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The Hindu
3 days ago
- The Hindu
Jaffna mass grave, a test for the Dissanayake government
A mass grave site in Sri Lanka's northern Jaffna district,which has drawn domestic and international attention, is putting to test the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government's pledge to address Tamil people's grievances. The site was discovered by accident in February this year when workers, who were readying land in Chemmani — located in the outskirts of Jaffna, a former war zone — to build a Hindu crematorium, stumbled upon what appeared to be human bones. They immediately alerted authorities, prompting the Jaffna Magistrate Court to order excavation and further investigation. A team of experts, comprising a senior archaeologist, assisted by students at the University of Jaffna, and Judicial Medical Officers (JMOs, including forensic pathologists and those specialising in forensic anthropology), has since been excavating the site that is now protected with restricted access. According to official sources familiar with the excavation, about 65 skeletons, including some believed to be children, have been found so far, at times with what appeared to be school bags and other personal belongings. The growing count, amid recurring headlines of more bones being unearthed every day, is agonising for locals, especially families of disappeared persons, who have been chasing the truth about their missing loved ones for years. Their resolve continues till date, 16 years after the bloody civil war ended with the state armed forces crushing the LTTE, while tens of thousands of civilians were massacred. From the time his 21-year-old brother was arrested by the army in 1996, Ponnambalam Arumugasamy has spent much of his time and energy in trying to trace him. 'Each of us looking for a missing relative has been undergoing enormous pain, not knowing what happened to our brother or son or daughter,' says Mr. Arumugasamy, 75, who resides near Jaffna town. While the whereabouts of missing persons remains unknown, news of human remains buried clumsily under the soil just outside town is unsettling. Families are torn between feeling hopeful that their loved one might be alive somewhere, or facing their worst fear, that they may not. This is not the first time Chemmani is in focus. In a startling court revelation in the late 1990s, soldier Somaratne Rajapakse — among those convicted in a case of rape, abduction, and murder of 18-year-old Tamil Krishanthi Kumaraswamy— testified that '300 to 400 bodies' were buried in Chemmani. His disclosure led authorities to some 15 bodies at the location, but the case was dropped after that. Hence, where the ongoing Chemmani excavation is headed is tied to how much the Dissanayake administration is willing to push the probe, while confronting troubling relics from the past. Political will 'This government is unique,' asserted Sri Lanka's Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, pointing to the ruling National People's Power's [NPP] huge mandate in last year's general election in the island's north and east, where Tamil-speaking people are a majority. 'That means most of the racist politics that divided the [Sinhala majority] south and the north, have effectively come to an end. It appears that the people of the north and the south have come together in choosing us…so, unlike previous governments, we have a bigger responsibility in fulfilling their aspirations, looking after their wellbeing,' he told The Hindu in an interview at his Ministry. Observing that the Dissanayake government has 'the complete political will' to address the grievances of those who have suffered 'catastrophic deaths, disappearances, and losses', Mr. Nanayakkara said the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP, the chief political constituent of the ruling alliance that the President leads) had 'suffered the same' in the late 1980s, and therefore 'takes it very seriously.' Rights watchdog Amnesty International estimates that Sri Lanka has one of the world's highest number of disappearances, with a backlog of 60,000 to 1,00,000 complaints including from the island's Sinhala-majority south where thousands of youth went missing around the armed insurrections led by the leftist JVP in the early 1970s and late 1980s. Every time a mass grave is spotted, families of the disappeared are put through another round of stress, hope and hopelessness, as was seen in two other recently-identified sites in the Northern Province – in Mannar town and Kokkuthudavai in Mullaitivu. Also read :Grave secrets from Sri Lanka's troubled past The government, with the support of the Office on Missing Persons [OMP], set up by the Maithripala Sirisena – Ranil Wickremesinghe government in 2016, to probe disappearances, is currently looking into 14 mass grave sites across the country, authorities said. 'Money is not an issue,' Mr. Nanayakkara said, adding that a sum of LKR 11.7 million (roughly ₹ 35.5 lakhs) has been allocated for work at Chemmani, as of June 23, 2025. As per Sri Lanka's he OMP Act, the Office has the authority to act as an observer in mass grave cases, while playing a supportive role in administration – such as ensuring smooth flow of funds for the case from the state, intervening on issues of access on the media, and assisting in identifying victims where possible. Mirak Raheem, a commissioner at the OMP observed that investigating mass graves is 'a very complex' exercise. To start with, the whole process of excavation is destructive. The site must be destroyed [to recover the skeletons] and can never be reconstructed. The focus is not only on recovering human remains, but also on collecting as much information as possible from the location. 