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IOL News
21 hours ago
- Politics
- IOL News
ANC's 'better life for all' mantra remains a pipedream
Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu On June 26, 1955, the Freedom Charter was adopted in Kliptown, Soweto in Johannesburg. This document envisioned a free South Africa post-apartheid. It gave hope of a better future where people's dignity would be restored, and racial stratification be a thing of the past. This gave hope for a better life for all South Africans. Of the ten clauses in the Freedom Charter as the focal points, a few stood out and have been ventilated over the years. The first clause stated that 'The people shall govern.' This assumed that a government of the people would be constituted, not the apartheid government which represented a white minority. The fourth promise was that 'The land shall be shared among those who work it.' Implicit in this vision was that the black majority who tilled the land would own it. The eighth clause stated that 'The doors of learning and culture shall be opened.' This brought a glimmer of hope to the students. There were other promises of the sharing of the country's wealth and assurance that all racial groups would have equal rights. The year 2025 marks 70 years since the adoption of the Freedom Charter. This happens at a time when the ANC is no longer the governing party but is part of a multiparty coalition government following its failure to obtain the required fifty-plus-one threshold in the 2024 general election. However, the ANC has led South Africa during the first six administrations since 1994. As such, it had enough time to implement the promises of the Freedom Charter. Five questions arise. The first question is 'how far have the promises of the Freedom Charter been achieved under the ANC government? Secondly, to what extent have opposition political parties held the ANC accountable so that it could deliver on the promises contained in the Freedom Charter? Thirdly, following the ANC's dismal performance in the 2024 general election, are opposition parties capitalising on the ANC's weakness or are they allowing the ANC to regain its lost ground? Fourthly, to what extent is the ANC regrouping as it prepares for the 2026 Local Government Election (LGE)? Lastly and importantly, what can we expect in the much-anticipated LGE given the current politics in the country? On the first question, it depends on who is being asked. Many South Africans believe that the ANC has reneged on its promise to implement the clauses of the Freedom Charter. They base their assessment on the condition of their lives and unfulfilled promises made by the ANC in each election. However, the ANC holds the view that of the ten clauses, only two have not been fulfilled. These are clause three which says, 'The people shall share in the country's wealth' and clause four which says, 'The land shall be shared among those who work it.' But even with these clauses, the ANC claims that it is a work in progress. ANC national chairperson Gwede Mantashe argues that the ANC has lived to the ideals of the Freedom Charter. Therefore, it is safe to say that the answers to the first question are subjective. The second question is more important. The mandate of opposition political parties (especially the main opposition) is to keep the governing party on its toes. After the 1994 general election, the National Party (NP) was pushed to the opposition benches. It failed to hold the ANC accountable. Instead, it split into two and eventually collapsed. In 1999, the Democratic Party (DP) of Tony Leon assumed the position of being the official opposition. From 2004 to 2024 the Democratic Alliance was the official opposition party. It failed to hold the ANC accountable. Despite its scathing attack on the ANC, it is now co-governing with the ANC in the multiparty coalition. The third question speaks to the current situation. The newly formed Mkhonto Wesizwe Party (MKP) is the official opposition. Together with the EFF and other smaller parties, it should be positioning itself as an alternative. However, currently, the party is unstable. This instability is exemplified by the recent swearing-in of nine new members in the National Assembly and some movements in the KwaZulu-Natal Legislature. Even in the leadership of the party outside parliament, there is instability. The recent removal of Floyd Shivambu from the position of Secretary General and his subsequent media briefing which laid bare his sour relations with the party confirm instability in the SG position. The EFF is also facing problems of its own – including a decline in its support base. The fourth question speaks directly to the ANC. The party is on record talking about the renewal agenda. However, this seems to be political rhetoric rather than something tangible. KwaZulu-Natal where the party recorded its highest loss has seen more activity. Firstly, the provincial leadership structure was reconfigured. A few days ago, the ANC's 11 regions were disbanded by the current leadership. While these might be touted as part of the renewal process, some might argue that it has the potential to further divide the party. In parliament, the ANC faced a backlash on the budget issue – especially the proposed 2% VAT