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Potential policy flashpoints between Poland's pro-Europe government and new president
Potential policy flashpoints between Poland's pro-Europe government and new president

Time of India

time24 minutes ago

  • Politics
  • Time of India

Potential policy flashpoints between Poland's pro-Europe government and new president

Polish nationalist candidate Karol Nawrocki won the second round of the country's presidential election with 50.89% of the votes, the electoral commission said on Monday, in a blow to the reform agenda of the pro-European government. Prime Minister Donald Tusk swept to power in 2023 with a broad alliance of leftist and centrist parties, on a promise to undo changes made by the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) that the European Union said had undermined democracy and women's and minority rights. However, reforms have been slow, mainly because - the government contends - Poland's outgoing president, Andrzej Duda, a PiS ally, has been vetoing bills. Nawrocki is expected to continue to block them. Play Video Pause Skip Backward Skip Forward Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration 0:00 Loaded : 0% 0:00 Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 1x Playback Rate Chapters Chapters Descriptions descriptions off , selected Captions captions settings , opens captions settings dialog captions off , selected Audio Track default , selected Picture-in-Picture Fullscreen This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Text Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Caption Area Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Drop shadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Consórcio Mycon [Veja] Consórcio Mycon Saiba Mais Undo Below are the key issues on which the new president and the government may collide. SOCIAL ISSUES Live Events Tusk won the 2023 parliamentary vote partly on promises to end a near-total ban on abortion introduced by the socially conservative PiS government. Tusk and the Left promised to allow abortion on demand until 12 weeks and restore the right to termination in case of foetal abnormalities, but the coalition was unable to agree on a bill. It also argued that Duda would veto any liberalisation. Nawrocki had said he would not sign any bill liberalising the right to abortion, even in the case of foetal abnormalities. He also opposes a bill on same sex partnerships proposed by the Left. Nawrocki campaigned on a promise to ensure that economic and social policies favour Poles over other nationalities, including refugees from neighbouring Ukraine. RULE OF LAW During its two terms in government from 2015 to 2023, PiS introduced judicial reforms which Brussels said undermined the rule of law and which critics blamed for chaos in the judiciary. The European Union's top court ruled that a new procedure for appointing judges did not guarantee their impartiality, opening the way for their rulings to be questioned. The Constitutional Tribunal issued rulings stating that Poland's constitution had primacy over EU law, undermining a key principle of the Union. Brussels took Poland to court over the ruling, and the current government does not recognise it. However, Tusk's efforts to roll back the changes have so far failed, blocked by Duda who keeps appointing judges under PiS rules. Nawrocki has signalled he supports PiS's changes, suggesting that the deadlock will continue. Duda also blocked the government's efforts to bring PiS politicians to justice, pardoning two members of the former government sentenced for abuse of power in their previous roles. Critics have said Nawrocki could come under pressure from PiS to pardon its politicians. DOMESTIC POLITICS Nawrocki's win may undermine Tusk's political project and could be a prelude to the return of PiS to power in 2027 or even earlier if the ruling centrist coalition crumbles and a snap election is held. Tusk had said he wants to renegotiate the coalition agreement and reshuffle his team after the presidential election to make it leaner and more efficient. Nawrocki will also get to nominate the new governor of the National Bank of Poland who leads the Monetary Policy Council (MPC) which decides on monetary policy, as well as other high-ranking officials. UKRAINE While Nawrocki supports giving military aid to help Ukraine fend off Russia's invasion, he is opposed to Kyiv joining Western alliances such as NATO. He also declared he would not agree to the deployment of Polish troops on Ukrainian territory. Nawrocki rejects suggestions that his stance is pro-Russian, while also saying that Poland has the right to raise sensitive issues with Kyiv such as exhumations of the remains of Polish victims killed by Ukrainian nationalists during World War Two. EU, U.S. Nawrocki vows to resist what he sees as efforts by Tusk and Trzaskowski to promote a European super-state, cede Polish national prerogatives to Brussels and undermine the country's security relationship with the United States. In a meeting with Slawomir Mentzen, the far-right candidate who was in third place in the first round of the election, he signed a declaration that he will not agree to any European treaties that would "weaken the position of Poland". Nawrocki prioritises closer security ties with the U.S., especially on defence. While his liberal opponent Rafal Trzaskowski played up his European credentials, Nawrocki met Donald Trump at the White House and received the U.S. president's backing for his bid for Poland's top job.