'For instance, the orientation and the position of the bodies, the geography of the site, details such as the boundary of the mass grave, may provide useful pointers on how the site might have been dug,' he said. The learning globally, Mr. Raheem points out, is that such an effort needs a multidisciplinary team – one that incudes forensic anthropologists, forensic archaeologists, historians, criminologists, geneticists and others. 'Along with what is found at the site, investigators also consider witness statements and events around the site, because it is possible that the mass graves were not a consequence of a single event. There could have been multiple events over a period of time. An integrated approach to investigations and analysis is therefore crucial to establish the truth, or we will be left with different reports that could be contradictory and do not provide a conclusion to the case, and do not lead to an identification of victims,' he explained. Technical expertise While political will is fundamental to see the case through, technical expertise is also critical, experts noted. Earlier, the community including the families [of disappeared persons], activists, and lawyers were not as aware of the subject, according to Ranitha Gnanarajah, an Attorney at Law, working with and appearing on behalf of families of the disappeared. 'But now, we have had more exposure, including to other contexts that have dealt with mass graves, like Guatemala, Argentina, Rwanda. We are more aware of the strategies, systems, legal process, challenges and the diverse approaches in the excavation at and tracing of mass grave sites,' she said, indicating that Sri Lanka is better equipped to handle mass graves, even if some challenges, such as the absence of a DNA database, persist. 'We don't have a DNA bank and specialised DNA laboratories that work with highly degraded remains, to correlate findings from mass graves with a family reference sample from relatives of disappeared persons,' Mr. Raheem said. The passage of time is another major challenge. 'There is a serious risk of losing so many parents and family members of the disappeared who may pass on without sharing their DNA or critical information about the missing person,' he added. The government appears open to seeking help. 'While we have some resources, we will not hesitate to get help from our international friends and partners when the need arises for [technical] expertise. We will not let this investigation go down saying 'oh, we don't have the expertise',' Minister Nanayakkara said. 'There is no need for us to protect any criminal whether in the south or north,' he added. Afterall, Sri Lanka is not alone in confronting mass graves. There are many contexts across the Global South, especially Latin America, that have taken the forensic struggle forward, according to OMP Commissioner Mr. Raheem. 'Countries like Argentina and Guatemala have not only made significant progress in investigating their mass graves but also have a lot of knowledge and experience to share. So Sri Lanka has many sources to rely on to build its national capacity.' Winning trust Acknowledging that 'people need closure, people need justice', he also flagged the need for dignity of families, recognition as a special category of victims and some form of social protection to support their lives. 'When you fight for 30, 40 years, discriminate and marginalise, they (Tamils) are not going to trust the Sinhalese just like that. Our job is to win their trust and help heal,' he said. Winning families' trust will be crucial. 'They are not merely sources of information, but are active partners in the process, who need to be aware of what is happening, so they can observe and assist. Their role is central,' Mr. Raheem noted. While growing awareness has allowed those engaged with the families of disappeared persons to better explain the process and its inherent challenges around the Chemmani mass graves, families too are bravely participating in the process, Ms. Gnanarajah pointed out. 'They share their stories, accounts from memory, support the excavating team with food and beverages, meanwhile patiently and hopefully waiting for some answers or closure, after enduring years of pain and trauma,' she said. Visiting the Chemmani mass grave during his visit to Sri Lanka in June 2025, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk said it is a 'compelling reminder that the past haunts the lives of many in Sri Lanka.' Excavation in Chemmani, being carried out in phases and temporarily paused for the last fortnight, is scheduled to resume on July 21 [Monday]. Families and activists said the government appears committed to a credible process, but remain cautious about the outcome, as their experience so far has rarely given them any relief. 'We can't say anything now; not until the investigation is complete. I am trying to remain hopeful that the findings will bring us some answers at least this time,' said Mr. Arumugasamy. 'I am looking for my brother, and so many women are looking for their sons or daughters. We have all endured enormous pain. We need answers.'