hike. This happened against the backdrop of what happened in the sixth administration when the ANC used its numbers to protect President Ramaphosa after the Phala Phala saga. Even the party's working relations (or lack thereof) with the DA have drawn interest from the public. So, is the ANC really renewing itself or is the renewal agenda only existing on paper? The last question about next year's LGE touches on all political parties – both those who are in the coalition and opposition parties. The former must account to the electorate about what they have been doing since the start of the seventh administration. Opposition parties must explain to the public if they have held the coalition government accountable or if they were fixated on their internal issues. As we reflect on the Freedom Charter, objective reflections are crucial. * Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at Nelson Mandela University. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Community fights proposed ward boundary change in Chatsworth
The Mobeni Heights Civic Association is opposing adjustments by the Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB). Image: eThekwini Municipality RESIDENTS of Mobeni Heights and Havenside are uniting against a proposed ward boundary change that threatens their community ties and access to essential services ahead of the 2026 Local Government Elections (LGE). This move would see the geographic area change from ward 69 in Chatsworth to ward 74 in Lamontville. The respective civic associations are now on a vigorous 'fight back' campaign to object to the proposed ward boundary change. Community leaders claimed that they had not been notified of the proposed move, which was brought by the Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB), ahead of the 2026 LGE. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Denzil Davan, chairperson of the Mobeni Heights Civic Association said they were leading the fight against the proposed changes which 'threatened to split a tightly knit community, severing decades of civic and social cohesion'. 'I stumbled upon the proposal while I was doing an internet search for a map of ward 69. We did not see any advert or media reports, and we were not notified of the public consultations. 'I immediately informed the civic committees and we started reviewing and objecting to the demarcation. The proposal seeks to move Mobeni Heights and part of Havenside into neighbouring Lamontville, splitting them from their long-standing ward. 'The plan, shrouded in minimal publicity and limited transparency, has sparked outrage among residents and ignited a powerful grassroots response. 'If implemented, it would place parts of Mobeni Heights and Havenside - areas with a rich, shared history - into a ward with little contextual or infrastructural alignment,' he said. 'The closing date for objections is June 30. The MDB's publications have not been widely distributed, and the process remains opaque. I informed the ward 69 councillor, Ganas Govender, who advised us that the municipality had not officially notified councillors of the proposal. He was informed of the proposal at a council meeting a few weeks ago,' added Davan. He said they had called a public meeting to inform residents of the proposal, and also obtained legal advice about the proposed move. 'Ultimately, we would not get municipal services like water, electricity, health, policing or fire department services from the Chatsworth area. We would have to access services from Umlazi. 'All billing queries would have to be done at the Lamontville Sizakala Centre and no longer at the Chatsworth office. Most of these venues are not on our bus or taxi routes. If the hospitals decide to follow the ward framework, our residents would have to go to Prince Mshiyeni Hospital and not RK Khan. The Mobeni Heights Cemetery and Crematorium would also be in Ward 74, Lamontville, if approved. 'With regards to policing, we would no longer be serviced by Bayview SAPS, but Lamontville SAPS. Wards determine everything, from social services to housing,' he said. Davan said they were now in the process of mass mobilisation to submit objections. 'Our 'fight back' campaign includes a door-to-door, inbox-to-inbox effort to awaken community voices. Volunteers have been distributing objection forms, hosting information sessions, and circulating legal guidance to every corner of the affected areas. 'Residents are being urged to submit personal objections using the official Form MDB 3, available through the civic association. These objections must be emailed to registry@ with copies to mobeniheights@ 'Mass petitions would not be accepted, a point the association has worked hard to communicate in the face of misinformation spreading through unofficial WhatsApp groups. 'As the deadline looms, the campaign is in overdrive. Volunteers are walking streets, hosting pop-up booths, and educating residents. The hope is that individual voices, each one legally protected and independently considered, will together become too loud to ignore. Rocky Naidoo, chairperson of the Havenside Civic Association, said most residents became aware of the proposal from social media messages. 'Should this proposal go forward, it would cause a disruption in local development and reduce accountability between residents and elected officials. 