Latest news with #KMT
Spectator
10 hours ago
- Politics
- Spectator
What's next for Taiwan?
When Portuguese traders sailed past a verdant, mountainous land on the fringe of the Chinese empire in the mid-16th century, they named it Ihla Formosa – 'beautiful island'. But Kangxi, the third emperor of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, was less impressed when his naval forces captured it in 1683, scoffing: 'Taiwan is no bigger than a ball of mud. We gain nothing by possessing it, and it would be no loss if we did not acquire it.' Beautiful or not, Taiwan was a pirates' lair, inhabited by tattooed head-hunters and best left alone. Yet the Qing clung on to Taiwan for two centuries, with Chinese settlers gradually displacing the indigenous Austronesian population. In 1895, the island was ceded under the Treaty of Shimonoseki to Japan, which transformed it into a model colony with good sanitation, modern railways and a formal education system. When Japan surrendered to the Allies in 1945, Taiwan was occupied by the nationalist troops of Chiang Kai-shek's Republic of China (ROC). Then, in 1949, when the victorious communists founded the People's Republic of China (PRC), Chiang evacuated across the Taiwan Strait. To this day, Taiwan is officially the ROC. Contrary to the PRC's claims, Taiwan has not always been part of Chinese territory. But whether the 22 million ethnically Han Chinese who live there today are Chinese, Taiwanese or a mixture of the two is a complex and highly contested question. For Xi Jinping, however, it is straightforward. 'Blood is thicker than water, and people on both sides of the Strait are connected by blood,' he declared last year. For Chris Horton, the author of Ghost Nation and a veteran reporter who has lived in Taiwan for a decade, it is equally simple: Taiwan is not Chinese. In a punchy narrative, he sets out to 'dispel the carefully crafted disinformation sowed by Beijing'. His intention is to provide Taiwan's friends and protectors with a better understanding of its people, history and politics. His book is the result of hundreds of interviews, including one with the aged Lee Teng-hui, the 'father of Taiwan's democracy', conducted shortly before his death in 2020. Horton dips into geopolitics, explaining the strategic rationale for China to take Taiwan. But Ghost Nation is at heart a journalistic history of Taiwan's long march to become 'Asia's freest country', not a war-gaming analysis to rival the think tanks in DC. Horton is especially good on the brutality of Chiang Kai-shek's quasi-fascist Kuomintang (KMT) regime, which ruled Taiwan under martial law from 1949 to 1987. From day one it behaved like an occupying force, seizing land and plundering the island. An estimated 28,000 people died during '228'massacres in 1947 – the KMT's 'original sin'. Around two million nationalist refugees crossed the Taiwan Strait in 1948-50, adding to the existing population of approximately six million. The native Taiwanese were kept in check during the 38 years known as the White Terror, when Taiwan became a surveillance state, subject to strict indoctrination and brutal punishments. Political prisoners had sharp sticks rammed up their backsides or were forced to eat dog shit. With the end of military rule in 1987, Taiwan began the slow, difficult process of democratisation. In 2000, Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive party (DPP) became the first non-KMT president in the ROC's 55-year history. After eight years of Ma Ying-jeou's KMT government from 2008, which forged closer ties with China, the DPP returned to power under Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. Last year, she was succeeded by the DPP's Lai Ching-te, who is reviled in Beijing for describing himself as 'a pragmatic worker for Taiwan independence'. DPP governments have delivered social liberalisation – Taiwan became the first country in Asia to make same-sex marriage legal in 2019 – and fostered a strong sense of Taiwanese identity. Herein lies the problem with Horton's account. It is written entirely with a pro-independence view, hammering home the point that the KMT (and CCP) are illegitimate rulers. If so, why did a third of Taiwanese vote for the KMT in last year's election, and why does it currently dominate Taiwan's parliament? Horton is scathing of the KMT's 'ethnonationalism', but he does not acknowledge that many Taiwanese view today's DPP itself as a nationalist propaganda machine. I laughed out loud when he lambasted media organisations that decline to call Taiwan 'a country' for betraying the 'fundamental principles of objectivity in journalism'. At times his own narrative amounts to an erudite rant. This is fine for readers who understand Taiwan's deeply polarised politics, but it is hardly the 'panoramic view' promised on the dust jacket. So what next for the beautiful island? Horton warns that China is quickly closing the military gap with the US, building the forces it needs to invade. A giant amphibious assault carrier ferrying robotic attack dogs could come into service by the end of next year. Xi has allegedly told the People's Liberation Army that it must be ready to attack Taiwan by 2027 – though capability does not necessarily entail intent. A war in Taiwan, which sits on the world's busiest shipping route and manufactures 90 per cent of its most advanced semiconductors, would cause a global depression. But does Donald Trump care about Taiwan beyond its use as a bargaining chip with Beijing? We may be about to find out.
