Latest news with #Jounieh


The National
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- The National
Elie Saab's son weds at sparkling three-day celebration in Lebanon
Celio Saab, son of the Lebanese couturier Elie Saab, married his fiancee, Zein Qutami, in Lebanon. Surrounded by friends and family, the pair exchanged vows at the historic Bkerke church in Jounieh, followed by a glittering reception as part of the three-day celebration. The bride, of course, wore Elie Saab. With a fashion designer as her new father-in-law, all eyes were on Qutami and her outfits for the each of the events. For the pre-wedding party, which kicked off the three-day event, Qutami wore a fitted champagne-toned dress, with a beaded bodice and a floor-length, pleated skirt, paired with a matching sheer cape hanging from her shoulders. The groom, meanwhile, wore a single-breasted taupe suit with an open-necked shirt. For the wedding day, the bride wore two looks. She arrived at the church on the arm of her father, wearing a shimmering, off-the-shoulder, silver embellished gown with long sleeves. Fully fitted, the dress featured an overskirt that extended into a cathedral-length train, and was finished with a large ivory bow at the back. Over this, Qutami wore a gossamer veil that was the length of the train. She finished the look with a small bouquet of white and silver flowers, emerald-cut drop diamond earrings and a small headpiece. For the evening event, the bride switched into a champagne-coloured gown, with a similar full skirt and vertical lines of silver beading. She wore a matching veil and carried a small bouquet of tonal flowers. The look was finished with the same diamond earrings. Her husband wore a formal black tuxedo to both events. For the third day of celebrations, Qutami wore a strapless, sweetheart-cut dress in powder blue, which also featured intricate beading. Her husband, meanwhile, arrived looking relaxed wearing all black, wearing a jacket over a T-shirt. In addition to creating the bridal gowns for his new daughter-in-law, Elie Saab also dressed many of the high-profile guests in attendance. Yemeni-Emirati singer Balqees Fathi wore a rose gold beaded and sequinned strapless gown to attend the wedding. "What a magical night," she wrote on Instagram in a post congratulating the couple. Also in attendance was Lebanese singer Nancy Ajram, who wore a fitted, cap-sleeved gown with rich gold sequins and beads. Other guests included influencer Karen Wazen, who arrived in a mustard yellow, halter-neck look with dramatic slashed sleeves, as well as television host Jessica Azar, who wore a black look, made of horizontal bands of cross-hatched beading. Lebanese actress Nadine Nassib Njeim was also in attendance. Singer Assi El Hallani shared videos of himself serenading the happy couple at the wedding. The lavish event is the first high-profile Saab family wedding since Elie Saab Jr married Christina Mourad in 2019. The pair have since had two children, Sophia, four, and Elie, two. Celio is the middle son of Elie and Claudine Saab. The newlywed couple met in Dubai in 2021 and they continue to live in the UAE.


LBCI
15-07-2025
- LBCI
Lebanon's Press Club condemns assault on journalist Petra Abou Haidar, calls for accountability
Lebanon's Press Club issued a strong condemnation Tuesday following the assault on journalist Petra Abou Haidar, urging security forces to identify, arrest, and refer the perpetrators to the judiciary for proper punishment. 'There must be stricter measures to pursue those who attack citizens and hold them accountable so that such unacceptable behavior is not repeated.' Abou Haidar, a news reporter and anchor at LBCI, was physically assaulted by a man and a woman riding a motorcycle in the Jounieh area. The woman reportedly got off the motorcycle and began beating and biting Abou Haidar, who is eight months pregnant. The recent incident has raised serious concerns about public safety and growing acts of aggression on Lebanon's roads, highlighting the urgent need for stricter enforcement and accountability.

LBCI
15-07-2025
- LBCI
Pregnant journalist Petra Abou Haidar attacked in road rage assault
In a shocking act of violence, LBCI journalist Petra Abou Haidar, who is eight months pregnant, was physically assaulted by a man and a woman riding a motorcycle with no license plate in Jounieh. The assailants accused her of cutting them off in traffic before blocking her car and launching an attack. The woman reportedly got off the motorcycle and began beating and biting Abou Haidar in an incident that has raised serious questions about public safety and unprovoked aggression on the roads. The assault, described as both inhumane and alarming, underscores what many say is a rising trend of lawlessness and unchecked hostility. Abou Haidar documented the incident in a series of videos clearly showing the faces of the two attackers and has filed an official complaint with the Jounieh police station. LBCI is calling on anyone who can identify the individuals involved to come forward and contact its social media accounts to assist security forces in the investigation.

