Latest news with #Kosa
Time of India
3 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Commandos plan final assault on Maoist top guns in Abujmarh
1 2 Nagpur: Maharashtra's elite C-60 commandos are gearing up for a final assault on Abujmarh, tottering headquarters of the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army, buoyed by CM Devendra Fadnavis's historic visit to the area on Friday. In Odisha, police have intensified searches in Charmal forests of Sambalpur after reports about the influx of Maoists pushed out by security forces' offensives in neighbouring Chhattisgarh. The spotlight, though, remains on Abujmarh, where Operation Clean-up aims to decimate the last vestiges of the military wing of the five-decade old Maoist movement in Maharashtra's eastern flank, say top sources in the state's anti-Naxalite apparatus. A top guerrilla on the radar is central committee member Mallojula Venugopal Reddy, alias Bhupathi or Sonu. Intelligence inputs suggested he was holed up deep inside the booby-trapped forested hills of Abujmarh and spotted a few km off Kawande -- the hamlet CM Fadnavis visited two days ago. Although Bhupathi had appealed to the Centre for a ceasefire and despite his wife Tarakka surrendering a year ago, the veteran may opt to fight till his last breath. Apart from the uncertain terrain, the battle-hardened C60 commandos are also concerned about rains which would make the hills unapproachable with numerous overflowing rivulets and nullahs. Other Maoists on the hit list are Kadari Satyanarayana Reddy alias Kosa, Madvi Hidma, Devuji alias Devji and CPI (Maoist) general secretary Ganapathy. They are frequently shifting bases in Abujmarh and in the three-state junction of Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh and Telangana. Another top leader, Prabhakar, head of the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, is also a challenge for the forces. Kosa, a veteran revolutionary, and Bhupathi are considered the ideological fountainhead and brother of the late Maoist leader Mallojula Koteswara Rao (Kishenji). Intelligence reports suggest the duo is desperately changing locations to evade capture, moving through the treacherous terrain of Abujmarh, a region known for its inaccessibility and strategic importance to the Maoists. Sources claimed the youngest among the last few politburo members, Hidma, heading "Battalion One" in Chhattisgarh, is likely to have suffered injuries in gun battles with forces last month and has gone underground. "All the top Telugu leaders of the Central Committee and Politburo are 60 years and above, which has made them unsuitable for this challenge," said a top cop. Pressure on top cadres intensified after 12 senior Maoists surrendered to Gadchiroli police on Friday, a significant setback for the outfit. The surrendered cadres, reportedly from the Maad area, are believed to have provided critical intelligence about the movements of Kosa and Bhupathi. In Odisha's Sambalpur, intelligence inputs suggested suspicious movement of some rebels from Chhattisgarh, prompting the searches. "It is not fully confirmed if the rebels dispersed and are trying to shift their bases. Considering their dwindling numbers in Odisha, it is not likely that they will mount offensive action against forces," said a senior police officer. Earlier, DGP Y B Khurania said Odisha police are working hard to nip Left-wing extremism in the bud, reiterating the police effort to meet the Centre's target of eliminating LWE violence by March 2026.