Indian Express
4 days ago
- Entertainment
- Indian Express
Malayali pulse of The Hunt: Behind the faces that brought history to life
The Hunt, streaming on Sony LIV, directed by Nagesh Kukunoor, brings to life the complex and high-stakes investigation that followed the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The seven-part series, based on Anirudhya Mitra's book '90 Days – The True Story of the Hunt for Rajiv Gandhi's Assassins', has captivated audiences across the country. It also marks a moment of pride for Kerala. A number of Malayali actors — both seasoned performers and promising newcomers — play key roles in the series. Actor and dancer Shruti Jayan, actor trainer Jyothish M.G., Shafeek Mustafa, Gauri Padmakumar, Neetu Chandra, Akhil Raj, and Akhil Kaimal — who is also the casting director — all appear in prominent roles in The Hunt. Villain of the Year: Shafeek Mustafa Shafeek Mustafa, a theatre actor, takes on the role of key LTTE operative Sivarasan in The Hunt. His intense, layered performance has earned widespread praise, with many viewers calling him the 'Villain of the Year.' 'I watched numerous films and documentaries related to the subject. I also tried to understand the differences in the Sinhala language between the past and present. I read several articles, news clips, and had detailed conversations with journalist friends,' says Shafeek, describing his preparation for the role. The physical transformation for the character was also a significant challenge. Sivarasan had sustained an eye injury during combat with armed forces, and to portray this realistically, Shafeek wore a special lens and had prosthetic makeup applied to his eyelid throughout the shoot. 'I had around 30 days of shooting. Acting with a lens in my eye and makeup on the eyelid was quite difficult. It's manageable for one or two scenes, but as the scenes got longer, it became really uncomfortable. My eyes would become watery,' Shafeek recalls. However, seeing the positive reception The Hunt is receiving now, Shafeek says all the effort and discomfort is worth it. Looks matter: Jyothish M.G Jyothish M.G., Associate Professor of Acting at the K.R. Narayanan National Institute of Visual Science and Arts, Kerala, portrays LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in The Hunt. A seasoned theatre director and actor trainer with years of experience, Jyothish brings depth and gravitas to the role. Though he has played many characters on stage over the years, this marks his debut on screen — a transition he describes as a significant and memorable step in his artistic journey. 'When I came to know that I was being considered to play Velupillai Prabhakaran, my first instinct was to decline the offer. I didn't feel I physically matched the character. From the images I had seen, Prabhakaran was heavily built, and I felt I wouldn't be able to convincingly portray him. When you're portraying a real person, especially someone who actually lived, there has to be at least a basic physical resemblance — otherwise, no matter how well you act, it won't feel authentic,' says Jyothish, who was eventually convinced to join the series by the reassuring words of director Nagesh Kukunoor. 'Later, it was Nagesh Kukunoor who explained that most of the photos we see of Prabhakaran are from when he was around 56 years old. But during the time of the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, Prabhakaran was only 36. They even sent me a comparison — a photo of him from that time placed next to mine. And when I looked at that younger version of Prabhakaran, I realized there was actually a striking resemblance.' Also Read | The Hunt – The Rajiv Gandhi Assassination Case review: Gripping series gives ringside view of CBI investigation, hews close to what happened Jyothish also shared that he had concerns about the political sensitivity of the subject. 'It's a politically charged topic, and it carries a lot of emotional weight. When you get involved in something like this, you have to think through many layers — especially about how the subject is being approached. That really matters. They clarified that the series doesn't take sides or blame anyone. It's an investigative drama. During the discussions, I too gained clarity and confidence about the intent behind the project,' he said. 