Factbox-Potential policy flashpoints between Poland's pro-Europe government and new president
Factbox-Potential policy flashpoints between Poland's pro-Europe government and new president

The Star

timean hour ago

  • Politics
  • The Star

Factbox-Potential policy flashpoints between Poland's pro-Europe government and new president

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk speaks to the press on the day of the second round of presidential election in Sopot, Poland, June 1, 2025. REUTERS/Lukasz Glowala WARSAW (Reuters) -Polish nationalist candidate Karol Nawrocki won the second round of the country's presidential election with 50.89% of the votes, the electoral commission said on Monday, in a blow to the reform agenda of the pro-European government. Prime Minister Donald Tusk swept to power in 2023 with a broad alliance of leftist and centrist parties, on a promise to undo changes made by the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) that the European Union said had undermined democracy and women's and minority rights. However, reforms have been slow, mainly because - the government contends - Poland's outgoing president, Andrzej Duda, a PiS ally, has been vetoing bills. Nawrocki is expected to continue to block them. Below are the key issues on which the new president and the government may collide. SOCIAL ISSUES Tusk won the 2023 parliamentary vote partly on promises to end a near-total ban on abortion introduced by the socially conservative PiS government. Tusk and the Left promised to allow abortion on demand until 12 weeks and restore the right to termination in case of foetal abnormalities, but the coalition was unable to agree on a bill. It also argued that Duda would veto any liberalisation. Nawrocki had said he would not sign any bill liberalising the right to abortion, even in the case of foetal abnormalities. He also opposes a bill on same sex partnerships proposed by the Left. Nawrocki campaigned on a promise to ensure that economic and social policies favour Poles over other nationalities, including refugees from neighbouring Ukraine. RULE OF LAW During its two terms in government from 2015 to 2023, PiS introduced judicial reforms which Brussels said undermined the rule of law and which critics blamed for chaos in the judiciary. The European Union's top court ruled that a new procedure for appointing judges did not guarantee their impartiality, opening the way for their rulings to be questioned. The Constitutional Tribunal issued rulings stating that Poland's constitution had primacy over EU law, undermining a key principle of the Union. Brussels took Poland to court over the ruling, and the current government does not recognise it. However, Tusk's efforts to roll back the changes have so far failed, blocked by Duda who keeps appointing judges under PiS rules. Nawrocki has signalled he supports PiS's changes, suggesting that the deadlock will continue. Duda also blocked the government's efforts to bring PiS politicians to justice, pardoning two members of the former government sentenced for abuse of power in their previous roles. Critics have said Nawrocki could come under pressure from PiS to pardon its politicians. DOMESTIC POLITICS Nawrocki's win may undermine Tusk's political project and could be a prelude to the return of PiS to power in 2027 or even earlier if the ruling centrist coalition crumbles and a snap election is held. Tusk had said he wants to renegotiate the coalition agreement and reshuffle his team after the presidential election to make it leaner and more efficient. Nawrocki will also get to nominate the new governor of the National Bank of Poland who leads the Monetary Policy Council (MPC) which decides on monetary policy, as well as other high-ranking officials. UKRAINE While Nawrocki supports giving military aid to help Ukraine fend off Russia's invasion, he is opposed to Kyiv joining Western alliances such as NATO. He also declared he would not agree to the deployment of Polish troops on Ukrainian territory. Nawrocki rejects suggestions that his stance is pro-Russian, while also saying that Poland has the right to raise sensitive issues with Kyiv such as exhumations of the remains of Polish victims killed by Ukrainian nationalists during World War Two. EU, U.S. Nawrocki vows to resist what he sees as efforts by Tusk and Trzaskowski to promote a European super-state, cede Polish national prerogatives to Brussels and undermine the country's security relationship with the United States. In a meeting with Slawomir Mentzen, the far-right candidate who was in third place in the first round of the election, he signed a declaration that he will not agree to any European treaties that would "weaken the position of Poland". Nawrocki prioritises closer security ties with the U.S., especially on defence. While his liberal opponent Rafal Trzaskowski played up his European credentials, Nawrocki met Donald Trump at the White House and received the U.S. president's backing for his bid for Poland's top job. (Reporting by Anna Wlodarczak-Semczuk and Marek Strzelecki; Editing by William Maclean)

A Look at the Left Govt in Kerala and the Times It Emboldened the Sangh
A Look at the Left Govt in Kerala and the Times It Emboldened the Sangh