Yahoo
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Taiwan's Great Recall: Historic bid to remove 'pro-China' lawmakers fails
[Source] A historic vote in Taiwan on Saturday targeting 24 opposition Kuomintang (KMT) legislators accused of being too friendly with Beijing ended without any removals but nonetheless shook the island nation's political landscape. The so-called 'Great Recall,' Taiwan's largest coordinated recall effort, sought to remove nearly one-fifth of the legislature in a single day. None of the targeted lawmakers lost their seats after all recall votes failed to meet Taiwan's strict requirements. Recall mechanics and turnout thresholds The campaign was driven by civic groups aligned with the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), accusing the KMT lawmakers of blocking defense-related legislation and favoring closer ties with Beijing. Petition organizers in each district collected enough signatures to trigger a recall vote. Under Taiwan's recall law, a motion succeeds only if votes in favor exceed votes against and voter turnout reaches at least 25% of eligible voters. Despite millions of ballots cast and significant public interest, none of the 24 recall votes met both criteria. Political context and fallout The recall effort was fueled in part by frustration over legislative gridlock. The DPP won the presidency in January 2024 but lost its legislative majority, while the KMT and Taiwan People's Party (TPP) gained a combined 62 seats. Citizens' groups framed the recall as a push to defend sovereignty and counter pro-China influence within the legislature. KMT leaders condemned the effort as politically motivated while the DPP said it reflected the democratic will of the people. Trending on NextShark: What's next A second wave of recall votes is scheduled for August 23 targeting seven more KMT lawmakers. Analysts say the sustained effort underscores deepening political polarization and may shape local election dynamics in 2026 and national positioning before the 2028 presidential race. The outcome of the August recalls will test whether civic momentum can overcome systemic electoral barriers. This story is part of The Rebel Yellow Newsletter — a bold weekly newsletter from the creators of NextShark, reclaiming our stories and celebrating Asian American voices. Trending on NextShark: Subscribe free to join the movement. If you love what we're building, consider becoming a paid member — your support helps us grow our team, investigate impactful stories, and uplift our community. Subscribe here now! Trending on NextShark: Download the NextShark App: Want to keep up to date on Asian American News? Download the NextShark App today! Solve the daily Crossword
The Diplomat
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Taiwan's Recall Elections Failed – But That Doesn't Signal an Embrace of Beijing
The failure of the recalls does not reflect a re-evaluation of cross-strait policy preferences. But it does send a clear message to both the DPP and the KMT. Taiwanese voters delivered a decisive verdict on July 26: none of the 24 Kuomintang (KMT) lawmakers targeted in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-backed recall campaigns were unseated. Seven more KMT legislators will face recall votes on August 23, but the failure of this first wave has already reshaped the political conversation. The DPP explicitly framed the recall as a test of loyalty to Taiwan, promoting slogans such as '罷免投同意，反共更有利' ('vote yes to recall, oppose Communism more effectively') and portraying figures like Fu Kun-chi as symbols of 'pro-CCP' politics. Yet voters rejected the recalls decisively. So does this result signal a Taiwanese embrace of Beijing and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), or a clear shift toward endorsing some KMT politicians' approach to cross-strait relations? There is little evidence for either assumption. The failure of the recalls does not reflect a re-evaluation of cross-strait policy preferences. Instead, it highlights voter fatigue with partisan manipulation, a desire for stability and competent governance, and growing skepticism toward political actors who treat national security as a tool for short-term electoral gain. A Taiwan-Centered Identity, But Not a Blank Check Taiwan's identity and civic nationalism have evolved over decades of de facto separation from the