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The Star
5 hours ago
- Politics
- The Star
Pro-government newspaper in Japan shocks with ‘radical' support for female emperor
TOKYO (The Straits Times/ANN): The two main conservative media outlets in Japan are waging a battle for public opinion, after the Yomiuri newspaper broached an idea long held to be taboo and one that breaks from right-wing values. 'We should not rule out the possibility of a female emperor, or an emperor through a female line,' the Yomiuri declared in its page one story on May 15, as it unveiled policy proposals on the question of imperial succession. 'If we continue to insist on male descendants in the male line, the survival of the symbolic emperor system will be in jeopardy.' That the influential Yomiuri Shimbun – Japan's largest broadsheet with a daily circulation of 6.2 million copies – was giving policy recommendations is not surprising. Since 1994, it has leveraged its position as the nation's most-read newspaper to drive policy agenda through its proposals. However, what has rippled through Japan's political hallways was how the Yomiuri, often considered to be pro-government for its alignment with the conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has embraced a stance that is more in line with the political left. The hawkish Sankei newspaper, with a circulation of under one million, launched a broadside, enlisting commentators who accused the Yomiuri of 'misleading the public' with 'sloppy content'. Its chief editorial writer Satoshi Sakakibara said the Yomiuri was bordering on blasphemy and would lead to 'Japan ceasing to be Japanese'. A Sankei editorial noted that legacy newspapers should not jump on the popular bandwagon and engage in 'knee-jerk politics, by rushing to conclusions based on superficial information without considering the weight of history or responsibility to the future'. The culture war comes as the future of Japan's monarchy – the world's oldest hereditary royal lineage dating to 660BC – is now a hot-button issue in Japan's Parliament, due to the dwindling number of political heirs. Public opinion, however, is firmly in support of a female monarch or an emperor of matrilineal descent. This clashes with conservative hardliners within the LDP, who want to preserve the Chrysanthemum Throne exclusively for male descendants of the male line. This is nothing to do with a gender divide: Among the staunchest flag-bearers for hardline policy is former economic security minister Sanae Takaichi, a prime ministerial hopeful who has of late sharpened her criticism of incumbent leader Shigeru Ishiba. Kiyotaka Akasaka, president of the non-profit Nippon Communications Foundation, told The Straits Times that the Yomiuri's proposals are 'radical' given the newspaper's usual position, and come as a 'bombshell to the political right'. The policy ideas might not have been possible if veteran journalist Tsuneo Watanabe, who was Yomiuri's managing editor from 1985 until his death at 98 in 2024, was still alive, Mr Akasaka said. The clash in views, he added, stems from the hardliners' unwavering commitment to traditional values regardless of circumstance and despite the alarming decline of imperial family members. However, he noted: 'It is very difficult to foresee how greatly these proposals will impact the current policy considerations, but they have very much encouraged the political opposition.' There are just three heirs to the Chrysanthemum Throne: Crown Prince Akishino, 59, the Emperor's younger brother; Prince Hisahito, the 18-year-old son of the Crown Prince; and finally, Prince Hitachi, 89, the siblings' uncle. This is the stark reality: If Prince Hisahito chooses not to get married, or does not produce a male child, there would be nobody to succeed the throne. Already, there has been pushback. In contrast to his grandfather, the late wartime emperor Hirohito, who was revered as a deity until Japan lost the war, Crown Prince Akishino said at a news conference in 2024 that politicians should not lose sight of how the royals who are affected by policy are 'real live human beings'. There are now five unmarried women in the 16-member imperial household, including Princess Aiko, who is 23 years old and the only child of Emperor Naruhito and Empress Masako. While commoner women marry into the imperial family, like Empress Masako, princesses who are born in the family lose their royal identity and become commoners themselves when they wed commoners. The latest to leave the family is Crown Prince Akishino's daughter Mako, 33, who married her college sweetheart in 2021. The couple promptly relocated to the United States and have not returned to Japan since. On May 30, the Imperial Household Agency said the couple had given birth to their first child, without revealing the gender. As a solution to the dwindling numbers, the Yomiuri Shimbun suggests allowing princesses to keep their royal status after marriage, with their husbands and children entering the imperial household. Traditionalists agree that princesses should remain as royals and continue official duties after marriage. But they draw the line at admitting their spouses and children into