Yahoo
18-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Whatcom County's road budget woes will require some creative accounting
Whatcom County's Public Works Department is having a bit of a cash flow problem, and the County Council is being asked to change its accounting rules so that bills can be paid on time. At issue is the Road Fund, which is a budget category where part of the county's property collections and its share of the state gas tax is allocated. State and federal grant money for road projects goes there too, and that's where money comes from to pay for road construction, repairs, snow removal and related projects. That fund is sometimes in the red when money is needed to pay the bills during the busy summer construction season, Public Works director Elizabeth Kosa told the County Council in a committee meeting Tuesday. It's partly because of higher labor and material costs, a drop in gas tax receipts, and also linked to the timing of property tax collections in spring and fall. 'We have a much higher budget authority than the funds we have available to spend. And I can commit to you, 100%, we will not spend beyond what we have,' Kosa told the council's Finance and Administrative Services Committee. Cash flow is threatening important summer road projects such as paving on Everson-Goshen Road and a slide removal on Lummi Island, she said. Because of this, Kosa is asking the County Council to authorize interfund loans to finance cash flow for Road Fund, in amounts up to $4 million for a term not to exceed two years. County Council members voted unanimously Tuesday to consider the matter at their next meeting on May 27. Kosa said that the Public Works budget is reeling from increased labor and construction material costs, some unexpected expenses, and a 'pattern of deficit spending has continued for over two decades.' To save money and balance its 2025 budget, Kosa said that Public Works is delaying some projects, continuing to reduce spending, and freezing 14 vacant positions for several years. The Road Fund 'is not nimble enough to absorb unexpected costs,' she said. 'We're recommending that our lowest month of the year contain $10 million balance in available cash flow. Without this we will not be able to float disasters such as a road washout or other emergencies. Any emergency would result in a request to use other county funds or a loss of service. The plan that we have proposed will get us through this year, provided no additional emergencies arise,' Kosa said. Public Works isn't exactly robbing Peter to pay Paul, because such interfund loans must be repaid. Deputy Excutive Kayla Schott-Breseler said the loan could come from any fund, but most likely it would be the General Fund or or real-estate excise taxes. 'The way that the ordinance is set up is that it gives the treasurer flexibility to chose the fund that is most healthy for cash flow purposes,' Schott-Breseler told the council.
Euronews
23-03-2025
- Euronews
Nowruz: The best New Year celebrations across Central Asia and beyond
Azerbaijan ADVERTISEMENT Novruz is an ancient traditional holiday which reflects and promotes cultural, national and spiritual values, folklore, and national identity of the Azerbaijani people. Novruz is a symbol of nature's rebirth, a symbol of fertility. It's widely celebrated in Azerbaijan as the symbol of winter's leaving and spring's coming, reports Euronews' Arzu Khalilova from Baku. Since restoring its independence, Azerbaijan has developed its historical past and rich traditions and national holidays, and Novruz started to be widely celebrated at state level as a national holiday. It's been marked across the entire sovereign territory of Azerbaijan for more than 30 years. A Nowruz celebration in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan Presidential Press and Information Office / CC licence The official celebration of Novruz holiday in Azerbaijan comes on March 21th - the beginning of the astronomical New Year. However, Azerbaijanis demonstratively celebrate it a month earlier. During four weeks before the holiday, a campfire is set on every Tuesday, and people, according to the tradition, must jump over the fire several times. Ilakhir Charshanba – the last Tuesday before the holiday is considered to be particularly important. This day is full of various ceremonial activities, which reflect the desire to provide well-being for family in the coming New year. The preparation for Novruz takes much time. Streets and squares are decorated, trees are planted, new clothes are sewed, eggs are coloured, sweets are prepared (shakarbura, pakhlava, etc.) Every house has certainly on the table samani (green sprouts of wheat) and khoncha - a tray with sweets, nuts, candies dried fruits etc. Young people and children also enjoy games such as dasmalatdi (throwing kerchief), shalsallama (shaking the shawl), gurshagatdi (throwing the belt) and gurshagsallama (shaking the belt). Kosa-Kosa, Chovgan (polo), Fincan-Fincan (cups), Gashig oyunu (game with spoons) and clashing eggs. Symbolic characters of Nowruz are manifested by Kechel, Kosa, and Bahar gizi (Spring girl). Their meanings are: The period prior to Nowruz is embodied by Kechel as well as to indicate the renewal of nature, the fertility symbol is Kosa, while landscaping of nature is represented by Bahar gizi. On this day, men as a traditional costume wear chokha (a long coat with a belt), a papakha (fur hat), and traditional boots. Women dress in silk or velvet dresses, often