mainland. Across party lines, most Taiwanese now see their future as distinct from mainland China, and cross-strait debates increasingly revolve around how best to manage that reality, although many inputs from the mainland still outright reject its validity. This Taiwan-first identity is not confined to one political camp. The KMT, knowingly or not, has adopted Taiwan-centric messaging as well. The KMT's public messaging increasingly places Taiwan, rather than party ideology or the Republic of China (ROC) framework, at the center of its political language. Its public branding now reflects this shift, including its official Instagram handle: During the 2024 presidential campaign, when I served as foreign press secretary to Hou Yu-ih, the KMT's second-ever Hokkien, Taiwan-born presidential candidate, I observed a noticeable increase in the use of Hokkien in campaign communications. While the KMT continues to emphasize the ROC, its rhetoric and public symbols are often closely associated with Taiwan. However, this identity convergence is not a partisan loyalty test. Ahead of the recalls, some argued that a newfound unity of voters supporting the ROC framework and Taiwan independence was forming in the face of the CCP threat. The assumption was that voters would punish any politician perceived as too close to Beijing, but the recall results suggest otherwise. If voters were motivated primarily by anti-CCP sentiment, the DPP's campaigns, which explicitly branded KMT lawmakers as 'pro-CCP,' would have succeeded. Instead, voters demonstrated a more complicated, nuanced outlook. They can hold strong Taiwan-centric views while rejecting partisan efforts to weaponize the CCP threat. At the same time, their rejection of the recalls should not be misread as approval of every KMT figure's conduct. Many Taiwanese remain wary of gestures, such as Fu Kun-chi's high-profile trip to Beijing, that risk undermining Taiwan's deterrence or handing Beijing propaganda victories. Taiwan's identity convergence is real, but voters are not willing to let it be exploited for domestic point-scoring. The DPP's 'Boy Who Cried Wolf' Problem The CCP threat is existential. Political warfare, disinformation, and gray-zone military pressure are daily realities for Taiwan. Yet by overusing the CCP threat as a partisan tool, the DPP risks undermining the very resilience it claims to protect. My written testimony before the United States' Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC) last week warned that 'over-politicizing the CCP threat, labeling domestic political rivals as 'pro-Communist,' plays directly into Beijing's hands. It risks exhausting and paralyzing concerned citizens, precisely the psychological effect Beijing intends to create.' That warning feels prescient now. Voter fatigue is setting in. When every policy debate is cast as a loyalty test, public sensitivity to genuine CCP threats dulls over time. The DPP is beginning to look like the proverbial boy who cried wolf. The more it invokes the CCP threat for partisan gain, the less seriously voters may take real dangers. This is not just a political misstep. It is a strategic liability. Taiwan's greatest defense against the CCP's cognitive warfare is public trust in democratic processes. If voters begin to tune out security messaging because they perceive it as partisan theater, Taiwan's whole-of-society resilience will suffer. As Khedroob Thondup, a former member of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile, noted, the DPP also made a tactical mistake: 'Recall elections are meant to be a safeguard against misconduct, not a shortcut to power. The DPP's strategy blurred that line, turning a constitutional tool into a partisan weapon.' Their strategic and tactical mistakes, however, should not embolden the KMT to repeat its own. The KMT Must Not Misread the Results The recall failure does not mean Taiwan's voters approve of every cross-strait overture. It only means they disapprove of overt, politicized attempts to weaponize such overtures. If KMT leaders interpret this result as a green light to double down on careless engagement, they risk squandering the very trust voters just extended to them. Reckless gestures, such as former President Ma Ying-jeou's remark urging Taiwanese to 'believe in Xi Jinping's goodwill,' have already handed Beijing propaganda victories and undermined