the family, arguing that this could result in a matrilineal emperor and taint the royal bloodline. They note that while there have been eight female emperors, they were all unmarried and patrilineal heirs. There has never been a matrilineal emperor. The Yomiuri, however, believes that the idea of 'one family, two statuses' is unrealistic. As commoners, the spouses and children would be free to express their opinions that could impugn the imperial family's 'political neutrality and dignity'. It further points to how the unbroken bloodline, across millennia, had been sustained by concubines, with 55 illegitimate children having become emperors. Meanwhile, traditionalists also favour bringing back members of 11 former branches of the imperial family that were disbanded after World War II, through 'adoption'. It is said that there are at least 10 unmarried male descendants in their 20s or younger among these branches. But the idea has very little traction among the public. Eighty years have passed since the war, and members of these branch families would have grown accustomed to life as commoners, outside the public eye and rigid rules of the imperial household. Kanda University of International Studies lecturer Jeffrey Hall told ST that this plan would 'raise questions about the human rights of the individuals involved', noting that the Yomiuri sees this as 'a more unreliable and unpredictable solution that could dilute public support for the monarchy'. Dr Hall noted that the monarchy is not a major issue for moderate or centre-right voters, although there is a 'very vocal minority' of extreme conservatives who prefer the Sankei to the Yomiuri for 'more consistently taking their side on culture war issues'. While they are not the majority of LDP voters, the party would have difficulty winning elections without their support, he said. 'To many Japanese, the insistence on male-only succession seems to clash with the concepts of gender equality and women's rights,' Dr Hall said. 'But die-hard conservatives will do almost anything to protect what they see as one of their nation's most sacred traditions.' - The Straits Times/ANN
Straits Times
10 hours ago
- Politics
- Straits Times
Pro-government newspaper in Japan shocks with ‘radical' support for female emperor
(From left) Japan's Emperor Naruhito, Empress Masako and other royal family members attending the spring garden party at the Akasaka Palace in Tokyo on April 22. PHOTO: AFP – The two main conservative media outlets in Japan are waging a battle for public opinion, after the Yomiuri newspaper broached an idea long held to be taboo and one that breaks from right-wing values. 'We should not rule out the possibility of a female emperor, or an emperor through a female line,' the Yomiuri newspaper declared in its Page One story on May 15, as it unveiled policy proposals on the question of imperial succession. 'If we continue to insist on male descendants in the male line, the survival of the symbolic emperor system will be in jeopardy.' That the influential Yomiuri Shimbun – Japan's largest broadsheet with a daily circulation of 6.2 million copies – was giving policy recommendations is not surprising. Since 1994, it has leveraged its position as the nation's most-read newspaper to drive policy agenda through its proposals. However, what has rippled through Japan's political hallways was how the Yomiuri, often considered to be pro-government for its alignment with the conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has embraced a stance that is more in line with the political left. The hawkish Sankei newspaper, with a circulation of under one million, launched a broadside, enlisting commentators who accused the Yomiuri of 'misleading the public' with 'sloppy content'. Its chief editorial writer Satoshi Sakakibara said the Yomiuri was bordering on blasphemy and would lead to 'Japan ceasing to be Japanese'. A Sankei editorial noted that legacy newspapers should not jump on the popular bandwagon and engage in 'knee-jerk politics, by rushing to conclusions based on superficial information without considering the weight of history or responsibility to the future'. The culture war comes as the future of Japan's monarchy – the world's oldest hereditary royal lineage dating to 660BC – is now a hot-button issue in Japan's Parliament, due to the dwindling number of political heirs. Public opinion, however, is firmly in support of a female monarch or an emperor of matrilineal descent. This clashes with conservative hardliners within the LDP, who want to preserve the Chrysanthemum Throne exclusively for male descendants of the male line. This is nothing to do with a gender divide: among the staunchest flag-bearers for hardline policy is former economic security minister Sanae Takaichi, a prime ministerial hopeful who has of late sharpened her criticism of incumbent leader Shigeru Ishiba. Mr Kiyotaka Akasaka, president of the non-profit Nippon Communications Foundation, told The Straits Times that the Yomiuri's proposals are 'radical' given the newspaper's usual position, and come as a 'bombshell to the political right'. The policy ideas might not have been possible if veteran journalist Tsuneo Watanabe, who