embroidered with gold or silver patterns, and wear headscarves or ornate headdresses with jewelry. These costumes add to the festive atmosphere of Novruz, showcasing the beauty of traditional craftsmanship while celebrating the arrival of spring. Kazakhstan Nowruz dancers in Astana, Kazakhstan. Ken and Nyetta / CC licence Kazakhs celebrate Nauryz, the spring equinox, as a pivotal moment in nature's renewal cycle—a profound blessing for nomads across the steppe, according to Euronews' Astana correspondent Botagoz Marabayeva. Historically, Nauryz carried deep significance, marking the earth's awakening and the long-awaited revival of grazing lands essential for nomadic survival. Enduring winter's scarcity was a testament to resilience, and simply reaching Nauryz signified continuity—both for households and bloodlines. Back in the nomadic era, people would leave the warmth of their yurts at this time, as the melting snow allowed them, and go to visit friends and family in other settlements. The first question was: 'How did you pass through the winter?' Related Kazakhstan's yurts: From nomadic shelters to modern eco-living innovations People no longer live in yurts in Kazakhstan but still wish to maintain close ties with their kin, and Nauryz presents just the right opportunity. Naturally, it is more visible in more rural regions than in the big cities. In the western region of Mangistau for instance, each tribe will erect a yurt and prepare a feast in it. All the tribal yurts will be next to each other. The elders will meet and exchange news and the youth will get to meet each other and soak in the traditional customs. Today, Kazakhstan celebrates Nauryz with even greater enthusiasm and turns it into a display of national unity. The festival, now a 10-day spectacle known as Nauryznama , begins on March 14 with Amal or Reunion Day, when people visit elders and exchange warm greetings. The festival culminates on March 21–22, transforming cities into vibrant celebrations of Kazakh culture with festive yurts, traditional feasts, nomadic sports, and artisan fairs. Turkey Fire jumping, the first festivity of the Nowruz, in Istanbul, Turkey. Bertilvidet~commonswiki / CC licence Nevruz, which means "new day," is celebrated in Türkiye around the spring equinox, typically on March 21. The ancient festival, which has its roots in Persian traditions, marks the arrival of spring. Nevruz is also important in that it symbolizes renewal, unity of people and dreams about the future. While it is not recognized as a national holiday in Türkiye, it holds the most significant cultural importance for the Kurdish and Alevi communities. The Nevruz is celebrated with vibrant festivities that bring people together to welcome the new season. One of the most iconic customs in Türkiye during Nevruz is the lighting of bonfires. People gather to jump over the flames, a symbolic act to leave behind negativity and embrace good fortune for the next year. Folk dances, poetry readings, and traditional music performances are also central to the celebrations, creating a lively and communal atmosphere. ADVERTISEMENT Nevruz in Türkiye also features unique culinary traditions. Families prepare special dishes, often using fresh, seasonal ingredients to honor the arrival of spring. Sharing food with loved ones is a key aspect of the celebration, emphasizing the themes of unity and renewal. Compared to other countries, Nevruz in Türkiye is less formalized but equally cheerful. While countries like Iran have official public holidays and rituals, celebrations in Türkiye are more community-driven and localized. The festival serves as a bridge between diverse cultural groups, highlighting shared heritage and fostering a sense of togetherness. ADVERTISEMENT For Turkish people, Nevruz is more than just a celebration of spring; it is a time to reflect on the past and look forward to new beginnings. Uzbekistan Uzbek girls in national costumes perform during festivities marking the holiday of Navruz in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, Saturday, March 21, 2009. Anvar Ilyasov/AP In Uzbekistan, south of Kazakhstan, Nauryz—known locally as Navruz—is celebrated with great enthusiasm. A cherished tradition during this holiday is the preparation and sharing of sumalak, a thick, sweet dish made from sprouted wheat. The cooking process is a communal affair, with friends and family gathered around large cauldrons, taking turns stirring while making wishes for the year ahead. For Uzbeks, Navruz is a symbol of national heritage and cultural pride. Families visit relatives, and the streets burst into celebration with folk music, dance, and vibrant festivities. Traditional bakhshi musicians captivate audiences with epic storytelling songs, while dance troupes perform Uzbek folk dances like Lazgi, famous for its expressive movements. The lively beats of the doira (frame drum) and the melodies of the nay (a flute-like instrument) set the rhythm as people join in the celebrations. On this festive occasion, greetings of "Navruz mubarak!" or "Happy Navruz!" echo throughout the country, as people exchange warm wishes for prosperity and happiness. As Uzbekistan welcomes the new season, Navruz fosters a spirit of unity, renewal, and optimism, reminding all that every fresh start holds the promise of growth and joy. ADVERTISEMENT
Yahoo
16-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Parents are desperate to protect kids on social media. Why did the US let a safety bill die?