Taiwan's deterrence posture. My written testimony before the CECC also cautioned that 'responsible engagement requires careful messaging, timing, and coordination. Anything less risks feeding into Beijing's cognitive warfare and undermining our domestic unity, deterrence posture, and social cohesion.' That warning applies just as much now. The KMT cannot afford to confuse rejection of partisan manipulation of a genuine concern with a mandate for complacency. This is not an invitation to return to old habits of poorly messaged cross-strait engagement. It is an opportunity to show that the KMT can act as a responsible governing party, not just an opposition force. A Chance for Leadership, Not Complacency If the KMT is serious about earning long-term public trust, it should seize this moment to lead on national security, not just block DPP initiatives. First, it should take the lead on the defense special budget. The KMT has been vocal in demanding oversight of major defense appropriations, including the national defense special budget expected to be requested by the Ministry of National Defense in the next legislative session. Now is the time to move beyond criticism and explain, in detail, what changes it proposes, why they matter, and how they will strengthen deterrence and resilience. The KMT should also outline a clear plan to meet its own previously stated goal of raising defense spending to 3 percent of GDP. Voters deserve to know whether the KMT is prepared to invest in Taiwan's defense rather than simply using defense funding as a political bargaining chip. Second, the KMT should launch a transparent public campaign outlining its cross-strait priorities. That means clearly communicating what forms of dialogue with Beijing it considers acceptable, how it will ensure transparency and avoid being taken advantage of by the CCP's United Front work, and what red lines it will not cross, particularly in preserving Taiwan's democratic resilience. By being transparent and disciplined, the KMT can demonstrate that cross-strait engagement is not a retreat but a risk-management tool that is consistent with Taiwan's security and democratic values. If the KMT succeeds, it will position itself as a credible steward of Taiwan's national security, showing voters it is capable of balancing dialogue with deterrence. The Quest for Unity Facing the CCP threat, Taiwan does not have the luxury of remaining divided. However, it would be unrealistic to expect that, after the DPP just attempted to unseat KMT legislators en masse, the KMT legislative caucus will suddenly become 'cooperative,' especially after DPP caucus leader Ker Chien-ming's remark that those voting against the recalls were 'not Taiwanese.' Emotional remarks like Ker's only deepened partisan wounds, escalating political disagreements into questions of identity and loyalty. Such rhetoric makes legislative cooperation difficult at a time when unity is Taiwan's strongest defense. Bonnie Glaser, managing director of the Indo-Pacific Program at the German Marshall Fund, was absolutely right to point out that 'the deep polarization in Taiwan's politics is harmful to national security… Taiwan's ruling and opposition parties need to strike compromises that strengthen governance and deliver better outcomes for the people.' The failure of the recall elections does not signal an embrace of Beijing. Taiwanese voters are neither pro-Beijing nor reflexively anti-KMT. They are pro-stability, pro-democracy, and increasingly tired of being treated as pawns in partisan battles. The message to both major parties is clear. To the DPP: stop crying wolf. The CCP threat is real, but cheapening it as a constant partisan bludgeon risks dulling public vigilance when it matters most. To the KMT: do not mistake voter fatigue for a blank check. You now have the public's cautious trust. Use it to lead responsibly, including showing that you are willing to invest in Taiwan's security and fulfill your own pledge to raise defense spending to 3 percent of GDP. Otherwise, that trust will quickly erode. Taiwan's greatest strength against Beijing's coercion is a united and confident public that trusts its democratic institutions. That unity will not be won through fearmongering or careless gestures. It will be achieved through transparency, discipline, and serious governance. Both parties owe Taiwan nothing less.
