Latest news with #JohnBarrasso
Time of India
27-05-2025
- Automotive
- Time of India
Republican vote against EV mandate felt like an attack on California
There is little question that California leaders already see fossil fuels as a relic of the past. At the Southern California headquarters of the state's powerful clean-air regulator, the centerpiece art installation depicts in limestone a petrified gas station. Fuel nozzles lie on the ground in decay, evoking an imagined extinction of gas pumps. For more than a half-century, the federal government has allowed California to set its own stringent pollution limits, a practice that has resulted in more efficient vehicles and the nation's most aggressive push toward electric cars. Many Democratic-led states have adopted California's standards, prompting automakers to move their national fleets in the same direction. With that unusual power, however, has come resentment from Republican states where the fossil fuel industry still undergirds their present and future. When Republicans in Congress last week revoked the state's authority to set three of its mandates on electric vehicles and trucks, they saw it not just as a policy reversal but as a statement that liberal California should be put in its place. "We've created a superstate system where California has more rights than other states," Rep. Morgan Griffith, R-Va., who represents rural southwestern Virginia, said in an interview. "My constituents think most folks in California are out of touch with reality. You see this stuff coming out of California and say, 'What?'" Federal law typically preempts state law under the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution. But in 1967, the federal government allowed smoggy California to receive waivers from the Environmental Protection Agency to enact its own clean-air standards that were tougher than federal limits, because the state historically had some of the most polluted air in the nation. Federal law also allows other states to adopt California's standards as their own under certain circumstances. California has used that authority to build one of the world's most powerful environmental agencies, the California Air Resources Board . The board now regulates the airborne emissions released by everything from perfumes to power plants. Products that repeatedly fail to comply with its standards can be barred from sale in the state. So many consumers live in California or in states such as New York and Pennsylvania that adopt the same standards that manufacturers see little to be gained by making their products in two versions, one to satisfy those states' rules and another for the rest of the country. So, California's requirements often become de facto national standards. The policy that has drawn the most Republican opposition has been California's mandate to ban the sale of new gasoline-powered vehicles starting in 2035. Republicans, whose party has strong ties to the oil industry, spoke last week about why EVs would be impractical for their constituents. Sen. John Barrasso, R-Wyo., the second-ranking Republican in the Senate, said on the floor that EVs' limited range made them unsuitable for farmers, ranchers and others in his rural state who must drive long distances each day. Although California's rules would not bar the sale of gasoline-powered vehicles anywhere else, Barrasso and other Republicans suggested that without the California market, manufacturers would curb their production. "Every American would lose options -- whether you live in California or not," Barrasso said. "California's EV mandates ban the sale of gas-powered cars and trucks. No more in America. Can you imagine that in Oklahoma or my home state of Wyoming?" Their arguments also ventured into the ideological realm. In floor arguments and in statements to The New York Times, Republican lawmakers spoke of what the technology -- and California -- represented to the wider populace. "The American public on Election Day rejected the liberal agenda of California, whether it comes to EVs, whether it comes to open borders, whether it comes to sanctuary cities, a sanctuary state, their efforts to defund police," Barrasso said in his floor speech. Other Republican lawmakers condemned what they called California's "extreme environmental agenda." Rep. Troy Nehls, R-Texas, said in a statement that the "radical liberal state of California" should not be governing for the "hardworking patriots in my district." Nehls is the House author of the Stop California from Advancing Regulatory Burden Act of 2025. It is otherwise known as the Stop CARB Act, an indication of just how large California's air board -- known by its initials, CARB -- looms in the eyes of Republicans. That bill, which would repeal the section of the Clean Air Act that lets California get waivers to set its own regulations, is pending in the House, as is a similar measure in the Senate. In the 1960s and 1970s, the smog in Los Angeles was so thick that the giant Hollywood sign often could not be seen from just a few miles away. Over the years, CARB sharply reduced the state's pollution problem by enacting stringent rules, many of which were eventually adopted nationwide. California's regulatory climate encouraged technical innovations such as the low-emission engine that Honda produced in the 1970s; the three-way catalytic converter with an oxygen sensor that Volvo pioneered later that decade; and Tesla's popularization of EVs.
