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Hindustan Times
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Winners and losers in times of political churn
In the early 1980s, the tallest Brahmin leader of northern India and the Congress, Kamalapati Tripathi, had suggested that the party leadership appoint a Dalit chief minister (CM)in Uttar Pradesh to stop the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS4) from mobilising Dalits. DS4 was Kanshi Ram's creation, which later grew into the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Tripathi's fears proved true as the BSP weaned Dalits away from the Congress that was, till then, ruling the country with the support of a coalition of Dalits, Brahmins and Muslims. Brahmins recognise that their political rehabilitation will have to wait since OBCs and Dalits form 85% of the population. In any democracy, numbers matter the most. (Hindustan Times) The Congress, despite the loss of Dalit votes, remained the first choice of Brahmins until Muslims left the party after the shilanyas (foundation laying) of the Ram temple in Ayodhya in 1989. Rajiv Gandhi and Narayan Dutt Tiwari were then the prime minister (PM) and Uttar Pradesh CM, respectively. Subsequently, the Brahmins moved to the BJP. Soon, the grand old party lost power in UP and Tiwari turned out to be the last Congress as well as Brahmin CM of UP. Though Brahmins formed barely 5% of the country's population, the Congress had rewarded them with posts and positions in lieu of their support. Several states in northern India had Brahmin CMs. The loss of office in the southern states in the 1960s did not hurt the community so much, until they started to lose influence in the Hindi heartland after Mandal politics took centre-stage. Their frustration over their marginalisation in the country's politics increased further after the demise of former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee, a Brahmin. Now, when the leadership of most parties is with the OBC and Dalits, the opinion makers of yesteryears find themselves on the political margins. Against this backdrop, some Brahmin BJP leaders and professionals met in New Delhi on July 21 and decided to establish a World Brahmin Welfare Board. The meeting was presided over by former governor of Rajasthan and BJP's Brahmin leader from UP, Kalraj Mishra. BJP's Rajya Sabha member Dinesh Sharma had posted pictures of the meeting on Facebook. Brahmins recognise that their political rehabilitation will have to wait since OBCs and Dalits form 85% of the population. In any democracy, numbers matter the most. The caste census may further erode their position. 'We are now just a mohra (pawn) to be used and dumped,' a disillusioned Brahmin leader of Madhya Pradesh said. Adding to their consternation is the Congress-led Opposition's promise of population-based quotas. As of now, there are four Brahmin CMs — three belonging to the BJP (in Maharashtra, Assam and Rajasthan), and the fourth in West Bengal — across India. Rajasthan has a Brahmin CM after 33 years, while the last Brahmin CM in Madhya Pradesh, Shyama Charan Shukla, was in office back in 1989, for 86 days. However, the bureaucracy continues to have a sizeable Brahmin presence. Interestingly, a Brahmin, Prashant Kishor, is testing the waters in the backward caste-dominated Bihar, which had its last Brahmin CM, Jagannath Mishra, in 1989. Brahmins are discussing options before them as the BJP is feeling the heat of assertive backward politics. The growth of the BJP, founded in 1980, coincided with the rise of Mandal politics. The party struggled to blunt the mobilisation of the backward castes by giving representation to diverse groups. Its experiment of appointing JP Nadda, a Brahmin from Himachal Pradesh as national president, did not appeal much to the Brahmins. When the BSP won office in 2007 with Brahmin support, reconstructing the old Congress vote bank of Dalits, Brahmins, and Muslims, they were hopeful of regaining some heft. With the BJP also chasing OBC and Dalit votes, the Brahmins feel they are left with two options. One is to unite and demand a share in office. In Rajasthan, they organised a Brahmin mahapanchayat ahead of the selection of the CM. This is somewhat on the lines of the Rajputs, who are better united in demanding their share in power and in getting their caste candidates elected. Their second option is returning to the Congress, which has started showing signs of recovery. But the Opposition INDIA bloc appears like a ragtag political arrangement with no common minimum programme or agreement over leadership. Ironically, Brahmins who have supported the BJP after they deserted the Congress, are now talking about the need for a stable Opposition for a healthy democracy. Some of them even lament that the Congress lost a big opportunity by not projecting the party's national president Mallikarjun Kharge as the prime ministerial candidate for the INDIA bloc before the Lok Sabha elections in 2024. Their surmise is that Dalits, who harbour the dream of having a Dalit PM, would have returned to the party, simultaneously attracting Brahmins and Muslims. A senior Brahmin leader from Varanasi, the centre of Brahmin politics in the North, recited a couplet of Urdu shayar (poet) Rahat Indori to explain the plight of Brahmins in the country: 'Mere hujare mein nahin, aur kahin par rakh do, asman laaye ho le aao, zameen par rakh do, ab kahan dhoondne jaoge, hamare katil, aap to katl ka ilzam hamin par rakh do' (Do not keep in my room, keep it somewhere else, if you have brought the sky, bring it, keep it on the ground! Now, where will you go to find my murderer, you will put the blame of my murder on me). The views expressed are personal.