'It would divide a strong and united community and weaken our voices and the role we have played in local governance. We stand together with the Mobeni Heights Civic Association and would do what it takes to stop the proposed changes from being passed." Ganas Govender, the ward 69 councillor, said he supported the civic and residents' objections. 'I have had a look at the proposed amendment which would drastically change ward based municipal services, voting services and more.' Barileng Dichabe, spokesperson for the Municipal Demarcation Board, said ward boundaries had changed due to an increase in the number of voters, a change in the number of wards from the previous elections and addressing dysfunctional wards. 'The objection period will be open during August 2025, immediately after the publication of the wards in the provincial gazette. 'Public consultations are being held in different regions between June 23 and 26. Ward 69 will only be finalised once all proposals are received. The current draft ward 69 may still have further changes as per proposals received,' she added. THE POST
IOL News
20-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Mobeni Heights residents unite to oppose proposed ward boundary changes
The Mobeni Heights Civic Association is opposing adjustments by the Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB). Image: eThekwini Municipality The Mobeni Heights Civic Association and the eThekwini Municipality have until June 30, 2025, to object to adjustments proposed by the Municipal Demarcation Board (MDB). They are just some of the organisations carefully reviewing the MDB proposals, which are rolling out the ward delimitation process in preparation for the 2026 local government elections (LGE). Thabo Manyoni, chairperson of the MDB Board, explained that the board delimits wards every five years preceding the LGE in compliance with the Municipal Structures Act. On Thursday, the Mobeni Heights residents launched a 'stop the split' campaign against ward boundary changes because the proposed demarcation would move Mobeni Heights and part of neighbouring Havenside into Lamontville. Denzil Davan, Mobeni Heights Civic Association chairperson, said the association aims to rally residents to submit individual objections, adding that it has actively opposed the proposal on legal, procedural, and social grounds. Key issues raised: Lack of public awareness: Most residents are unaware of the proposed change. The MDB has not widely disseminated public notices or explanatory material. The proposal violates Section 4(b) of the Municipal Structures Act, which requires the avoidance of unnecessary community fragmentation. Limited political support: Major political parties have remained silent, placing the burden of advocacy entirely on civil society. Legal criteria unmet: Objections highlight potential non-compliance with statutory voter parity limits, insufficient public participation, and unclear motivations for the shift. Davan said the association is educating the public on legal grounds for objection, hosting information sessions and mobilising door-to-door efforts. 'This is not just about redrawing lines. It is about preserving our community, our identity, and our democratic voice.' At a recent eThekwini Executive Committee (Exco) meeting, the redetermination of boundaries to move part of Cato Ridge from eThekwini to the Mkhambathini Municipality was discussed. Sipho Cele, the deputy city manager: Governance, explained that the municipality took the matter to court, intending to review the outcome. He stated that the matter is still in court, and officials are busy with the papers. According to Cele, the two municipalities recently met at Cato Ridge for a site visit in order to evaluate the borders and create a plan of action. Part of the land parcel to be transferred is on the plans of the dry port in Cato Ridge. Among the concerns raised. The infrastructure that belongs to the municipality and that is servicing the community of eThekwini, Cato Ridge Library, Cato Ridge Fire Station, Metro Police offices, and Water and Sanitation pump station/valves. Cost of servicing and maintaining the infrastructure, Losing the new Fire station that is servicing the outer west region, including Hillcrest, Gillits, and Hammersdale. Losing these will affect the services being rendered to the community of eThekwini.
IOL News
18-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Liam Jacobs Defection: A Western Cape Political War Shaped by Identity and Media Optics