was Yomiuri's managing editor from 1985 until his death at 98 in 2024, was still alive, Mr Akasaka said. The clash in views, he added, stems from the hardliners' unwavering commitment to traditional values regardless of circumstance and despite the alarming decline of imperial family members. But he noted: 'It is very difficult to foresee how greatly these proposals will impact the current policy considerations, but they have very much encouraged the political opposition.' Emperor Naruhito, 65, is the 126th reigning monarch after his father Akihito, 91, broke with tradition to abdicate in 2019 and become Emperor Emeritus. There are just three heirs to the Chrysanthemum Throne: Crown Prince Akishino, 59, the Emperor's younger brother ; Prince Hisahito, the 18-year-old son of the crown prince; and finally, Prince Hitachi, 89, the siblings' uncle. This is the stark reality: if Prince Hisahito chooses not to get married, or does not produce a male child, there would be nobody to succeed the throne. Already, there has been pushback. In contrast to his grandfather, the late wartime Emperor Hirohito, who was revered as a deity until Japan lost the war, Crown Prince Akishino said at a news conference in 2024 that politicians should not lose sight of how the royals who are affected by policy are 'real live human beings'. There are now five unmarried women in the 16-member imperial household, including Princess Aiko, who is 23 years old and the only child of Emperor Naruhito and Empress Masako. While commoner women marry into the imperial family, like Empress Masako, princesses who are born in the family lose their royal identity and become commoners themselves when they wed commoners. The latest to leave the family is Crown Prince Akishino's daughter Mako, 33, who married her college sweetheart in 2021. The couple promptly relocated to the United States and have not returned to Japan since. On May 30, the Imperial Household Agency said the couple had given birth to their first child, without revealing the gender. As a solution to the dwindling numbers, the Yomiuri Shimbun suggests allowing princesses to keep their royal status after marriage, with their husbands and children entering the imperial household. Traditionalists agree that princesses should remain as royals and continue official duties after marriage. But they draw the line at admitting their spouses and children into the family, arguing that this could result in a matrilineal emperor and taint the royal bloodline. They note that while there have been eight female emperors, they were all unmarried and patrilineal heirs. There has never been a matrilineal emperor . The Yomiuri, however, believes that the idea of 'one family, two statuses' is unrealistic. As commoners, the spouses and children would be free to express their opinions that could impugn the imperial family's 'political neutrality and dignity'. It further points to how the unbroken bloodline, across millennia, had been sustained by concubines, with 55 illegitimate children having become Emperors. Meanwhile, traditionalists also favour bringing back members of 11 former branches of the imperial family that were disbande d after World War II, through 'adoption'. It is said that there are at least 10 unmarried male descendants in their 20s or younger among these branches. But the idea has very little traction among the public. Eighty years have passed since the war, and members of these branch families would have grown accustomed to life as commoners, outside the public eye and rigid rules of the imperial household. Kanda University of International Studies lecturer Jeffrey Hall told ST that this plan would 'raise questions about the human rights of the individuals involved', noting that the Yomiuri sees this as 'a more unreliable and unpredictable solution that could dilute public support for the monarchy'. Dr Hall noted that the monarchy is not a major issue for moderate or centre-right voters, although there is a 'very vocal minority' of extreme conservatives who prefer the Sankei to the Yomiuri for 'more consistently taking their side on culture war issues'. While they are not the majority of LDP voters, the party would have difficulty winning elections without their support, he said. 'To many Japanese, the insistence on male-only succession seems to clash with the concepts of gender equality and women's rights,' Dr Hall said. 'But die-hard conservatives will do almost anything to protect what they see as one of their nation's most sacred traditions.' Walter Sim is Japan correspondent at The Straits Times. Based in Tokyo, he writes about political, economic and socio-cultural issues. Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
The Mainichi
13 hours ago
- Business
- The Mainichi
Editorial: Japan must not delay pension reforms as Diet passes system revision bill