Scroll.in
a day ago
- Politics
- Scroll.in
Misleading to frame caste census as social justice vs social harmony: MP Manoj Kumar Jha's new book
The controversy over the caste census is not just partisan politicking. It reflects a deeper ideological divide in India about how we should pursue social justice. On one side are the proponents of naming and targeting social inequalities. This camp includes Ambedkarite Dalit activists, OBC and Bahujan leaders, leftists and many progressive academics. They argue that caste is a lived reality that must be confronted, not ignored. Counting caste, in their view, simply acknowledges this reality in order to change it. Many feel that mobilising around caste grievances can be a necessary jolt to an indifferent society. Indeed, leaders from Kanshi Ram to Lalu Yadav and Tejashwi Yadav have persistently demanded a caste census as a logical extension of India's commitment to affirmative action. For them, 'standing up and being counted' is an empowering act. It is a way for marginalised communities to claim their share of representation and resources. Rahul Gandhi's recent endorsement of the caste census is only a re-articulation of a long-standing demand. On the other side, however, are sceptics who worry that caste-based politics entrenches division and can hinder the broader goal of a casteless society. Interestingly, this camp spans the spectrum from conservative cultural nationalists to some liberal commentators. While the RSS historically opposed the Mandal-style emphasis on caste categories, arguing it would be highly detrimental to India's social fabric, some eminent sociologists like MN Srinivas, too, warned that an official obsession with caste was reminiscent of colonial 'divide and rule' strategies. Even liberal critics like Pratap Bhanu Mehta – who fully acknowledge the persisting injustices of caste – have expressed unease at how the public discourse on caste is framed. Mehta cautions that an 'invocation of caste' can become a substitute for deeper thinking and structural reform, merely solidifying identities without addressing the root causes of inequality. These critics ask: in a society already polarised along multiple lines, can a big caste census ignite endless wrangling among groups for bigger slices of the pie, to the detriment of meritocracy and national unity? This critique cannot be dismissed outright. India's experience since Mandal has indeed seen both empowerment and backlash. Quotas alone are not enough for comprehensive social justice. They need to be accompanied by investments in education, health and anti-discrimination enforcement. However, far from negating the need for a caste census, these nuances strengthen the case for granular data. Naming a problem is not the same as solving it, but without naming it, one cannot even begin to solve it. The experience of the past decades suggests that ignoring caste has not made it disappear. As one analyst put it, caste is 'stronger than ever' in social practice precisely because groups find strength in numbers when competing for limited opportunities. Policies that are officially 'caste-blind' can in fact end up caste-biased – often reflecting the biases of those who hold power, since no corrective data exists to challenge the status quo. From university faculties to corporate boardrooms and the higher echelons of government, upper castes remain heavily overrepresented. This fact stays out of sight in the absence of statistics. A caste census would lay bare such disparities. It could tell us, for example, what proportion of Indian Administrative Service officers or judges come from each community, or which OBC sub-castes have benefited the most from existing quotas and which remain almost invisible. Such transparency can be uncomfortable, which is exactly why it is necessary. It forces a conversation on whether our institutions truly look like 'we, the people' or not. Of course, data by itself won't change power structures. But it can change the terms of debate. As Ambedkar often emphasised, political democracy is unsustainable without social democracy. One might add that social democracy, in turn, requires a clear recognition of social realities. Ambedkar and other framers of the Constitution provided the tools (like Article 340, which enabled commissions to explore the condition of Backward Classes), expecting that the republic would honestly assess who needs support and representation. Decades of avoiding a caste census meant that India was flying partially blind, relying on colonial-era data and sporadic surveys to guide major policies. The Modi government's new acceptance of a caste census, whatever its immediate motivations, offers a chance to finally illuminate the full spectrum of Indian society with 21st-century data. In the end, one might say that the first step to treating a wound is to look at it directly. India's caste wounds have long been glossed over by lofty rhetoric of unity that often serves as an excuse for inaction. Conducting a caste census is a way of naming our inequalities. It is a necessary exercise in a democracy that aspires to genuine equality. It does not erase those inequalities by itself. But it equips the public and policymakers with facts to hold the system accountable. When the numbers come, they may discomfort the privileged and embolden the marginalised. That is not a crisis to be feared, but a reality to be managed with wisdom and compassion. The battle ahead will be over what is done with the data. Will it lead to well-crafted policies—better-targeted