradesh, the SP-Congress alliance made visible gains by framing the election as a battle between the oppressor and the marginalised. The optics were not just about policy but about voice—and its volume. About who speaks for the backward classes, and who speaks over them. Even within the NDA, tensions are rising. Allies like Nitish Kumar and other regional leaders demand more space and more say. They understand what the BJP does too: that OBC assertion is no longer just about welfare—it is about ownership of the national narrative. What might come next, one might ask? For the BJP, the road ahead involves hard choices. It can no longer afford to run on symbolism alone. The Modi-era social coalition—a mix of backward classes, aspirational youth, and nationalist pride—is ageing. The demand now is for deeper representation, structural fairness, and acknowledgement of historical imbalances. If the BJP resists these currents, it risks losing the very communities it once brought under its umbrella. If it embraces them, it will have to reimagine its ideological scaffolding—less about unity, and more about equity. The OBC issue is no longer a footnote. It is the future of Indian politics. And for the BJP, the time to choose is now. The author is a writer, social worker and a corporate learning and development expert. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. view comments First Published: Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Scroll.in
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
JD(U) MP gets show-cause notice for criticising Bihar voter revision
The Janata Dal (United) has issued a show-cause notice to its MP Giridhari Yadav after he publicly criticised the ongoing revision of electoral rolls in Bihar, calling it a 'Tughlaqi farman' or an arbitrary order, The Indian Express reported. The Janata Dal (United), headed by Nitish Kumar, is part of the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance. The show-cause notice, issued by the party's national general secretary Afaque Ahmad Khan, stated that Yadav's remarks came at a time when certain opposition parties were trying to discredit the Election Commission by raising doubts about electronic voting machines and the electoral process, ANI reported. The notice said that JD(U) has always stood by the poll body, both when it was part of the INDIA Opposition alliance and now as a member of the ruling National Democratic Alliance. 'In this context, your public comments on such a sensitive matter, especially in an election year, not only cause embarrassment to the party but also inadvertently lend credibility to baseless and politically motivated allegations made by the opposition,' the notice added. The Janata Dal (United) asked Yadav to respond within 15 days, saying that it could take disciplinary action against him if he fails to do so. JDU has issued a show-cause notice to party MP Giridhari Yadav over his statement on the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise in Bihar. The notice reads, "...Your public comments on such a sensitive matter, especially in an election year, not only cause embarrassment to the… — ANI (@ANI) July 24, 2025 Speaking outside Parliament on Wednesday, the Banka MP said the poll body has ' no practical knowledge ' of the history of Bihar and has ' forcefully imposed ' the revision of electoral rolls on the state's residents. Yadav clarified that the statement was his personal opinion. 'It took 10 days for me to collect all of my documents,' the MP told ANI. 'My son stays in America. How will he do the signatures in just a month?' He said that at least six months should have been given for the electoral roll revision. The revision of the electoral rolls in Bihar was announced by the Election Commission on June 24. As part of the exercise, persons whose names were not on the 2003 voter list will need to submit proof of eligibility to vote. This means that 2.9 crore out of the state's 7.8 crore voters – or about 37% of the electors – will have to submit documentary evidence. Voters born before July 1, 1987, must show proof of their date and place of birth, while those born between July 1, 1987, and December 2, 2004, must also submit documents establishing the date and place of birth of one of their parents. Those born after December 2, 2004, will need proof of date of birth for themselves and both parents. If the officers are satisfied with the details provided, the voters will be re-enrolled to a new voter list by electoral registration officers. If not, they will be removed from the voter lists. On July 2, eleven INDIA bloc parties told the Election Commission that the special intensive revision of Bihar's electoral rolls risked disenfranchising more than 2.5 crore voters, as they may not be able to produce the necessary documents. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar on July 6 defended the exercise, claiming that the exercise had to be carried out as no one was satisfied with the current voter rolls. Opposition leaders in the Bihar Assembly have been protesting against the ongoing exercise and demanding a discussion on it. On Wednesday, the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha also witnessed a ruckus over the exercise, with Opposition MPs shouting slogans in both Houses and demanding a rollback of the decision to review electoral rolls.