When Congress adjourned for the holidays in December, a landmark bill meant to overhaul how tech companies protect their youngest users had officially failed to pass. Introduced in 2022, the Kids Online Safety act (Kosa) was meant to be a huge reckoning for big tech. Instead, despite sailing through the Senate with a 91-to-3 vote in July, the bill languished and died in the House. Kosa had been passionately championed by families who said their children had fallen victim to the harmful policies of social media platforms and advocates who said a bill reining in the unchecked power of big tech was long overdue. They are bitterly disappointed that a strong chance to check big tech failed because of congressional apathy. But human rights organizations had argued that the legislation could have led to unintended consequences affecting freedom of speech online. Kosa was introduced nearly three years ago in the aftermath of bombshell revelations by the former Facebook employee Frances Haugen about the scope and severity of social media platforms' effects on young users. It would have mandated that platforms like Instagram and TikTok address online dangers affecting children through design changes and allowing young users to opt out of algorithmic recommendations. 'This is a basic product-liability bill,' said Alix Fraser, director of Issue One's Council for Responsible Social Media. 'It's complicated, because the internet is complicated and social media is complicated, but it is essentially just an effort to create a basic product-liability standard for these companies.' Related: US parents: how much do you spend on childcare? A central – and controversial – component of the bill was its 'duty of care' clause, which declared that companies have 'a duty to act in the best interests of minors using their platforms' and would be open to interpretation by regulators. It also would have required that platforms implement measures to reduce harm by establishing 'safeguards for minors'. Critics argued that a lack of clear guidance on what constitutes harmful content might prompt companies to filter content more aggressively, leading to unintended consequences for freedom of speech. Sensitive but important topics such as gun violence and racial justice could be viewed as potentially harmful and subsequently be filtered out by the companies themselves. These censorship concerns were particularly pronounced for the LGBTQ+ community, which, opponents of Kosa said, could be disproportionately affected by conservative regulators, reducing access to vital resources. 'With Kosa, we saw a really well-intentioned but ultimately vague bill requiring online services to take unspecified action to keep kids safe, which was going to lead to several bad outcomes for children, and all marginalized users,' said Aliya Bhatia, a policy analyst at the Center for Democracy and Technology, which opposed the legislation and which receives money from tech donors including Amazon, Google and Microsoft. When the bill was first introduced, more than 90 human rights organizations signed a letter in opposition, underscoring these and other concerns. In response to such criticism, the bill's authors issued revisions in February 2024 – most notably, shifting the enforcement of its 'duty of care' provision from state attorneys general to the Federal Trade Commission. Following these changes, a number of organizations including Glaad, the Human Rights Campaign and the Trevor Project withdrew opposition, stating that the revisions 'significantly mitigate the risk of [Kosa] being misused to suppress LGBTQ+ resources or stifle young people's access to online communities'. But other civil rights groups maintained their opposition, including the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), the ACLU and Fight for the Future, calling Kosa a 'censorship bill' that would harm vulnerable users and freedom of speech at large. They argued the duty-of-care provision could just as easily be weaponized by a conservative FTC chair against LGBTQ+ youth as by state attorneys general. These concerns have been reflected in Trump's FTC chair appointment of the Republican Andrew Ferguson, who said in leaked statements he planned to use his role to 'fight back against the trans agenda'. Concerns around how Ferguson will manage online content is 'exactly what LGBTQ youth in this fight have written and called Congress about hundreds of times over the last couple of years', said Sarah Philips of Fight for the Future. 'The situation that they were fearful of has come to fruition, and anyone ignoring that is really just putting their heads in the sand.' Opponents say that even with Kosa's failure to pass, a chilling effect has already materialized with regards to what content is available on certain platforms. A recent report in User Mag found that hashtags for LGBTQ+-related topics were being categorized as 'sensitive content' and restricted from search. Legislation like Kosa does not take into account the complexities of the online landscape, said Bhatia, of the Center for Democracy and Technology, and is likely to lead platforms to pre-emptively censor content to avoid litigation. 