education scholarships, health programmes and extension of opportunities to groups historically left out? Will it prompt a re-examination of the 50% cap on reservations, now that we know that some states have a 60–70 per cent backward majority? Or will it descend to a scramble of competitive populism, with every caste group vying for a larger slice of a stagnant pie? The answer will depend on the wisdom of our political leadership and the vigilance of civil society. What is certain is that not having the information was no solution at all. As India undertakes this enumeration, it might recall the words of Dr Ambedkar in the Constituent Assembly: 'On the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions.' He warned that we would have equality in law but not in social and economic life – and that such contradictions could not last indefinitely. More than 75 years later, those contradictions persist, caste being one of the starkest. Counting caste is not about entrenching those divisions; it is about charting a course to transcend them. In an era when data is power, the power of numbers can democratize power itself – making visible the invisible, and forcing the nation to confront the truths that decades of silence could not erase. The caste census may be belated, but it could become a milestone in India's unfinished project of social justice. If properly followed through, it will be a step towards the day when 'those left behind' are not left behind any more.
Time of India
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Azad faces death threat amid controversies, FIR filed
Meerut: Chandrashekhar Azad, MP from Nagina and national president of the Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram), recently received a death threat via the party's social media helpline, warning that Azad would be killed within ten days. An FIR was registered at Nagina police station under BNS section 351(4) (criminal intimidation through anonymous communication) against an unknown individual, and a police investigation has been launched. Parvez Pashi, district convenor of the party's Muslim Bhaichara Committee and the complainant in the case, said on Wednesday, "On June 29, our helpline received a threatening message to eliminate Azad within 10 days. Since then, his life has been under constant threat." Confirming the case, SP Bijnor Abhishek Jha said, "We have filed the FIR and investigation has begun." The threat comes amid two major controversies involving Azad. A PhD scholar from Indore has accused him of emotional and sexual exploitation during a four-year relationship, alleging that he used her politically and abandoned her before the elections. She has since launched a platform to support women who claim to have been misled by public figures. Secondly, violent clashes broke out in Prayagraj after police stopped Azad from meeting Dalit families of rape victims. His supporters allegedly clashed with the police, pelting stones and torching several vehicles. Over 65 people were arrested, many of whom now face charges under the National Security Act (NSA) and Gangster Act. This is not the first time Azad was threatened. In June 2023, he narrowly escaped an attack when shots were fired at his vehicle and a bullet grazed his stomach. Days earlier, a social media post had warned that he would be targeted in broad daylight by Thakurs of Amethi. After the attack, another post on the same page claimed Azad had been shot in the waist and warned that "next time he may not survive", while also threatening protests if any innocent Rajput was implicated in the incident. In connection with the 2023 attack, UP police arrested four suspects from Shahzadpur, Haryana. Three of the accused -- Prashant Singh, Vikas and Lavish -- were from UP, while the fourth, Vikas Gondar, was from Haryana.
Time of India
30-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Karchhana violence: 65 held, cops may slap Gangsters Act
1 2 Prayagraj: Police on Monday arrested over 65 people allegedly involved in the Sunday's violence in Karchhana area and are planning to invoke Gangsters Act against them. The action follows the Sunday's incident wherein supporters of Nagina MP Chandrashekhar Azad went on a rampage for over two hours, damaging about a dozen vehicles and pelting police with stones, as they accused police of not allowing the Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) chief to meet the family of a Dalit man allegedly burnt to death in Karchhana and that of a 'rape survivor' in nearby Kaushambi district. The mob damaged three police vehicles and cops had to resort to baton charge to disperse them. About half a dozen persons were reportedly injured in the clash. Police, after registering an FIR against 53 named and over 500 unknown persons, roped in as many as teams to ensure the arrest of troublemakers. Senior police officials are still camping in the violence-affected areas. DCP (Yamuna Nagar) Vivek Chandra Yadav told TOI that police, with the help of CCTV footage and other resources, identities of the troublemakers were ascertained, and efforts are underway to ensure action against them. "Further raids are being conducted at the hideouts of suspects to arrest the others. Stern legal action would be initiated against people involved in the violence. Police are also preparing to invoke Gangsters Act against them. The damage caused by the vandalism will be recovered from the miscreants, he added. A senior cop said the situation was under control and adequate forces have been deployed in the area.