Yahoo
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Filibuster takes center stage as GOP tees up vote to nix California EV rule
The filibuster is under the microscope again as Senate Republicans voted to overturn a federal regulation and nix California's vehicle emissions standards, forcing the party to defend the maneuver in the face of Democratic claims they have set a new standard on the 60-vote rule. Senate GOP members on Thursday voted to strike down federal waivers granted by the Biden administration that would have allowed the state to phase out gas-powered cars over the next decade via the Congressional Review Act (CRA). They did so despite the Government Accountability Office (GAO) ruling that the waivers don't qualify as rules under the CRA — which the Senate parliamentarian agreed with. The move allowed Republicans to overturn the waivers with a simple majority, rather than the 60-vote threshold for most legislative items. In the process, it also renewed chatter about the filibuster. But Republicans insist they are not chipping away at the tradition, despite Democratic outcries. 'The Environmental Protection Agency submitted these rules as rules to Congress this year after being released by the Biden administration in its last days in office. That is a fact,' Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) said on the floor Wednesday morning. 'Under the Congressional Review Act, that makes them subject to review. Period. End of story. The GAO has no veto power over the Senate. Not from the Congressional Review Act. Not under the Senate Rules. Not under Senate precedent,' Barrasso continued, accusing Democrats of using 'scare tactics' in response to the GOP challenge of the GAO stance. The battle has been brewing for months, dating back to the Environmental Protection Agency giving California the waivers just before former President Biden left office, leading the House to vote on the CRA earlier this month. Nearly three dozen Democrats voted with every Republican to pass it. The Senate GOP, however, has been gearing up for this fight for weeks in the face of criticism that it is walking back on its oft-made vows to protect the three-fifths vote figure, which was a hallmark of Senate Majority Leader John Thune's (R-S.D.) bid for leader. Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), the Republican leader throughout the filibuster fights in recent years, backed the effort too, telling GOP members that this was different from the Democratic attempt to scuttle it three years ago. This helped assuage nervous members, leading to the 51-44 vote along party lines on Thursday. 'This is an uncomfortable place to be,' Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) conceded, before defending the push and saying that this is about the upper chamber reasserting its authority over the GAO rather than anything to do with the parliamentarian. 'If we don't do this … then we have empowered the GAO more than anybody's envisioned, and you can be damned sure that Democrats and Republicans are going to abuse it,' he said ahead of the vote. Underscoring that uneasy feeling, Thune made a number of floor maneuvers Wednesday night that allowed the party to avoid a direct clash with the parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough. Instead of overruling her, Thune brought the GOP-led electric vehicles resolution to the floor to pose a number of questions to the chamber. This kept the ruling out of MacDonough's hands and, in the process, boosted members who were uncomfortable with the prospect of a direct confrontation. Leaders, though, insisted it was a limited and narrow precedent related only to the GAO and has nothing to do with the parliamentarian in this situation. 'The question before the body is, is the GAO going to decide this or not?' Thune told Punchbowl News. 'For the most part, our members feel comfortable saying this is something Congress ought to be heard on.' Democrats throughout have been accusing Republicans of abusing the filibuster despite their repeated attempts to weaken it in recent years. 'It's going nuclear — plain and simple. It's overruling the parliamentarian,' Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) told reporters. 'What goes around, comes around.' Every sitting Senate Democrat has thrown their weight behind changing the rules in some way when they win back control, headlined by Schumer, who made a concerted push to change the rules in 2022 to enshrine voting rights. It's also not the first time Republicans have been accused of sidestepping the parliamentarian in this Congress alone. The party has indicated it believes Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) as Budget Committee chair has the ability to rule on Republicans' use of the current policy baseline to score the pending tax cut package, instead of the parliamentarian. The filibuster has endured a tortured history throughout the past decade and a half, with both parties chipping away at it in various ways. Former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) invoked the 'nuclear' option, nixing the 60-vote threshold for most judicial and executive branch nominees after Republicans blocked scores of Democratic appellate court nominees. McConnell told Democrats they would reap what they sewed — and followed suit four years later by eliminating the filibuster for Supreme Court nominees. Most recently, Democrats attempted their voting rights carve-out in 2022, which would have further eroded the rule. That attempt failed, as then-Democratic Sens. Kyrsten Sinema (Ariz.) and Joe Manchin ( declined to side with the conference. Throughout the week, California Democratic members also made clear their anger over the vote, which they argue targets an individual state and its abilities to govern. 