'Children's safety occupies an interesting paradoxical positioning in tech policy, where at once children are vulnerable actors on the internet, but also at the same time benefit greatly from the internet,' she said. 'Using the blunt instrument of policy to protect them can often lead to outcomes that don't really take this into account.' Proponents attribute the backlash to Kosa to aggressive lobbying from the tech industry, though two of the top opponents – Fight for the Future and EFF – are not supported by large tech donors. Meanwhile, major tech companies are split on Kosa, with X, Snap, Microsoft and Pinterest outwardly supporting the bill and Meta and Google quietly opposing it. 'Kosa was an extremely robust piece of legislation, but what is more robust is the power of big tech,' Fraser said, of Issue One. 'They hired every lobbyist in town to take it down, and they were successful in that.' Fraser added that advocates were disappointed in Kosa failing to pass but 'won't rest until federal legislation is passed to protect kids online and the tech sector is held accountable for its actions'. Aside from Ferguson as FTC chair, it is unclear what exactly the new Trump administration and the shifting makeup of Congress mean for the future of Kosa. Though Trump has not directly indicated his views on Kosa, several people in his close circle have expressed support following last-minute amendments to the bill in 2024 facilitated by Elon Musk's X. The congressional death of Kosa may seem like the end of a winding and controversial path, but advocates on both sides of the fight say it's too soon to write the legislation's obituary. 'We should not expect Kosa to disappear quietly,' said Prem M Trivedi, policy director at the Open Technology Institute, which opposes Kosa. 'Whether we are going to see it introduced again or different incarnations of it, more broadly the focus on kid's online safety is going to continue.' Richard Blumenthal, the senator who co-authored the bill with Senator Marsha Blackburn, has promised to reintroduce it in the upcoming congressional session, and other advocates for the bill also say they will not give up. 'I've worked with a lot of these parents who have been willing to recount the worst day of their lives time and time again, in front of lawmakers, in front of staffers, in front of the press, because they know that something has to change,' said Fraser. 'They're not going to stop.'
The Guardian
16-02-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Parents are desperate to protect kids on social media. Why did the US let a safety bill die?
When Congress adjourned for the holidays in December, a landmark bill meant to overhaul how tech companies protect their youngest users had officially failed to pass. Introduced in 2022, the Kids Online Safety act (Kosa) was meant to be a massive reckoning for big tech. Instead, despite sailing through the Senate with a 91-to-3 vote in July, the bill languished and died in the House. Kosa had been passionately championed by families who said their children had fallen victim to the harmful policies of social media platforms and advocates who said a bill reining in the unchecked power of big tech was long overdue. They're bitterly disappointed that a strong chance to check big tech failed because of congressional apathy. But human rights organizations had argued that the legislation could have led to unintended consequences affecting freedom of speech online. Kosa was introduced nearly three years ago in the aftermath of bombshell revelations by former Facebook employee Frances Haugen about the scope and severity of social media platforms' effects on young users. It would have mandated that platforms like Instagram and TikTok address online dangers affecting children through design changes and allowing young users to opt out of algorithmic recommendations. 'This is a basic product-liability bill,' said Alix Fraser, director of Issue One's Council for Responsible Social Media. 'It's complicated, because the internet is complicated and social media is complicated, but it is essentially just an effort to create a basic product-liability standard for these companies.' A central – and controversial – component of the bill was its 'duty of care' clause, which declared that companies have 'a duty to act in the best interests of minors using their platforms' and would be open to interpretation by regulators. It also would have required that platforms implement measures to reduce harm by establishing 'safeguards for minors'. Critics argued that a lack of clear guidance on what constitutes harmful content might prompt companies to filter content more aggressively, leading to unintended consequences for freedom of speech. Sensitive but important topics such as gun violence and racial justice could be viewed as potentially harmful and subsequently be filtered out by the companies themselves. These censorship concerns were particularly pronounced for the LGBTQ+ community, which, opponents of Kosa said, could be disproportionately affected by conservative regulators, reducing access to vital resources. 