Hindustan Times
2 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
‘EC has no practical knowledge, took me 10 days to…': JDU MP on Bihar voter revision
A Janata Dal (United) MP, part of the ruling NDA alliance, has expressed strong reservations on the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists in Bihar, saying the Election Commission lacks practical knowledge of the state's history and geography. File photo of JDU MP Giridhari Yadav.(X/ANI) The remark comes at a time when the opposition parties, especially the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), have criticised the roll revision and demanded a discussion over the issue in the Parliament. JDU MP Giridhari Yadav criticized the EC's handling of the ongoing SIR, saying that the poll body lacks practical knowledge of Bihar's history and geography. He said that the one-month deadline for submitting documents is impractical and cited his personal experience of taking 10 days to collect the required documents. He highlighted the difficulties faced by migrant voters, including his own son who resides in America, in complying with the requirements within the given timeframe. "Election Commission has no practical knowledge. It neither knows the history nor the geography of Bihar. It took 10 days for me to collect all the documents. My son stays in America. How will he do the signatures in just a month? This (SIR) has been imposed on us forcefully," he said. He further said that the poll body should have allotted at least six months for the exercise. "At least 6 months' time should have been given for this... I am giving my personal opinion. It doesn't matter what the party is saying... This is the truth. If I can't say the truth, why have I become an MP?" he said. The remark comes even as the proceedings in the Parliament were disrupted on Wednesday as Opposition MPs demanded a discussion on the issue of Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in Bihar. On Tuesday too, the Parliament had witnessed several adjournments, mainly on SIR matter, and could not conduct any substantial business.
Scroll.in
2 days ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Bihar voter roll revision was ‘imposed on us', says JD(U) MP
The Election Commission has 'no practical knowledge' of the history of Bihar and has ' forcefully imposed ' the revision of electoral rolls on the state's residents, Janata Dal (United) MP Giridhari Yadav was quoted as saying by ANI on Wednesday. The Janata Dal (United) is a key ally of the Bharatiya Janata Party at the national level. Yadav clarified that the statement was his opinion. 'It took 10 days for me to collect all of my documents,' the MP told ANI. 'My son stays in America. How will he do the signatures in just a month?' He said that at least six months should have been given for the electoral roll revision. 'This is the truth,' he said. 'If I cannot say the truth, why have I become an MP?' #WATCH | Monsoon Session of Parliament |On SIR (Special Intensive Revision), JDU MP Giridhari Yadav, says "...Election Commission has no practical knowledge. It neither knows the history nor the geography of Bihar. It took 10 days for me to collect all the documents. My son… — ANI (@ANI) July 23, 2025 The revision of the electoral rolls in Bihar was announced by the Election Commission on June 24. As part of the exercise, persons whose names were not on the 2003 voter list will need to submit proof of eligibility to vote. This means that 2.9 crore out of the state's 7.8 crore voters – or about 37% of the electors – will have to submit documentary evidence. Voters born before July 1, 1987, must show proof of their date and place of birth, while those born between July 1, 1987, and December 2, 2004, must also submit documents establishing the date and place of birth of one of their parents. Those born after December 2, 2004, will need proof of date of birth for themselves and both parents. If the officers are satisfied with the details provided, the voters will be re-enrolled to a new voter list by electoral registration officers. If not, they will be removed from the voter lists. A draft roll will be published on August 1 and the final roll will be out on September 30. On July 2, eleven INDIA bloc parties told the Election Commission that the special intensive revision of Bihar's electoral rolls risked disenfranchising more than 2.5 crore voters, as they may not be able to produce the necessary documents. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar on July 6 defended the exercise, claiming that the exercise had to be carried out as no one was satisfied with the current voter rolls. Yadav's statement came days after the Telugu Desam Party, another key ally of the BJP, had asked the Election Commission to ' clearly state ' that the special intensive revision of voter rolls is not linked to citizenship verification. In a letter to the poll panel on July 15, the party also said that such exercises should be conducted with sufficient preparation time and 'ideally not within six months of any major election'. The Opposition leaders in the Bihar Assembly have been protesting against the ongoing exercise and demanding a discussion on it. On Wednesday, the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha also witnessed a ruckus over the exercise, with Opposition MPs shouting slogans in both Houses and demanding a rollback of the decision to review electoral rolls, reported The Indian Express. 'We are continuously demanding a discussion on this in Parliament, but that demand is not being accepted,' Congress leader Pawan Khera was quoted as saying by ANI. 'We ask questions to the Election Commission, but the BJP answers. This is a unique tradition that has started now.'