The Diplomat
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
The Last 96 Hours of Taiwan's Great Recall: In Images
It was a mad dash to the finish, with Taiwanese on both sides seeing the vote as a battle for the future of their country. Pro-recall campaign volunteers speak to a crowd of supporters, telling them to continue their efforts for the next set of recall races, on July 26, 2025. Anti-recall voters cheer and shout 'Down with [President] Lai in front of Taipei's Liberty Square and the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial on April 26, 2025. A man with a poster board advocating for voters to remove Fu Kun-chi, a controversial KMT legislator, outside a music festival in Kaohsiung on March 29, 2025. A person in a crowd waves an ROC flag in front of a video board calling on citizens to vote 'no' in the recall in Taipei on July 25, 2025 24 Taiwanese lawmakers and one mayor accused of corruption faced an organized, motivated, nationwide removal campaign, with voting on July 26. The result was a landslide: not a single one lost. And so ends the main phase of Taiwan's 2025 Grand Recall (大罷免). There are still seven more legislators facing recalls, but the momentum seems to have dissipated. July 23 In the final days, neither side appeared confident – whether judging by the news or sentiment from supporters at rallies. 'Do you think you're going to win?' I asked one young man at a rally Wednesday night. 'We hope.' 'What are your chances?' '50/50.' It was a hot, sticky Wednesday night in Taipei – three days to go until the 7/26 vote. People waved banners, politicians made stump speeches, supporters chanted 'Grand recall, grand success!' Rosalia Wu, a lawmaker from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), led the crowd in Taiwanese and Mandarin. 'This is our homegrown Taiwanese power!' she shouts to cheers. 'Taiwan is Taiwan, China is China!' 'Mass recall, mass success!' people chant. That rally's target was Wang Hong-wei, one of the Kuomintang (KMT)'s most vilified politicians, a magnet for endless criticism from the DPP and its supporters. Three days later, Wang declared victory with 90 percent of the votes counted and an insurmountable 10,000-vote lead. July 24 Wednesday was just a local warm up for Thursday's pro-recall main event. It was pouring rain on Taipei's Ketagalan Boulevard, a central site in Taiwan's democratic history and social movements. While identity politics are influential in determining one's stance, it was not what people reached for. 'I've lived in my district for 30 years and my legislator has never done anything good,' one woman said about her lawmaker in Taipei's Wenshan district, Lai Shyh-bao. 'Wenshan has been blue for so long that the KMT refuses to govern with any other parties. Lai Shyh-bao had to say he won village chief of the year back in the '90s, what has he done for us lately?' She cited his record on issues ranging from gay rights referenda to his handling of a furnace fire. 'Doing the right thing is not about political opinions, it is the essence of political participation,' she said. 'Recently, people have been making their voice heard not because of party affiliation but because of their ideals,' she added. 'More and more people identify as 'natural independents.' Even when I was abroad, volunteers without any direction from a higher authority were gathering signatures and spreading support for the movement.' She did not claim loyalty to the DPP, saying only that she was in opposition to the KMT's moves. Last year, a youth-led protest movement – the Bluebird Movement – took hold of Taipei in protest of several amendments proposed by the KMT-led Legislative Yuan. The bills gave the legislature more oversight and authority, which protesters felt infringed on constitutional rights and were a clear maneuver to undermine the new DPP presidential administration. A new protest movement kicked off in December, at the same location, to protest four controversial amendments passed by the KMT-led Legislative Yuan. This new set of amendments changed the threshold for recalling politicians, made it possible for the Constitutional Court to remain deadlocked indefinitely, and slashed the central government budget by an unprecedented amount. While Taiwan has had three consecutive DPP presidential terms, the Legislative Yuan, and local governments more so, have increasingly leaned pro-KMT. The KMT tends to favor engagement with China and identify with Chinese heritage. As the legislative proposals wound their way through the system, civil society forged their own resistance. Professional groups, including lawyers and professors, organized local petition movements to recall prominent members of the KMT, such as the aforementioned Wang, and Hualien's Fu Kun-chi. 