Patriotic Alliance leader and former Democratic Alliance MP Liam Jacobs. The defection of one young MP may not decide an election, but it signals a broader realignment, says the writer. Image: Patriotic Alliance/X Clyde N.S. Ramalaine On the eve of Youth Day 2025, South African politics was rocked by a bold defection: 24-year-old Member of Parliament Liam Jacobs, a rising figure in the Democratic Alliance (DA), appeared at midnight in a Patriotic Alliance (PA) livestream, announcing his move to the rival party. Once an outspoken parliamentary critic of PA leader Gayton McKenzie, Jacobs now stood beside him, clad in PA colours. This dramatic transition is more than political theatre; it signals a calculated realignment ahead of the 2026 Local Government Elections (LGE), revealing the shifting tactics that define contemporary South African party politics. The political adage, 'In politics there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies, only permanent interests,' aptly frames this episode. Jacobs's move illustrates that in politics, loyalty and ideology often yield to strategic interest. Former rivals find common cause, not out of principle, but due to evolving objectives. This fluidity defines the realpolitik of South Africa's multiparty resignation was more than administrative; it was theatrical. Announced via livestream rather than a formal letter, his appearance alongside McKenzie was itself a declaration, bypassing bureaucratic convention for media spectacle. The DA, caught off guard, responded by pointing to protocol violations. But this only underscored its dissonance with the optics-driven nature of modern politics. In today's political climate, where perception reigns supreme, symbolic gestures often eclipse procedural norms. Granted, 'one swallow does not make a summer, nor does one fine day,' yet his defection marks a realignment rooted not only in tactical calculation but also in shared identity. Both Jacobs and McKenzie, according to democratic South Africa's state-led racial categorisation for its citizenry, are ascribed an identity marker of Coloured politicians, a fact powerfully symbolised. Their alignment taps into broader issues of racial representation and regional mobilisation, particularly within the Coloured electorate constituency of the Western Cape and Northern Cape. In South Africa, identity politics remain central to party identity and strategy. For the PA, Jacobs's defection is a double win: it adds youth credibility and simultaneously punctures the DA's image of generational renewal. Jacobs brings with him media savvy, a following among young voters, and a political narrative of personal conviction—assets that the PA will seek to deploy strategically. Conversely, the DA lost a youthful, dynamic figure who embodied its future-facing posture, weakening its appeal among younger Coloured voters. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Though seemingly personal, Jacobs's switch is also emblematic. The PA's timing, launching the announcement over Youth Day weekend, maximised symbolic impact. The message was clear: the PA is positioning itself not merely as an alternative but as a bold, rising contender capable of luring the best from its in South Africa, like elsewhere, is not merely policy-driven; it is strategic theatre. The PA's presentation of Jacobs's defection was a textbook example of narrative manipulation, media exploitation, and timing. The move was less about resigning from the DA and more about rebranding his political image. This act of political theatre was designed to win the optics war and shift public discourse in the PA's favour. Rather than a traditional press release, the livestream announcement created drama and spectacle. The calculated use of symbolism, party colours, and public display redefined the terrain of defection as performance. The timing was masterful—aligned with Youth Day, the moment resonated with generational symbolism and highlighted the PA's appeal to younger voters. Outmanoeuvring political opponents involves strategic deception, calculated exposure, and seizing narrative control. Jacobs's surprise appearance placed the DA on the defensive, enhancing the PA's image as a tactically agile force. This was more than recruitment; it was symbolic conquest. The PA not only gained a voice; it gained validation and attention. Such moves are not merely acts of addition but of transformation. They may shift voter psychology, attract floating constituencies, and redefine political branding. Politics, ultimately, is about winning, gaining ground, disrupting opponents, and capturing the public imagination. Jacobs's defection did all three. More than individual repositioning, Jacobs's crossover signals a broader strategy: expanding the PA's support base among Coloured voters, particularly the youth. The DA has historically dominated this demographic, especially in the Western Cape, where Coloured South Africans make up 42.1% of the population. At its height in 2014, the DA secured 59.4% of the provincial vote. By 2024, this dropped to 55.3%. The PA, which had no presence in 2014, secured 7.8% in 2024. If the PA increases its share to 15–20%, the DA's majority could collapse. While symbolic events don't guarantee electoral gains, they catalyse momentum. Jacobs's defection could accelerate shifts in allegiance among young and disenchanted voters. Jacobs embodies the very electorate the PA is targeting: young, urban, Coloured voters who feel increasingly alienated by the DA's leadership and messaging. His move could serve as a tipping point for similar realignments across constituencies where the DA is vulnerable. It can be argued that Jacobs's defection qualifies as a coup. It was timed for maximum effect, targeted at a key demographic, and delivered in a format tailored to 21st-century political engagement. In undermining the DA's claim to youth-driven leadership renewal, the PA scored a decisive symbolic Jacobs's history of publicly challenging McKenzie in Parliament adds to the drama.