Indian Express
23-06-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Why Ambedkarite politics is losing its autonomy in India
Written by Jadumani Mahanand The marginalisation of Ambedkarite electoral politics necessitates serious attention. Ambedkarite electoral politics uses elections as a means to challenge the power and domination of mainstream upper-caste parties, but lacks resources. Such politics, despite having an autonomous vision for the nation, is often reduced to caste-sectarian politics through a casteist gaze. Ironically, B R Ambedkar was unable to win an election in his time. His political significance was advanced in the 1990s by Kanshi Ram. For him, a single transferable vote was an important weapon in electoral democracy to achieve power. However, he was critical of the reserved constituency. Reiterating Ambedkar's views in What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchable, Kanshi Ram argued that a reserved constituency creates 'stooges' in electoral democracy. As the political discourse now again centres on Ambedkar — both the ruling party and the Opposition invoking him on many occasions — it is high time to look at what has gone wrong with Ambedkarite politics in the country. In the 18th general elections, the presence of Ambedkarite forces declined drastically compared to that of upper-caste parties. In Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra, where they used to be a formidable force, Dalit parties drew a blank. The BSP's presence has become negligible at the all-India level. Similarly, the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi is insignificant in Maharashtra. Before 2014, the BSP used to get third position in a few states as a pan-Indian party. However, its vote share has declined to 2.07 per cent, leading to its possible loss of national party status. There is a rupture in Dalit leadership. Chandrashekhar Azad seems to be gradually becoming an alternative voice in UP and a few other states. Both these parties together might offer a better future for Ambedkarite politics, but they have been standing against each other, splitting the votes. Since Independence, Ambedkarite politics was not able to find much space as the representatives in the state assemblies and Parliament are often co-opted by the upper caste political parties. Now, there are only two autonomous Dalit voices in Parliament: Chandrashekhar Azad and Thol. Thirumavalavan. Mallikarjun Kharge's presidency of Congress has pushed the party to embrace Ambedkarite language. On the other side, the Lok Janshakti Party's leader, Chirag Paswan, is mostly found silent when it comes to independently raising Dalit issues. The problem of caste in Indian politics is reduced to the Dalit question. Parties are happy with giving seats to the reserved constituency, sometimes with a few more portfolios — the President's position and the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. The upper castes' supremacy in Parliament has never been termed 'casteist politics'. Hence, the annihilation of caste has never been a question. These upper castes are the best allies of the upper class; Ambedkar rightly pointed out that the Brahman-Bania nexus is the core of electoral democracy. At least 93 per cent of the victorious candidates in the last Lok Sabha elections were crorepatis. However, since 2014, protecting democracy and the Constitution has been the core political vocabulary of Opposition parties. The narrative is created to challenge the BJP's undermining of the values of the Constitution. As a result, Dalit votes shifted to Congress. Why is it only Dalits' burden to protect the Constitution? In 2018, when the BJP tried to dilute the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989, Dalits protested across states. Around 12 Dalits were killed, several were injured, and many cases were filed against them. Still, Dalits are always to protect the Indian Constitution through elections and the civil rights movement. But no election is fought to ban caste violence against Dalits. Often, Dalit autonomous parties, or a candidate, are called the B-team of the BJP or the A-team of Congress. Moreover, as long as Dalit votes are used to protect the Indian Constitution, it satisfies the liberal conscience. Due to this appropriation and misrepresentation, there is a continuous decline in autonomous Ambedkarite politics. Their political autonomy creates a threat to upper-caste parties. If Dalits are to protect the Constitution, they have to find and invoke an autonomous voice beyond the upper-caste — either secular or priestly — domain of politics. The writer is assistant professor, political science, O P Jindal University. Views are personal