'I cannot tolerate them,' one man in his 60s said. He flew back from California to volunteer for the movement. '[The KMT legislators] represent China, and China is our enemy. But China is their friend, it seems like China is their boss. They listen to them. They've done a lot of strange behavior, which can destroy Taiwan,' he said in English. 'If this does not succeed, they will feel that people support their behavior,' he added. July 25 Friday's anti-recall rally was less fully-fledged than the prior night's. There were fewer people overall, fewer screens to ensure everyone can see, fewer uniformed members of organizations present, and a smaller stage. In April, a major anti-recall rally had also taken place here, in the midst of the initial wave of 'ghost signature' cases. Prosecutors nationwide are investigating allegations that KMT members or affiliated networks forged recall petition signatures in their own campaigns to recall DPP lawmakers. All of the KMT's recall attempts failed, but the high-profile criminal cases all coming down on one side of the aisle did allow for a narrative to build up that the DPP utilized the court system to engage in totalitarian 'lawfare' against the majority party. Shortly after that came the first comparisons from KMT members and officials between Lai and Adolf Hitler, and calling the DPP a party of 'green communism.' Although the crowd skews middle-aged and older, it isn't dramatically different than before. Families are present, and an energized youth wing plays a visible role, parading banners calling for former Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-Je's release amid a corruption probe. Just like the night before, much of the rhetoric centered around 'patriotism,' 'democracy,' and 'anti-communism.' A Ko Wen-je supporter paraded a poster of Lai as Hitler and the DPP logo with a green swastika. I asked a woman around 60 if her attendance reflected her prior political participation. She said that she took every election differently and holds no party loyalty. Many posters at the anti-recall rally proudly illustrated that their holders were Taiwanese who opposed the DPP, making it tricky to reconcile the yearly identity survey with actual voting behavior. One man blamed a DPP-funded 'online troll army' aimed at undermining the other parties. He claimed that Ko Wen-je's detention was part of a political calculation by the DPP. 'What if Trump was imprisoned by the Democrats in 2023? Wouldn't that start a civil war? There is no proof of Ko's guilt – he cooperated with the investigation. But why is he still behind bars? This is political coercion.' 'The DPP has turned Taiwan into an island full of scams and provides protection to them,' he said. He then drew a lengthy equivalence between Hitler and Lai, involving a convoluted tale of stolen Jewish wealth and Trump's status as a 'chosen one,' which prompted me to go find another interview subject. Interested in a younger perspective, I manage to corner a young man handing out stickers that said 'I am Taiwanese and I oppose the greens [DPP].' When I asked him about his motivation for being there, he said it was about the honor of the country, in English specifying 'Republic of China.' He spoke about governance, how the DPP has blocked KMT attempts to increase transparency, how it 'refuses to admit it is the minority,' undermining the legislature's ability to function. But the stickers and his initial response to me seemed too at odds to ignore, so I asked him about the dichotomy. He said, 'My hometown is Taiwanese, but my country is the Republic of China.' 'In my circles, support for the DPP is definitely dropping,' he told me. July 26: Voting Day The quiet efficiency of voting day was a sharp contrast to the preceding spectacle. Hundreds of temples, schools, and community centers became temporary voting stations. Outside each, posters displayed the recall campaign's complaints, submitted to the Central Election Committee, and responses by the targeted officials. From midnight to the final count, all campaigning and vote-swaying efforts were banned, along with noise within 30 meters of polling sites. In Taipei's maze of alleys, only a slight uptick in foot traffic gave anything away; an unaware tourist might not notice voting was underway. Photographing voters or signage, though legal, would draw stern warnings or polite shooing from middle-aged men. By 4 p.m., the voting was closed and it was time to begin the count. Both sides had organized events around watching the vote count with supporters, as if to will their collective spirit into success. The count was quick. Within the first hour, not a single embattled KMT politician had more votes in favor of recall than against, a pattern that would hold for the rest of the night. By hour two, Threads, Taiwan's social media of choice for public discourse, was full of disappointed young voters in bitter disbelief at the anti-recall movement's success. At a pro-recall event in Taipei, billionaire and active recall campaigner Robert Tsao took the stage. KMT officials in safer constituencies began to declare victory. KMT Taipei mayor Chiang Wan-an held an event with the city's five KMT lawmakers to thank voters for their support. At their own press conference, the DPP's Rosalia Wu conceded and asked voters to maintain their support for future recall campaigns in August. I chose to attend what felt like the funeral of the pro-recall movement – held at the same site as the May 2024 Bluebird protests that had once snowballed into the Great Recall, but this year's crowd was thinner, subdued, and visibly dejected. 