Measures to stabilize people's post-retirement livelihoods must be steadily implemented in Japan. A bill to revise Japan's public pension system has passed the House of Representatives and is now expected to become law. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komeito coalition had earlier reached an agreement with the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP) to add provisions in supplementary clauses to boost basic pension levels. Initially, the government considered incorporating the benefit enhancement plan directly into the bill, but backed down due to resistance from within the LDP. Criticism arose over plans to utilize reserve money from the Employees' Pension Insurance system, with opponents labeling it "a misuse of funds." Some LDP figures also expressed concern that implementing the measure would temporarily reduce pension benefit levels and negatively impact the party's hopes in the summer House of Councillors election. If left unchanged, the current pension system will see basic pension payments decrease by approximately 30% in about 30 years, raising concerns that the number of people expected to face insufficient pension benefits will increase, particularly among the so-called "employment ice age generation," who struggled to find stable employment throughout the post-bubble economy malaise. Given such projected outcomes, the CDP demanded that basic pension-boosting measures be reinstated, a request the LDP eventually agreed to. We can appreciate that the political parties succeeded in reaching consensus as the end of the current Diet session approaches. Still, implementation of these measures comes with certain conditions. The pension-boosting policies would be introduced only if the outlook for pension finances, set to be released in 2029, projects a decrease in basic benefits. Postponing pension reforms and relying too heavily on hopes of economic growth improving pension finances risks future repercussions. Political parties must work rigorously to ensure these pension-enhancement steps are definitively realized. The establishment of solid resources has also been deferred. Currently, half of basic pension benefits are funded through taxes. Over 2 trillion yen (about $13.86 billion) in additional public expenses will be required in the future, yet detailed discussions were avoided ahead of the July upper house election. Unless Japan experiences a substantial expansion in tax revenue at current rates, tax increases inevitably await. Securing public acceptance will take considerable time. Failing to begin serious deliberations promptly cannot be considered a responsible attitude. This revision of the pension system includes additional measures, such as improving coverage for part-time workers and reviewing rules that currently reduce Employees' Pension Insurance benefits for elderly people who remain employed. Despite this revision impacting the daily lives of the public significantly, considerable delays in submitting the bill resulted in insufficient time for Diet discussions. Responsibility clearly rests with the governing parties. Although the three-party talks involving the LDP, Komeito and CDP succeeded in shaping amendments, the Diet ought to formally create platforms enabling participation from all parties. Both ruling and opposition parties must avoid exploiting pension issues for political purposes, but focus instead on ensuring the pension system's viability and sustainability.
Asia Times
a day ago
- Business
- Asia Times
Soaring rice prices are stirring political trouble in Japan
Japan's agriculture minister, Taku Eto, resigned on May 21 just six months into his term, following a public backlash to his joke that he never buys rice because supporters give it to him for free. Gaffes are by no means uncommon in Japanese politics. Controversial remarks by one former prime minister, Taro Aso, were routinely followed by retractions – and the ruling Liberal Democratic party (LDP) even distributed a gaffe-prevention manual to its members in 2019. But amid a severe rice shortage, which has seen prices surge to 90% higher than they were a year ago, Eto's quip was seen by the Japanese public as more than just an offhand comment. Rice has been a significant part of life in Japan for nearly 3,000 years. This deep connection is reflected in the Japanese word gohan, which means 'cooked rice' but is often used simply to refer to a meal. Rice has also shaped the foundations of Japanese cuisine and farming culture. Such is the importance of rice to Japanese people that a spike in prices in 1918 led to a nationwide wave of protest. The so-called rice riots forced then-Prime Minister Terauchi Masatake,to resign. However, despite the grain's obvious importance, Japanese government policy in recent decades has been focused on tightly controlling and regulating the production of rice. It has endeavoured to keep prices high, partly to reward farmers – who are an important support base for the LDP. This means consumers have paid a premium, contributing to a downward trend in rice consumption alongside other factors such as dietary diversification. By 2022, annual rice consumption in Japan had fallen to 51kg per person, less than half of what it was at its 1962 peak. In this context, the public reaction to Eto's comment was understandable. Japan's current prime minister, Shigeru Ishiba, initially seemed prepared to weather the storm, advising Eto to retract his 'problematic' remarks and remain in his post. But with elections approaching in July and Ishiba's approval