'Though I had read about the subject before, this time I explored multiple perspectives on Prabhakaran by reading a range of articles. That's when I realized — the Prabhakaran we knew through the media wasn't the complete picture. The real Prabhakaran was someone who smiled a lot, cracked jokes, and had a soft, almost feeble voice. But for the series, it wasn't that realistic Prabhakaran we aimed to portray — it was the version etched into the public memory. Journalist Anita Pratap, who once interviewed him in person, wrote that she was struck by the clarity, conviction, and unwavering belief he expressed during their conversation. That is the face of Prabhakaran I tried to bring to life within the limited screen time I had,' Jyothish explained. Not just a killer: Shruti Jayan A post shared by Sruthy jayan (@iam_shruthiejayan) 'I was working on a couple of Telugu web series in Hyderabad, which had streamed on Amazon Prime Video. That's where they saw my work and reached out to me. I was recommended by Vamshi Narayani, who had previously worked with Nagesh sir,' Shruti Jayan recalls about her journey to The Hunt. Shruti plays the role of Dhanu — the suicide bomber who assassinated Rajiv Gandhi. It's a character she stepped into with both excitement and deep responsibility. 'I was thrilled to get this role. The assassination of Rajiv Gandhi is a painful memory that lingers in everyone's mind. Just hearing his name evokes emotion. Many people still ask — why did she do it? That I got to portray Dhanu, such a central figure in this story, was a big moment for me. What made it more meaningful was that she wasn't shown as just a killer — the series carefully explores her mental and emotional state,' says Shruti. Her audition scene was set on a terrace, where Dhanu reaches a point of inner resolution. 'It wasn't just about tears. The director wanted a state of ultimate calm — someone who felt nothing could affect her anymore, who was experiencing complete peace, even joy. That mood was hard to capture. It made me realize this wasn't going to be an easy role.' 'As an actor, I got to explore so many emotional layers through Dhanu. I did a lot of homework for the part. My shoot lasted for about 14 days,' she adds. Shruti says the response she's received for The Hunt has been unlike anything she's experienced before. 'Anirudhya Mitra personally messaged me saying, 'I never met Dhanu in real life. But now, after seeing your performance, I feel like I've finally seen her on screen.'' Hearing that from the author himself meant a lot to me,' Shruti shares with pride. Crafted with care: Gauri Padmakumar Gauri Padmakumar is overjoyed by the overwhelming response to The Hunt, especially as it marks her very first on-screen project. She plays Shubha, a lesser-known but crucial figure in the assassination plot. Gauri came on board after responding to a casting call and successfully clearing a rigorous four-round audition process. Determined to do justice to her role, she arrived on set well-prepared, having done extensive research. 'I mostly focused on reading about the LTTE background. I didn't delve much into the Indian narrative of the issue,' Gauri explains. 'There's very little information available about Shubha. It's said that only two photographs of her are available; there's not even full clarity on whether her name was actually Shubha. Honestly, I was a bit hesitant to search too much online — it's not a topic you approach casually.' Despite the limited information available about her character, Gauri relied on instinct and insight to shape her portrayal of Shubha in The Hunt. 'From what I understood, Shubha was a strong fighter. Maybe that's why, despite letting others go, someone like Sivarasan — the mastermind — chose to keep her by his side through those intense 90 days,' she reflects. With minimal references and a character embedded in a sensitive historical narrative, Gauri's nuanced performance resonated powerfully — marking a confident and memorable screen debut. Following the release, she received a wave of messages from viewers — some thoughtful, others unexpectedly humorous. 'One person messaged saying, ''For the first time, I think I've fallen in love with an LTTE woman,'' she laughs. That even a character from such a dark chapter in history could evoke such responses, Gauri says, is a testament to the power of storytelling — and the unpredictable ways in which it touches hearts.