IOL News
18-06-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Liam Jacobs Defection: A Western Cape Political War Shaped by Identity and Media Optics
Patriotic Alliance leader and former Democratic Alliance MP Liam Jacobs. The defection of one young MP may not decide an election, but it signals a broader realignment, says the writer. Image: Patriotic Alliance/X Clyde N.S. Ramalaine On the eve of Youth Day 2025, South African politics was rocked by a bold defection: 24-year-old Member of Parliament Liam Jacobs, a rising figure in the Democratic Alliance (DA), appeared at midnight in a Patriotic Alliance (PA) livestream, announcing his move to the rival party. Once an outspoken parliamentary critic of PA leader Gayton McKenzie, Jacobs now stood beside him, clad in PA colours. This dramatic transition is more than political theatre; it signals a calculated realignment ahead of the 2026 Local Government Elections (LGE), revealing the shifting tactics that define contemporary South African party politics. The political adage, 'In politics there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies, only permanent interests,' aptly frames this episode. Jacobs's move illustrates that in politics, loyalty and ideology often yield to strategic interest. Former rivals find common cause, not out of principle, but due to evolving objectives. This fluidity defines the realpolitik of South Africa's multiparty resignation was more than administrative; it was theatrical. Announced via livestream rather than a formal letter, his appearance alongside McKenzie was itself a declaration, bypassing bureaucratic convention for media spectacle. The DA, caught off guard, responded by pointing to protocol violations. But this only underscored its dissonance with the optics-driven nature of modern politics. In today's political climate, where perception reigns supreme, symbolic gestures often eclipse procedural norms. Granted, 'one swallow does not make a summer, nor does one fine day,' yet his defection marks a realignment rooted not only in tactical calculation but also in shared identity. Both Jacobs and McKenzie, according to democratic South Africa's state-led racial categorisation for its citizenry, are ascribed an identity marker of Coloured politicians, a fact powerfully symbolised. Their alignment taps into broader issues of racial representation and regional mobilisation, particularly within the Coloured electorate constituency of the Western Cape and Northern Cape. In South Africa, identity politics remain central to party identity and strategy. For the PA, Jacobs's defection is a double win: it adds youth credibility and simultaneously punctures the DA's image of generational renewal. Jacobs brings with him media savvy, a following among young voters, and a political narrative of personal conviction—assets that the PA will seek to deploy strategically. Conversely, the DA lost a youthful, dynamic figure who embodied its future-facing posture, weakening its appeal among younger Coloured voters. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Though seemingly personal, Jacobs's switch is also emblematic. The PA's timing, launching the announcement over Youth Day weekend, maximised symbolic impact. The message was clear: the PA is positioning itself not merely as an alternative but as a bold, rising contender capable of luring the best from its in South Africa, like elsewhere, is not merely policy-driven; it is strategic theatre. The PA's presentation of Jacobs's defection was a textbook example of narrative manipulation, media exploitation, and timing. The move was less about resigning from the DA and more about rebranding his political image. This act of political theatre was designed to win the optics war and shift public discourse in the PA's favour. Rather than a traditional press release, the livestream announcement created drama and spectacle. The calculated use of symbolism, party colours, and public display redefined the terrain of defection as performance. The timing was masterful—aligned with Youth Day, the moment resonated with generational symbolism and highlighted the PA's appeal to younger voters. Outmanoeuvring political opponents involves strategic deception, calculated exposure, and seizing narrative control. Jacobs's surprise appearance placed the DA on the defensive, enhancing the PA's image as a tactically agile force. This was more than recruitment; it was symbolic conquest. The PA not only gained a voice; it gained validation and attention. Such moves are not merely acts of addition but of transformation. They may shift voter psychology, attract floating constituencies, and redefine political branding. Politics, ultimately, is about winning, gaining ground, disrupting opponents, and capturing the public imagination. Jacobs's defection did all three. More than individual repositioning, Jacobs's crossover signals a broader strategy: expanding the PA's support base among Coloured voters, particularly the youth. The DA has historically dominated this demographic, especially in the Western Cape, where Coloured South Africans make up 42.1% of the population. At its height in 2014, the DA secured 59.4% of the provincial vote. By 2024, this dropped to 55.3%. The PA, which had no presence in 2014, secured 7.8% in 2024. If the PA increases its share to 15–20%, the DA's majority could collapse. While symbolic events don't guarantee electoral gains, they catalyse momentum. Jacobs's defection could accelerate shifts in allegiance among young and disenchanted voters. Jacobs embodies the very electorate the PA is targeting: young, urban, Coloured voters who feel increasingly alienated by the DA's leadership and messaging. His move could serve as a tipping point for similar realignments across constituencies where the DA is vulnerable. It can be argued that Jacobs's defection qualifies as a coup. It was timed for maximum effect, targeted at a key demographic, and delivered in a format tailored to 21st-century political engagement. In undermining the DA's claim to youth-driven leadership renewal, the PA scored a decisive symbolic Jacobs's history of publicly challenging McKenzie in Parliament adds to the drama.