rating sinking to a record low of 21%, his administration was left with little choice and Eto ultimately resigned. The rice crisis has emerged as one of the defining issues of the upcoming election, which will determine whether Ishiba's ruling coalition can secure a majority in the upper house of parliament. Having already lost its majority in the lower house in October 2024, the government may be set for another crushing defeat at the polls. Japan's rice crisis A few factors have combined over the past year to cause rice prices to increase unexpectedly. Japan's hottest September in 125 years resulted in poor harvests, while government warnings that a major earthquake off the country's Pacific coast could be imminent triggered panic buying. The agriculture ministry also says that a surge in inbound tourism contributed to a sudden rise in rice consumption. However, the rice crisis is not fundamentally the result of climate volatility or increased demand. It is the product of decades of self-defeating agricultural policy that has prioritized institutional interests over national food security. Rice production caps, which were introduced in 1971 to control supply and prices, have never been fully dismantled even as domestic consumption has changed and the farming population decreased. This artificial control of output has left the country ill-prepared for demand surges. Compounding these issues are entrenched protectionist measures designed to shield small-scale rice farmers through high tariffs and rigid distribution systems. These distortions have prioritized institutional stability and political patronage over food security reform, leaving Japan increasingly vulnerable in an era of climate disruption and supply chain instability. Having struggled with low wages for years, many sectors of Japan's population are now grappling with inflation. The government has dug into its emergency rice reserves in an attempt to alleviate the problem, but the grain has been slow to reach supermarket shelves. And some farmers, increasingly frustrated by regulations limiting how much rice they can grow, have even organized demonstrations. Under current conditions, imported rice is becoming an unavoidable fallback. Japan is importing rice from South Korea for the first time in over 25 years, while Japanese tourists are reportedly filling their suitcases with Korean rice – despite deep-seated skepticism toward anything not domestically grown. Political change looming? With rice prices soaring and public discontent mounting, this beloved everyday grain is once again at the center of Japanese politics – just as it was more than a century ago during the 1918 rice riots. Despite the complexities of modern economies, connected to global systems of market exchange, Japanese consumers understand that government policies have played an oversized role in creating the current crisis. It is largely policy that has kept their wages low and failed to rein in inflation. Consumers are also keenly aware that the LDP's rice policy has worked to protect its critical agricultural support base, a situation strongly reflected in Eto's joke. As the government scrambles to get its house in order and put more affordable rice back on the table, a deeper reflection of the past seems advisable. Historical precedents, such as the 1918 riots, suggest that strong public distrust of a government's rice policy results in profound political change. Ming Gao is a research scholar of East Asia studies, Lund University; and Timothy Amos is a senior lecturer in Japanese studies, University of Sydney. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Japan Times
2 days ago
- Business
- Japan Times
Japan's Lower House OKs revised pension reform bill
The House of Representatives on Friday approved a revised pension reform bill that calls for a measure to shore up basic pension benefits. The bill passed the lower chamber during a plenary meeting by a majority vote, with support from the ruling camp and the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan. The bill is expected to be enacted during the current session of parliament ending in June after being sent to the House of Councilors. The level of basic pension benefits for all citizens is expected to decrease by about 30% in three decades due to the country's shrinking and aging population. The revised bill, submitted jointly by the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito, plus the CDP, features a supplementary provision that calls for shoring up basic pension benefits through the use of reserve funds from the kōsei nenkin public pension program for corporate and government workers that pay additional benefits, if the 2029 review of public pension finances predicts a significant decrease in basic pension benefits. The government initially sought to include a basic pension improvement plan in the pension reform bill but eventually dropped it following criticism among some LDP members that the planned measure would be a misappropriation of kōsei nenkin funds. The government came under fire for the removal of the improvement plan. This led the LDP and Komeito to accept a CDP proposal to revise the bill to put back the plan.