Malay Mail
5 days ago
- General
- Malay Mail
How digital media reinforces harmful stereotypes about women across Asia — Tharindi Rangoda, Feng Shengnan, and Mohd Istajib Mokhtar
JULY 18 — 'Men are naturally stronger than women.' 'Older people don't get technology.' 'Asians are all good at maths.' If you've heard these statements, you've encountered stereotypes — oversimplified ideas about groups of people that persist across cultures and media. While some may sound harmless or even humorous, others can be deeply damaging, especially when reinforced by digital media that reaches millions daily. Take gender stereotyping, for instance. In many countries, especially across Asia, digital and traditional media continue to portray women in narrow, outdated roles. Whether it's the self-sacrificing mother, the desperate single woman, or the objectified beauty, these portrayals do more than entertain — they shape public attitudes, expectations, and even policies that affect women's lives. Let's look at Sri Lanka, where both state-run and private media dominate news coverage through TV, radio, newspapers, and increasingly, mobile apps and social platforms. According to the Sri Lanka Development Journalists Forum, women often get the short end of the stick when it comes to fair representation. The organisation notes that media outlets 'breach standards of ethical reporting as they reinforce negative stereotypes and sensationalise issues of women.' One striking example comes from an analysis of how female ex-combatants of the LTTE were portrayed in Sri Lankan newspapers. Researcher Alice McFeeters found that these women were often painted as 'abnormal' or 'failed' for stepping outside traditional gender roles. Instead of acknowledging their complex wartime experiences, the media chose to focus on how they deviated from ideals like motherhood and domesticity. The stereotyping doesn't stop there. A 2023 study by media analyst P. Jayasuriya found that Sinhala newspapers frequently highlight a woman's appearance even when it's unrelated to the story. This kind of objectification might seem subtle, but it chips away at how seriously female voices are taken — especially in reports covering sensitive issues like violence or political participation. A similar pattern emerges in China. While Chinese women are encouraged to be modern, independent, and educated, they're still expected to embody the virtues of a traditional wife and mother. Sociologist Li Ying calls this the 'perfect woman paradox,' where the ideal female is simultaneously smart, sexy, selfless, and silent. The problem, says Li, is that these media-driven ideals pressure ordinary women to live up to impossible standards. From viral beauty challenges like the 'A4 waist' and 'comic legs' to heavily edited livestreams that promote a flawless look, young women feel the need to constantly perform femininity online. According to a 2022 survey by the All-China Women's Federation, 61 per cent of Chinese women believe media stereotypes negatively impact their career development. It's not just about beauty standards, either. A study by Chinese media scholar Yang Xiuqing found that in over 100 prime-time dramas, 72 per cent of female characters were shown prioritising family over career. In contrast, only 12 per cent of male characters did the same. These shows repeatedly reinforce the idea that a woman's primary value lies in the home — not the boardroom. Digital advertising adds fuel to the fire. One example that drew widespread backlash in China was a series of coconut juice ads by the Coconut Tree Group. The company released several ads featuring female models in revealing clothes, using sexually suggestive slogans like 'white, tender and plump.' While the campaign was eventually pulled and criticised for objectifying women, it highlights how companies still equate female beauty with sex appeal — and sales. Social media, unfortunately, amplifies these stereotypes. Algorithms push content that performs well, which often means flashy, emotionally charged, or sensational content. When women who don't conform to these expectations speak out online, they're often met with harassment, trolling, or silencing. That creates a chilling effect where women censor themselves rather than challenge the status quo. Journalists interview VTuber Mori Calliope, interacting with her through a screen interface displaying the animated avatar of the performer, at a Hololive pop-up store at the Beverly Center shopping mall in Los Angeles, California, on February 27, 2025. — AFP pic Even traditional values are now being digitally weaponised. Researchers Fang Liu and Víctor Rojas argue that Confucian and Buddhist ideals are often used in Chinese media to justify the subordination of women. Phrases like 'men outside, women inside' still guide expectations in both private and public life. Under these norms, a working mother is seen as selfish, while a stay-at-home father is praised for 'helping out.' And when stereotypes are embedded in news reporting or drama scripts, they can become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Psychologists