LBCI
20-06-2025
- Automotive
- LBCI
Major traffic accident involving six vehicles at Nahr El Kalb tunnel—Video
A major traffic accident involving six vehicles occurred near the Nahr El Kalb tunnel in the direction of Jounieh on Friday. The incident has caused heavy traffic congestion in the area, with emergency services working to clear the scene. Authorities are urging drivers to seek alternative routes. A post shared by LBCI Lebanon News (@lbcilebanonnews)


The National
04-06-2025
- Business
- The National
Back to square one: Lebanon's local elections have taken the country in the wrong direction
Lebanon recently finished the last round of its municipal elections, and the message was not reassuring. Lists backed by the country's sectarian political parties were largely victorious. This anticipates a period of continued polarisation at a time when Lebanon needs to be unified around a project to benefit from the changing dynamics in the Middle East. Writing in the US-based International Policy Digest, Mohammad Fheili, executive in residence at the American University of Beirut, expressed a more general mood in Lebanon about where the country was going. Commenting on US President Donald Trump's recent tour of the Middle East, Mr Fheili noted that 'Lebanon [was] conspicuously absent from the conversation. Lebanon wasn't simply left off the agenda. It seems to have vanished from it altogether'. The mood among leading parties inside Lebanon seems blithely detached from the broader shifts in the region. The main Christian political party, the Lebanese Forces, took pride in its victories in the towns of Jounieh and Zahleh, while doing well in other Christian bastions. For the party's leader, Samir Geagea, this bodes well for parliamentary elections next year, when the Lebanese Forces hope to form an even larger bloc than the one they have today. Of particular urgency for Mr Geagea is not only to marginalise the Free Patriotic Movement led by Gebran Bassil, but also to push back against any potential electoral challenge by candidates supported by President Joseph Aoun, whom Mr Geagea quietly regards as a rival. Candidates backed by Hezbollah and the allied Amal Movement did well in the south and in the Baalbek-Hermel regions, but that was expected. Following the recent military defeat of Hezbollah by Israel, it was not likely that voters would oppose the party, displaying divisions that would only compound the Shiite community's setbacks because of the war. Similarly, in other areas, candidates backed by the political class did well. This was less visible in the Sunni community, given that Saad Hariri, once the dominant communal representative, failed to engage with the elections. However, renewed Saudi interest in Lebanon, albeit limited, and the downfall of the Assad government in Syria have helped revive a community that had often felt sidelined during the years of Hezbollah's hegemony. Yet if the elections were largely interpreted in domestic political terms by the sectarian political parties, Mr Fheili's doubts were reaffirmed when it comes to the region. A fragmented country, led by self-interested political parties focused on short-term gains to secure communal ascendancy, is hardly one optimally prepared for regional transformations. There may be exceptions to this. As my colleague Maha Yahya of Carnegie has noted, Mr Trump's decision to lift sanctions on Syria may have positive repercussions on Lebanon's banking lobby, which has systematically blocked financial reforms, fearing that banks may be forced to bear the greatest burden of losses from the financial collapse of 2019-2020. Today, if reconstruction resumes in Syria, Lebanon's banking sector anticipates playing a major role in the process. However, this can happen only if it agrees to a restructuring, allowing banks to refloat themselves. Until now, there has been resistance in the sector, both because there has been no agreement over who – banks, the state, or the central bank – would cover the largest share of losses and because restructuring may eliminate several banks. The reality is that many nations appear to have lost patience with Lebanon, which over the years has thwarted numerous efforts to reform its economy. The country is a graveyard for new approaches, as it remains under the thumb of political, financial and commercial cartels that unfailingly shoot down most ideas aiming to break a debilitating stalemate. Yet the message in Mr Trump's visit to the region was fairly evident. He seeks a world in which economic relations and self-interest prevail, but also, it seems, one in which China, Russia and the US have their spheres of influence. If that's his vision, the Middle East will remain an area of competition between the US and China, which implies that the countries of the region have much to gain by positioning themselves between rival superpowers. Yet Lebanon, once the quintessential middle-man country, is devoid of ideas, and is struggling with a geopolitical situation that is catastrophic. Israel's regional strategy has shifted to one of enhancing its security by fragmenting its Arab neighbours, and acting, or planning to act, with impunity inside their territories. This could be fatal for Lebanon. In light of this, Lebanon must press forward in its dialogue with Hezbollah to secure the group's disarmament. Only then will it be able to free the south of Israel's occupation and normalise the situation enough to think strategically about its regional place. This would reassure outside countries that it is progressing enough for them to provide vital foreign investment. But even that may not be enough if Lebanon doesn't overcome its incapacitating sectarian factionalism. Unless this happens and the Lebanese come together to shape a common vision for the future, the country will remain an afterthought – a place bleeding its youth to the advantage of more vibrant societies. Like a dried flower, it will be both beautiful and dead.