'Today, it is California and our ability to set our own air quality standards. But tomorrow, it can be your own state's priorities made into a target by this vote to open the Pandora's Box of the Congressional Review Act,' Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) said earlier last week. Nevertheless, Republicans made clear they have little appetite to listen to what they view as pure hypocrisy and the minority party talking out of both sides of their mouth. 'They're not the same thing. Everybody knows they're not the same thing. [Democrats] are going to do whatever Democrats do with the filibuster when they take charge,' said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.). 'They're all committed to eliminating the filibuster. … We're not eliminating the filibuster.' 'I don't worry about it,' he said about the GOP even giving off the appearance of nipping away at it. 'You can't be afraid of appearances and illusions in this business, or you're too weak to be in this business.' Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
26-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Filibuster takes center stage as GOP tees up vote to nix California EV rule
The filibuster is under the microscope again as Senate Republicans voted to overturn a federal regulation and nix California's vehicle emissions standards, forcing the party to defend the maneuver in the face of Democratic claims they have set a new standard on the 60-vote rule. Senate GOP members on Thursday voted to strike down federal waivers granted by the Biden administration that would have allowed the state to phase out gas-powered cars over the next decade via the Congressional Review Act (CRA). They did so despite the Government Accountability Office (GAO) ruling that the waivers don't qualify as rules under the CRA — which the Senate parliamentarian agreed with. The move allowed Republicans to overturn the waivers with a simple majority, rather than the 60-vote threshold for most legislative items. In the process, it also renewed chatter about the filibuster. But Republicans insist they are not chipping away at the tradition, despite Democratic outcries. 'The Environmental Protection Agency submitted these rules as rules to Congress this year after being released by the Biden administration in its last days in office. That is a fact,' Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso (R-Wyo.) said on the floor Wednesday morning. 'Under the Congressional Review Act, that makes them subject to review. Period. End of story. The GAO has no veto power over the Senate. Not from the Congressional Review Act. Not under the Senate Rules. Not under Senate precedent,' Barrasso continued, accusing Democrats of using 'scare tactics' in response to the GOP challenge of the GAO stance. The battle has been brewing for months, dating back to the Environmental Protection Agency giving California the waivers just before former President Biden left office, leading the House to vote on the CRA earlier this month. Nearly three dozen Democrats voted with every Republican to pass it. The Senate GOP, however, has been gearing up for this fight for weeks in the face of criticism that it is walking back on its oft-made vows to protect the three-fifths vote figure, which was a hallmark of Senate Majority Leader John Thune's (R-S.D.) bid for leader. Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), the Republican leader throughout the filibuster fights in recent years, backed the effort too, telling GOP members that this was different from the Democratic attempt to scuttle it three years ago. This helped assuage nervous members, leading to the 51-44 vote along party lines on Thursday. 'This is an uncomfortable place to be,' Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) conceded, before defending the push and saying that this is about the upper chamber reasserting its authority over the GAO rather than anything to do with the parliamentarian. 'If we don't do this … then we have empowered the GAO more than anybody's envisioned, and you can be damned sure that Democrats and Republicans are going to abuse it,' he said ahead of the vote. Underscoring that uneasy feeling, Thune made a number of floor maneuvers Wednesday night that allowed the party to avoid a direct clash with the parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough. Instead of overruling her, Thune brought the GOP-led electric vehicles resolution to the floor to pose a number of questions to the chamber. This kept the ruling out of MacDonough's hands and, in the process, boosted members who were uncomfortable with the prospect of a direct confrontation. Leaders, though, insisted it was a limited and narrow precedent related only to the GAO and has nothing to do with the parliamentarian in this situation. 'The question before the body is, is the GAO going to decide this or not?' Thune told Punchbowl News. 