like John Steele and Nalini Ambady warn that constant exposure to stereotype-driven narratives can undermine women's self-confidence and ambitions, especially in fields like science, politics, or business. So, what's the solution? Experts agree that change has to happen on multiple fronts. Media outlets must take greater responsibility for how they portray women — moving beyond token representation or typecasting. This means training journalists to report sensitively, avoiding unnecessary focus on appearance, and giving space to diverse female voices. Regulators, too, must step up. While many countries have laws against gender discrimination in media, enforcement is often weak or reactive. Bodies like the All-China Women's Federation advocate for stronger oversight, particularly on social media platforms that profit from content engagement without vetting for harm. Most importantly, the audience plays a role. As consumers of digital media, we must demand better. We need to challenge lazy stereotypes, support content that reflects real women's lives, and call out harmful trends when we see them. As long as we keep clicking on videos that objectify or ridicule women, advertisers and platforms will keep delivering more of the same. Breaking digital stereotypes won't happen overnight. But it starts with questioning the images we see — and the assumptions we've been taught to believe. Women are more than just mothers, muses, or martyrs. They're leaders, thinkers, creators, and individuals with stories that deserve to be told truthfully. It's time media caught up with that reality. * Tharindi Rangoda, Feng Shengnan and Mohd Istajib Mokhtar are from the Department of Science and Technology Studies, Faculty of Science, Universiti Malaya, and may be reached at [email protected] ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
New Indian Express
6 days ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
34 years later: Last journalist to interview Rajiv Gandhi recalls night that shook the world
Sriperumbudur. May 21, 1991. At 10.21 pm. A moment that in my mind is still frozen in time. More than thirty-four years after Rajiv Gandhi was felled by a female suicide bomber, a new documentary series on the hunt for his killers has brought the spotlight squarely back on how the leader of a Sri Lankan separatist group pulled off the assassination, right under the nose of India's skilled diplomats and its security and intelligence network. It was an assassination, that in a bizarre twist, would leave me as the last journalist that Mr Gandhi would speak with. Moments after he had called, "come, come, follow me" as we both exited his white Ambassador, one of India's most personable Prime Ministers had been killed in the most shocking manner possible. How did the little-known Vellupillai Prabhakaran, head of the Liberation Tigers for Tamil Eelam (LTTE), who had crafted and honed the dastardly plan in the jungles of Jaffna, lull Delhi into this false sense of security, using a girl, strapped with explosives, to end the life of one of India's most promising politicians? The tool had been employed for the first time in April 1983 in the Lebanese capital Beirut outside the US embassy when a suicide bomber blew up a truck packed with 2000 pounds of TNT. It was a modus operandi that would be borrowed and perfected by the LTTE chief, who used suicide bombers with impunity to eliminate a slew of Sri Lankan leaders including President Ranasinghe Premadasa, presidential hopeful Gamini Dissanayake, senior ministers like Ranjan Wijeratne and ten top generals in the Sri Lankan army, whom Prabhakaran believed had "betrayed" the cause of Tamil Eelam. This, I would learn later, had prompted the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat to fly personally to Delhi and warn Rajiv Gandhi and his security team that he could well be targeted in the very same way! The radio chatter monitored by Indian intelligence had already tracked an LTTE message to Jaffna that said 'avanne mande le pottu kodu'. In other words, 'blow him up'. Except, nobody in Delhi was listening! In the 1991 general elections that I was covering as the foreign correspondent for the Dubai-based Gulf News, the violent methodology of the Tamil separatists, who operated freely in Tamil Nadu, never came up in the innumerable discussions and phone calls to the Congress party's election strategists like Margaret Alva, Mani Shankar Aiyar and GK Moopanar. The sole exception? The Tamil Nadu Congress Committee chief Vazhapadi Ramamurthy. For the most part, though, it was the challenge posed by the DMK's powerful orator M Karunanidhi and the pull on the women's vote by the former actress-turned-politician Jayalalitha, the head of the AIADMK, that dominated pre-poll analysis. That, and given the time constraints, working out how to arrange an interview with a Rajiv Gandhi who was clearly on a roll, convinced he was headed back to power as he flew from one election campaign to another, piloting his own aircraft, his plans changing from minute to minute, hour