The Wire

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • The Wire

A Look at the Left Govt in Kerala and the Times It Emboldened the Sangh

His fans call him the captain, his admirers value his no-nonsense approach and his detractors despise him as a 'dhoti clad Modi in disguise' . Notwithstanding the praises and admonitions, the importance of being Pinarayi Vijayan is obvious. He is the lone chief minister of the Left in India and the most important face of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). And now octogenarian Vijayan is vying for a third consecutive term after creating history of sorts, when his government was voted back to power in 2021. At a time when the Left in India is gasping for breath and the right juggernaut continues unabated, Left rule in Kerala has become all the more important not just for its sympathisers, but for all who seek an alternative to majoritarianism. Over nine years in power, how much of an alternative did Pinarayi Vijayan provide for the rest of the country to emulate? The earnest attempt to answer this would have to involve the age-old paradox of a Left government functioning under a neoliberal, majoritarian rule and the ideological ambiguities and complexities of the communist party working in a parliamentary democracy and the commitment of the political leadership. Ever since he joined active politics and became a member of the legislative assembly at the age of 25, Vijayan has been actively embroiled in the machinations of parliamentary power politics. Pragmatist to the core, Vijayan gave predominance to strategising for winning elections. Like former Chinese leader Deng Xiopeng, Vijayan did not bother about the 'colour of the cat as long as it catches mice'. Pragmatism, as a political tool, is often at odds with the ideologies of the organisations. Hence a pragmatist is at the risk of being labeled as 'revisionist' or 'opportunist' by the 'puritans' within and outside the organisation. The communist leaders who led the party in government have always had to walk a tightrope, balancing ideology and practical compulsions, necessitated by working under a practically centralised government. When the first communist government, led by E.M.S Nambodiripad invited G.D. Birla to invest in the state, offering him natural resources at throwaway prices, questions were raised from some quarters alleging 'ideological deviations' against the then CPI(M) government. The ideological dilemma of working under a capitalist system and pursuing a 'revolutionary programme' has been the hallmark of almost all Left governments. Vijayan has attempted to overcome this dilemma, first as the secretary of the CPI(M) and now as the chief minister. He jettisoned ideological pretensions and chose pragmatism as the guiding principle. Leaving aside ideological baggage and renouncing revolutionary rhetoric for all practical purposes, Vijayan led the party to imbibe the narrative on development accepted and propagated by all other mainstream political parties. This is visible by the development document he presented at CPI(M) state conference s and the slew of policy measures his government initiated, including welcoming foreign capital in the industry and education sectors. That he was able to push his party into accepting these big policy changes without any dissension points either to his strangulating hold over the party or the ideological void among the cadres. But, in the end, this 'policy shift' should be seen as a way out of the dilemma the party faced whenever it was elected to rule under an antagonising central government. This can be construed as the inability of the Left to have an alternative development policy for the state while working within a capitalist system. To pursue an alternative model in a structure where the states do not have much room is easier said than done, especially when the central government is out to destabilise fiscal federalism. Though Vijayan is praised even by political opponents for being 'non-dogmatic,' he is iron-willed in maintaining party organisation according to the 'Leninist principle of democratic centralism'. Adversaries allege that he uses this to sideline or neutralise those who are not in his good book . They maintain that by the selective use of this century-old organisational dictum, Vijayan impaired democratic culture by promoting those who show total servility. Vijayan's nine-year rule is significant in Kerala's history not because of how his dominance changed the CPI(M), but because his and the party's stand on various occasions, at least during the last nine years, has given credence to the majoritarian arguments on various issues. The handling of political dissidents and the knee-jerk reactions on various social and political issues by the government and the party have inadvertently or otherwise emboldened the Sangh parivar's ideological campaigns. The Sangh agenda Let us look at some instances when the Sangh agenda has reflected in Vijayan's actions 1. Maoist killing During the first five years in rule, seven Maoists were killed by the Kerala police. Civil society and human rights groups alleged that these ultra-leftists were gunned down in fake encounters. The CPI(M)-appointed fact-finding mission corroborated the stand taken by the human rights groups. But the government did not budge and no worthwhile actions were taken. Bharatiya Janata Party and the Sangh parivar defended the government. 2. Economic Reservation Vijayan-led Left Democratic Front was the first government to introduce upper-caste reservation camouflaged as economic reservations. This has strengthened the anti-caste reservation campaign often unleashed by Sangh parivar groups 3. Islamophobia The last Lok Sabha election saw BJP opening its account in Kerala and a sizeable increase in its vote share, especially among the Ezhava community , which has hitherto been the bedrock of the CPI(M). The political shift of a significant section of the Hindu voters, who had earlier put their faith in CPI(M), has raised alarm bells within the left circles. CPI(M) thought of overcoming this by intensifying political attacks against Muslim organisations, including the Muslim League, which is part of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), and Jamaat-e-Islami. At one point, the CPI(M) politburo member A. Vijayaraghavan alleged that Congress leaders Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi won elections from Wayanad with the support of Muslim fundamentalists. This statement was used by the BJP to target Congress. The continuous virulent attack against Muslim organisations created a political atmosphere conducive for the Sangh parivar to carry out their anti-Muslim campaign. 'The land of three internal enemies' The most severe attack against the Vijayan government came from the police. Even left sympathisers alleged that a section of the police officers are showing allegiance to Sangh parivar. Those who criticised the police policy got shot in the arm when reports of a secret meeting between ADGP Ajith Kumar and RSS leader Dattatreya Hosable and Ram Madhav came out. Though the secret meeting raised huge controversy, no action has been taken against the police officer. When Sree Narayana Darma Paripala (SNDP) Yogam General Secretary Vellappally Natesan spewed communal venom against the Muslim majority Malappuram district by describing it as a place where Muslim domination has pushed other Ezhava community to the sidelines, it invited huge condemnation. But chief minister Vijayan came to the rescue of the SNDP leader by praising him 'as a leader who does not take a stand against any particular community and also praised his social service. For RSS and the Sangh organisations, Kerala is a land where all three 'internal enemies' – the Muslims, the Christians and the Communists – as elucidated by RSS ideologue MS Golwalkar, have a significant presence. Hence, the RSS attached great importance to 'conquering' Kerala, as this would be construed as subjugating the 'internal enemies.' Notwithstanding the BJP's poor electoral performance, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is running more than 5.000 shakhas in Kerala – more than the number in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat! Left parties, especially the CPI(M), were in the forefront in scuttling the pernicious methods employed by the Sangh in the state. Vijayan was vociferous and unrelenting in his fight against the Sangh parivar. But skeptics maintain that there is a marked change in his approach since he became chief minister. Over the last nine years, the RSS has been able to spread its tentacles widely, using, among other things, the politically lethargic attitude of the government. What effect will this lackadaisical approach of the Left have on Kerala polity? The 2026 Assembly election, in all probability, will tell. N.K. Bhoopesh is a journalist and columnist based in Kochi, Kerala.