'For the most part, our members feel comfortable saying this is something Congress ought to be heard on.' Democrats throughout have been accusing Republicans of abusing the filibuster despite their repeated attempts to weaken it in recent years. 'It's going nuclear — plain and simple. It's overruling the parliamentarian,' Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) told reporters. 'What goes around, comes around.' Every sitting Senate Democrat has thrown their weight behind changing the rules in some way when they win back control, headlined by Schumer, who made a concerted push to change the rules in 2022 to enshrine voting rights. It's also not the first time Republicans have been accused of sidestepping the parliamentarian in this Congress alone. The party has indicated it believes Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) as Budget Committee chair has the ability to rule on Republicans' use of the current policy baseline to score the pending tax cut package, instead of the parliamentarian. The filibuster has endured a tortured history throughout the past decade and a half, with both parties chipping away at it in various ways. Former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) invoked the 'nuclear' option, nixing the 60-vote threshold for most judicial and executive branch nominees after Republicans blocked scores of Democratic appellate court nominees. McConnell told Democrats they would reap what they sewed — and followed suit four years later by eliminating the filibuster for Supreme Court nominees. Most recently, Democrats attempted their voting rights carve-out in 2022, which would have further eroded the rule. That attempt failed, as then-Democratic Sens. Kyrsten Sinema (Ariz.) and Joe Manchin ( declined to side with the conference. Throughout the week, California Democratic members also made clear their anger over the vote, which they argue targets an individual state and its abilities to govern. 'Today, it is California and our ability to set our own air quality standards. But tomorrow, it can be your own state's priorities made into a target by this vote to open the Pandora's Box of the Congressional Review Act,' Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) said earlier last week. Nevertheless, Republicans made clear they have little appetite to listen to what they view as pure hypocrisy and the minority party talking out of both sides of their mouth. 'They're not the same thing. Everybody knows they're not the same thing. [Democrats] are going to do whatever Democrats do with the filibuster when they take charge,' said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.). 'They're all committed to eliminating the filibuster. … We're not eliminating the filibuster.' 'I don't worry about it,' he said about the GOP even giving off the appearance of nipping away at it. 'You can't be afraid of appearances and illusions in this business, or you're too weak to be in this business.'
E&E News
20-05-2025
- Automotive
- E&E News
Senate still in limbo on California EPA waivers
Senate Majority Whip John Barrasso and other top Republicans have been predicting action this week on legislation to kill California's new vehicle emissions limits. But the man who sets the chamber's calendar, Majority Leader John Thune, doesn't appear ready to pull the trigger on defying the parliamentarian to achieve a goal popular with Republicans and some Democrats. 'No announcements to make,' Thune said when asked about the issue Monday. 'If and when we're able to move, you'll know it.' Advertisement The House already passed three Congressional Review Act resolutions against Biden administration EPA waivers for California's rules, including mandates that would phase out gasoline-powered cars.
Axios
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Axios
Inside the Senate GOP's push to ignore the parliamentarian
Senate GOP Whip John Barrasso urged his colleagues in a closed door lunch on Tuesday to ignore the GAO and Senate rule keeper to undo a California energy policy, Axios has learned. Why it matters: Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) did not announce any final decision. But Barrasso (R-Wyo.) told reporters after the meeting that the Senate will vote on the controversial measure next week. How and when exactly this will all go down is still unclear. Driving the news: Barrasso and Senate Environment and Public Works Chair Shelley Moore Capito ( gave presentations at the lunch, arguing for moving forward with the CRA to undo a California waiver that would eventually ban gas-powered vehicles, attendees tell Axios. At least one key player backed them up: Rules Chair Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), a vocal defender of Senate precedent and the filibuster, sources said. Most GOP senators expressed support, though some still have questions. Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) told reporters that she would be meeting with Capito to discuss the move today. "I certainly support the intent of it. There's some procedural issues," she said. Between the lines: Democratic leaders are warning already that such a move would amount to a "nuclear option," blowing up how the Senate can use the Congressional Review Act to undo all kind of policies. "Republicans are now considering overruling Ms. MacDonough, essentially going nuclear and throwing out the rule book in order to get their way," Sen. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.) wrote in a Tuesday Wall Street Journal op-ed.