'With Kosa, we saw a really well-intentioned but ultimately vague bill requiring online services to take unspecified action to keep kids safe, which was going to lead to several bad outcomes for children, and all marginalized users,' said Aliya Bhatia, a policy analyst at the Center for Democracy and Technology, which opposed the legislation and which receives money from tech donors including Amazon, Google and Microsoft. When the bill was first introduced, more than 90 human rights organizations signed a letter in opposition, underscoring these and other concerns. In response to such criticism, the bill's authors issued revisions in February 2024 – most notably, shifting the enforcement of its 'duty of care' provision from state attorneys general to the Federal Trade Commission. Following these changes, a number of organizations including Glaad, the Human Rights Campaign and the Trevor Project withdrew opposition, stating that the revisions 'significantly mitigate the risk of [Kosa] being misused to suppress LGBTQ+ resources or stifle young people's access to online communities'. But other civil rights groups maintained their opposition, including the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), the ACLU and Fight for the Future, calling Kosa a 'censorship bill' that would harm vulnerable users and freedom of speech at large. They argued the duty-of-care provision could just as easily be weaponized by a conservative FTC chair against LGBTQ+ youth as by state attorneys general. These concerns have been reflected in Trump's FTC chair appointment of Republican Andrew Ferguson, who said in leaked statements he planned to use his role to 'fight back against the trans agenda'. Concerns around how Ferguson will manage online content is 'exactly what LGBTQ youth in this fight have written and called Congress about hundreds of times over the last couple of years', said Sarah Philips of Fight for the Future. 'The situation that they were fearful of has come to fruition, and anyone ignoring that is really just putting their heads in the sand.' Opponents say that even with Kosa's failure to pass, a chilling effect has already materialized with regards to what content is available on certain platforms. A recent report in User Mag found that hashtags for LGBTQ+-related topics were being categorized as 'sensitive content' and restricted from search. Legislation like Kosa does not take into account the complexities of the online landscape, said Bhatia, of the Center for Democracy and Technology, and is likely to lead platforms to pre-emptively censor content to avoid litigation. 'Children's safety occupies an interesting paradoxical positioning in tech policy, where at once children are vulnerable actors on the internet, but also at the same time benefit greatly from the internet,' she said. 'Using the blunt instrument of policy to protect them can often lead to outcomes that don't really take this into account.' Proponents attribute the backlash to Kosa to aggressive lobbying from the tech industry, though two of the top opponents – Fight for the Future and EFF – are not supported by large tech donors. Meanwhile, major tech companies are split on Kosa, with X, Snap, Microsoft and Pinterest outwardly supporting the bill and Meta and Google quietly opposing it. Sign up to TechScape A weekly dive in to how technology is shaping our lives after newsletter promotion 'Kosa was an extremely robust piece of legislation, but what is more robust is the power of big tech,' Fraser said, of Issue One. 'They hired every lobbyist in town to take it down, and they were successful in that.' Fraser added that advocates are disappointed in Kosa failing to pass but 'won't rest until federal legislation is passed to protect kids online and the tech sector is held accountable for its actions'. Aside from Ferguson as FTC chair, it is unclear what exactly the new Trump administration and the shifting makeup of Congress mean for the future of Kosa. Though Trump has not directly indicated his views on Kosa, several people in his close circle have expressed support following last-minute amendments to the bill in 2024 facilitated by Elon Musk's X. The congressional death of Kosa may seem like the end of a winding and controversial path, but advocates on both sides of the fight say it's too soon to write the legislation's obituary. 'We should not expect Kosa to disappear quietly,' said Prem M Trivedi, policy director at the Open Technology Institute, which opposes Kosa. 'Whether we are going to see it introduced again or different incarnations of it, more broadly the focus on kid's online safety is going to continue.' Richard Blumenthal, the senator who co-authored the bill with the senator Marsha Blackburn, has promised to reintroduce it in the upcoming congressional session, and other advocates for the bill also say they will not give up. 'I've worked with a lot of these parents who have been willing to recount the worst day of their lives time and time again, in front of lawmakers, in front of staffers, in front of the press, because they know that something has to change,' said Fraser. 'They're not going to stop.'