Time of India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
From JD to BJP and out: It's Dhankhar's turn
New Delhi: In a strange coincidence, the abruptly-resigned vice-president Jagdeep Dhankhar is only the latest case of a bunch of political travellers -- with roots in the perennially bickering erstwhile Janata Dal (JD) mob -- who had travelled into the BJP , to bag prized posts in the Narendra Modi establishment only to be ejected at the sight of crossing the line or error of judgement. Ex-JD-Congressman Dhankhar, who progressed from the West Bengal Raj Bhavan to the Vice-President's office, shares the same zig-zag journey of fellow 'Jat farmer leader' Satyapal Malik , a former JD leader who moved to the BJP and held gubernatorial offices in Bihar, J&K, Odisha, Goa and Meghalaya during the Modi regime only to end up with a bitter and noisy parting. Many in the Opposition are now watching whether Dhankhar too will make noises or opt to play it safe. It was often said that in the post-2014 BJP surge propelled by the Modi effect, the premium was on ideological alignment and Sangh Parivar grooming, from ABVP-Yuva Morcha upwards, to be considered for key posts in the Centre, and flourish -- with a few exceptions for technocrats with ministerial briefs. Yet, some political aberrations became notable for the way they flourished in the BJP, mostly from the JD background, and some converts from the Congress. Yet, many of them eventually got grounded mostly for apparently failing to master the temperament and instincts of 'the homegrown'. However, a colleague of Dhankhar and Mallik in the Janata Dal platform, who too later moved to the BJP ecosystem, is Arif Mohd Khan , who is going steady in the Modi regime as a rare governor, who got a second posting -- that too in poll-bound Bihar -- after completing a full-term in Kerala. In between, the Modi regime also entered into an ambitious ruling coalition experiment in J&K with yet another Congressman turned Janata Dal-turned PDP leader Mufti Mohd Sayed, who was also with Khan in the VP Singh-floated Jan Morch (of Congress rebels) against Rajiv Gandhi regime, but that coalition in Srinagar unravelled due to in-built contradictions after Mehbooba Mufti became CM after her father's untimely death. Yet another JD-pedigreed man who found short-term luck as CM of Karnataka was Basavraj Bommai, son of former JD national president SR Bommai, who led the BJP to defeat. Incidentally, a BJP leader, who had held key ministerial posts in the Vajpayee regime and who later made a lot of noise when a 'marg darshak mandal' was created for 75+ old BJP leaders post-2014, was Yashwant Sinha, who too had travelled into the BJP from Janata Dal (from its Chandra Shekhar faction). It was from the Janata Dal camp that Maneka Gandhi (along with her son Varun) joined the BJP with much fanfare as the 'other half of the Gandhi family' during the Vajpayee-Advani era and flourished long before they were denied election tickets and grounded recently. Live Events Among the Congress converts to the BJP post-2014, Himanta Biswa Sarma is perceived to be the most flourishing one so far, as the party's CM of Assam and a pointsman for the Northeast. Many others, including original Team Rahul members Jyotiraditya Scindia, Jatin Prasada and RPN Singh, thrive in the Modi establishment as ministers and legislators.