to hour, as voting day loomed. Setting aside Jaya's constituency to go with Rajiv, and a warning On May 20, the crowd outside Jayalalitha's Poes Garden home in Chennai was huge. Her assistant had let out that she was scheduled to campaign in Bodinayakkanur the next day, and as she drove up and spotted me in the crowd, the ADMK leader waved for me to come into the house with her. Inside, as she distributed campaign funds to her party candidates, we arranged to meet early the next day so I could travel with her to her constituency. My next stop was the Tamil Nadu Congress party headquarters where I walked straight into the office of the party chief Vazhapadi Ramamurthy, who still had no confirmation on Mr Gandhi's actual gameplan. Fielding a flurry of phone calls, while gesturing for me to wait, he was on tenterhooks. That is, until he received the one call he had been waiting for -- from Rajiv Gandhi, informing him that he would be flying in from Visakhapatnam to Chennai the next day, after all! Mr Gandhi told him he was keeping his promise to his mother's best friend, Maragatham Chandrasekhar, that he would be campaigning for her in Sriperumbudur. Scrap Bodinayakkanur? It wasn't even a question, as a fraught and tense Vazhapadi Ramamurthy, handed the phone to me and set up the much-sought-after meeting that would change my life. Vazhapadi didn't stop there, setting off a frisson of alarm, when without specifically mentioning the LTTE, he warned me to be "very careful of outside elements" as he had received reports there could be violence! In retrospect, Vazhapadi clearly knew more than he was letting on. He must have been privy to state intelligence reports that the LTTE had conducted a dummy run on a rally addressed by the former prime minister VP Singh on May 7 in Chennai. He could not but have known how the LTTE chief systematically eliminated pacifist Tamil leaders of the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation and Tamil United Liberation Front in the city. And that Rajiv Gandhi had let it be known to a Prabhakaran mole, who had been sent to test the waters about his intentions towards the LTTE chief, that 'everything would be taken care of, soon'. And Prabhakaran's outburst to a Tamil politician who had personally met Rajiv Gandhi at his home in 10 Janpath, where the Indian leader assured that India would not interfere in Sri Lanka's internal affairs! The exact opposite of what Prabhakaran wanted to hear! An intelligence officer present at the meeting later recounted to me how Rajiv, in a gesture of misplaced goodwill, had even sent his son Rahul to fetch a bulletproof vest to present to the Tiger chief. Waiting for Mr Gandhi and remembering Sonia's angst At the Chennai airport the next day, it was odd to see how fate could have played out differently but didn't - the Congress stalwart came close to cheating death when his plane developed engine trouble in Vishakapatnam on May 21 that nearly made him cancel his trip. For me and the others, waiting for him at the airport that evening, however, it was a long, tense, anxious wait. But it was also an eye-opener on how lax the security was. During a recce of the tiny, shabby room that the former Prime Minister was set to spend the night in, I walked in and out and along the corridor, unchallenged. Not a single security guard or policeman was on duty. An hour later than his scheduled arrival time of 8.00 pm, Mr Gandhi's aircraft would finally taxi into the tiny airstrip. As he walked through the door, he picked me out from the throng of journalists to come and say a quick hello and assure me that the interview was still on! "Don't worry, I'll send for you," he promised as he began to field a slew of questions from the press, before we left for Sriperumbudur a half hour later. Mr Gandhi and I had met twice before. The first encounter was in 1989, when he was campaigning in Hyderabad and Kalwakurthy, which was the iconic Andhra leader NT Rama Rao's constituency. This was where I had been knocked into a ditch by the huge crowds at the open field. From then on, I developed a deep reluctance to join the throng. The second was in February 1991 as the Gulf War came to an end and he and his wife Sonia Gandhi arrived in Dubai, on the last leg of a multi-nation tour, part of the former Prime Minister's attempt to block the United States from using Mumbai airport as a refueling base. Mr Gandhi – and India's – pro-USSR leanings had been turned on their head by the previous Chandrasekhar government, which allowed US Air Force transport planes, flying in from the US-held Clark airbase in the Philippines, to refuel in Mumbai before flying on to Saudi Arabia as part of the Gulf War. Rajiv Gandhi was having none of it. Did he anger the United States? Invite retribution? It was in Dubai that Sonia Gandhi first shared her angst over the manner in which Rajiv's security had been reduced to practically nothing. "He has one bodyguard," she said, putting the blame squarely on former Prime Ministers VP Singh and Chandrasekhar, adding, "It's not safe, we cannot even board a train."