Michelle Obama scolds women Trump voters, stirs controversy with claim about women's health
Michelle Obama scolds women Trump voters, stirs controversy with claim about women's health

New York Post

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • New York Post

Michelle Obama scolds women Trump voters, stirs controversy with claim about women's health

Former First Lady Michelle Obama is facing backlash after saying that creating life is 'the least' of what a woman's reproductive system does. On the latest episode of the podcast 'IMO with Michelle Obama & Craig Robinson,' the former first lady and her brother were joined by OB/GYN Dr. Sharon Malone, whose husband, Eric Holder, served as Attorney General under former President Barack Obama. Advertisement During the discussion, the former first lady lamented that women's reproductive health 'has been reduced to the question of choice.' 'I attempted to make the argument on the campaign trail this past election was that there's just so much more at stake and because so many men have no idea about what women go through,' Obama said. She went on to claim that the lack of research on women's health shapes male leaders' perceptions of the issue of abortion. 'Women's reproductive health is about our life. It's about this whole complicated reproductive system that the least of what it does is produce life,' Obama added, 'It's a very important thing that it does, but you only produce life if the machine that's producing it — if you want to whittle us down to a machine — is functioning in a healthy, streamlined kind of way.' Advertisement In the same episode, the former first lady seemed to scold Republican men by saying that the men who 'sit on their hands' over abortion are choosing to 'trade out women's health for a tax break or whatever it is.' Former First Lady Michelle Obama has received criticism online for saying on her podcast that creating life is 'the least' of what a woman's reproductive system does. IMO with Michelle Obama & Craig Robinson"/YouTube Obama also criticized Republican women, suggesting they voted for President Donald Trump because of their husbands. 'There are a lot of men who have big chairs at their tables, there are a lot of women who vote the way their man is going to vote, it happened in this election.' Advertisement The 'Becoming' author's remarks drew criticism from pro-life activists, including Danielle D'Souza Gill, the wife of Rep. Brandon Gill, R-Texas. The couple announced the birth of their second child earlier in May. 'Motherhood is the most beautiful and powerful gift God gave women. Creating life isn't a side effect, it's a miracle. Don't let the Left cheapen it,' D'Souza Gill wrote in a post on X. The former first lady said that women's reproductive health 'has been reduced to the question of choice.' Danielle D'Souza Gill / X Advertisement Isabel Brown, a content creator and author, also slammed the former first lady as a 'supposed feminist icon.' 'I am SO sick [and] tired of celebrities [and] elitists attempting to convince you that your miraculous superpower ability to GROW LIFE from nothing is somehow demeaning [and] 'lesser than' for women,' Brown wrote. At the time of this writing, Obama's podcast is ranked 51 on Apple Podcasts and doesn't appear on the list of the top 100 podcasts on Spotify. However, it is ranked 91 on the list of 100 trending podcasts on Spotify. The entire episode with Malone is available on YouTube, where it currently has just under 41,150 views so far.