'It's tiring to love your country, but you still love it, no?' one woman on stage shouted through near-tears. Several in the crowd began to cry as it became clear that no KMT politicians would be removed. Fourteen months after the Bluebird Movement began at this same site, young people were noticeably absent. Many were registered in their hometowns and had to travel to vote, but even those who did return weren't enough to sway a single campaign. Only seven recalls even cleared the turnout threshold. Plenty of voters who hadn't backed these legislators in the last election simply weren't motivated to remove them now – perhaps a reflection of demographic limits, or the DPP's failure to mobilize support as effectively as the KMT and the Taiwan People's Party I thought of the student the night before, who had estimated that 40 percent of his peers shared his viewpoint about the recall and DPP. His stance might not reflect the majority, but it does highlight the limits of outside assumptions regarding identity and voting patterns. 'They're not going to show up, these politicians are cowards,' a young woman said, looking at the empty rows of chairs below the stage. What Next? The DPP was not the primary mover pushing the recall movement forward, but its failure will reflect poorly on the party's efforts to enact its agenda. However, a focus on international headlines belies reality. Over the past year, it wasn't Taiwan's identity politics that shifted sharply. Instead, the Great Recall was a society-wide blowback triggered by the KMT's actions. Whether the KMT would actually sell out to China is almost beside the point: many believe its legislative agenda is designed to do exactly that. While the recall movement was split along mostly partisan lines, it did not originate inside DPP's headquarters and was not spearheaded by DPP officials. I spoke to participants on both sides, motivated by more than just partisanship. The KMT will likely take this as a mandate to continue its legislative moves, now shielded from the fact that those who survived this current recall cannot be recalled again this term. Major legislative points in President Lai's platform, like the defense budget increase, the fate of the Constitutional Court, or the response to U.S. tariffs, will remain elusive. Perhaps Lai, who won a plurality of votes last year, will find it untenable to run for re-election in 2028 and will step aside to let a more dynamic candidate lead the party. However, the KMT's unpopularity is evident. Regardless of the result, their actions fueled an unprecedented movement to remove them from office. The most unpopular KMT politicians saw highly motivated turnout that met the threshold for removal. The party once again demonstrated it can survive in the 21st century, despite many writing premature obituaries, but there are no guarantees of follow-up victories.
South China Morning Post
3 days ago
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
Taiwan's opposition KMT and TPP look to build on momentum from recall votes
Taiwan's main opposition party the Kuomintang and the smaller Taiwan People's Party have been 're-energised' by last weekend's failed recall votes The result was widely seen as a major setback for the island's leader, William Lai Ching-te, and a turning point for the so-called Blue-White alliance between the two opposition parties. Saturday's unprecedented recall vote, which targeted 24 KMT lawmakers accused of blocking key legislation and jeopardising the island's security, ended with none losing their seats. A second round next month will target seven more KMT legislators, but observers say the chances of their removal are even slimmer given their stronger support in home districts. 'This wasn't just a failed recall – it was a political miscalculation that re-energised the opposition,' said a KMT official who spoke on condition of anonymity. 'More importantly, it allowed us to deepen coordination with the TPP in ways voters clearly supported.' The outcome has given the informal KMT-TPP coalition momentum heading into the 2026 local government elections and even the race in 2028 to elect the island's next leader.