India Today
6 days ago
- Entertainment
- India Today
The Hunt actor Shafeeq Mustafa on playing Sivarasan, understanding LTTE politics
For Malayalam actor Shafeeq Mustafa, landing the role of Sivarasan in SonyLIV's 'The Hunt - The Rajiv Gandhi Assassination' was more than just a career breakthrough - it was validation of a long-cherished dream that began in school dramas and survived a three-year stint in the series, based on the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, has brought Shafeeq widespread recognition for his portrayal of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) operative. "The response to 'The Hunt' was phenomenal, and many complimented my performance as Sivarasan in the show. Some of them even said, 'you're going to stay here'. I feel so happy and relieved," he shared in his exclusive interview with India Today director Nagesh Kukunoor offered him the role, Shafeeq knew the opportunity was significant. "I knew that there will be a lot of scope for me as an actor and that I should perform well. I should be genuine to the role offered to me. I was lucky to work with Nagesh [Kukunoor] sir. That was my initial thought," he remarked. The physical transformation for the role was intense - Shafeeq had to gain 5-6 kilograms in just 20 days. "I had only 20 days from the day I got selected for the role and the first day of shooting. Nagesh sir told me that I needed to put on weight for the role. I could manage only 5-6 kgs," he costume requirements proved equally challenging: "I had to wear lenses and prosthetics for the role of Sivarasan. If you wear that for a long time, your eyes get irritated and start getting watery. That was the most difficult part of wearing the one-eyed get up." To prepare for the complex role, Shafeeq immersed himself in research. "Before 'The Hunt', I had watched 'Deepan' at IFFK (International Film Festival of Kerala). I also watched Madhavan's 'Kannathil Muthamittal'. I hadn't watched any other films on Rajiv Gandhi's case. But, I saw the videos, documentaries and news clips from that time. I also watched the interviews of LTTE. I had deep conversations with my friends in the media."The collaboration with veteran director Nagesh Kukunoor was a learning experience. "Nagesh sir used to teach me how to emote for every scene. If I had performed a different way, he would explain to me what he wanted. I had most scenes with South actors and the experience was enjoyable. Everyone helped me,' he on his experience, Shafeeq noted that while the suicide scene was his favourite during filming, "When I watched the show on the screen, it was the gun shooting scene that made go wow." The series has not only established him as a serious actor but also fulfilled a long-time dream. "It was my long-time dream to become an actor. I want to do it as long as possible."Shafeeq maintained a clear distinction between his craft and politics. When asked if he had developed any opinion on Sivarasan and the functioning of the LTTE, he said, "My sole aim was to do the character [of Sivarasan] properly. I am an actor first, so I did not form any opinion on politics involved. I wanted to perform the character to the best of my abilities."advertisementShafeeq's path to acting wasn't straightforward. Recalling the time he decided to pursue acting as a career, he stated, "When I was in school, I was a part of many dramas. I then worked in the Gulf for three years. A few of my friends were into movies. One of my friends, who was trying to become a director, advised me to stay there as I had the skill. In 2015, I came back to Kerala and, since then, I have been trying my hand at Malayalam movies."Before 'The Hunt', his filmography included small roles in the Malayalam film Ayyappanum Koshiyum, short films, and music videos. He explained, "This was my first big opportunity. Before 'The Hunt', I played small roles in the Malayalam film Ayyappanum Koshiyum, short films and music videos. When I was trying hard to get into movies, I received this opportunity. So, I had no thoughts. Nagesh sir and his team are the reason for me to pick this. I was not hesitant."advertisementWith 'The Hunt' behind him, Shafeeq is being selective about future projects. Explaining his decision, he said, "I had acted in an independent film, but I am not sure if it will have a theatrical release. I am in talks for more projects, but hasn't finalised anything as of now. But, I have made a decision that I should start choosing my characters properly. My friends have been advising me to choose my roles carefully from now on."His ambitions extend beyond regional cinema: "I want to act in Malayalam, Tamil and all languages. I am open to doing all roles, be it a character role or a lead."'The Hunt' is streaming on SonyLIV.- Ends