Starmer's enslavement to woke ideology is a gift to the new axis of evil
Starmer's enslavement to woke ideology is a gift to the new axis of evil

Yahoo

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Starmer's enslavement to woke ideology is a gift to the new axis of evil

When wokeness in Britain went from being a loony Left preoccupation to a way of life, hot on the heels of America's wokeward tack in 2020, only fools, villains and villainous fools insisted that nothing much was happening – apart from a bit of long overdue fairness. Of course, they said, the old Right-wing cis white straight men and women were squealing about the embrace by the virtuous of 'social justice' and 'equity,' but that didn't mean there was a real culture war afoot. It was obvious to me from the start of the woke era, however, that this was not 'just' a culture war but a real one, in a truly modern sense, with real consequences that would be felt far beyond a few workplaces or university seminar rooms. The vaulting from the seminar room into the world of the ideology linking 'white privilege' to empire to colonialism to the immovable fact of white British guilt has led to poisonous politics on the Left, a troubling reaction on the populist Right, and a ruling class who make decisions with our money, our personal safety and the security of the country based on it. If people have been injured or died already thanks to wokeness – for instance in the failure to confidently and properly police Islamist terror suspects or BAME (Black, Asian and minority ethnic knife crime), or in the body-destroying treatments handed out by LGBTQ+ allies to kids who said they were trans in the gender movement that followed Black Lives Matter – then much more is set to come. One of the most flagrant case studies in how the woke mindset can be physically dangerous is Starmer's Chagos islands agreement. The 'deal' is to hand the British territory to Mauritius, and lease back the land on the island of Diego Garcia, on which sits a strategically vital, Anglo-American military base. The lease costs £30 billion, and will be paid over 99 years. The Government's strange argument for the deal was that it would prevent the security risks that could come from instability due to international lawfare on this last 'colonial' outpost of Britain's. Starmer, somehow, did not think that it was more of a security concern that Chinese influence in Mauritius is malign and growing: China has now announced that Mauritius will be joining its power-grabbing Belt and Road initiative. Indeed, Starmer's comments about the handover in a press conference were very odd. He said with confidence that only Britain's enemies were against it. 'In favour are all of our allies: the US, Nato, Five Eyes, India. Against it: Russia, China, Iran.' Yet days after it went through, China was celebrating. Beijing's ambassador to Mauritius, Huang Shifang, told guests at the Chinese embassy in Mauritius's capital of Port Louis that China sent 'massive congratulations' to Mauritius on the deal, and that China 'fully supports' Mauritius's attempt to 'safeguard national sovereignty'. It's hard to think of a more cynical, almost joyously so, use of this terminology. China, after all, is a country obsessed with taking by force the democratic, independent Taiwan (Mauritius, China has made clear, supports its doctrine that Taiwan is already part of China); repressing free speech in Hong Kong, where it operates a subtle reign of terror, and subjecting its Uyghur Muslim population in Xinjiang to sadistic treatment in internment camps. And now it gets to set about enjoying all manner of devious proximity to our all-important Eastern base. So yes, Britain's Chagos deal makes delicious sense to China, but makes no sense for us. Unless, of course, you are Starmer and his inner circle, and you're enslaved to the twin ideologies of post-colonialism and 'international law' – which lands you in the awkward and unfortunate position, as we have seen, of ending up in agreement with China on core values like self-determination. It's a mess. All this Chinese gloating disguised as proper appreciation for nations' rights to freedom from colonial shackles serves as a useful reminder of just how suspicious such language has become. Yes, it is mass-peddled by august 'international' bodies, NGOs, courts and the UN. But these have all been corrupted by those with sinister anti-Western agendas. Indeed, the intranational bodies charged with pursuing a kinder world order with 'human rights' pursued through law always seem to favour those who care least about those obligations. It was telling when Lord Hermer, Starmer's attorney general, compared those in favour of withdrawal from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) to the Nazi philosopher and jurist Carl Schmitt, when what membership of the ECHR really means, in practice, is having to treat terrorists and foreign mass murderers with the utmost consideration. The greatest, longest-running example of the hijacking of a world organisation is the UN, which has been faking outrage at violations of 'international law' to endanger and ostracise Israel for decades. As Natasha Hausdorff, the international lawyer known for pointing out the legal flaws in the numerous evil smears levelled at Israel, notes : 'Armies of NGOs [have fed] the United Nations system and international bodies like the ICC and ICJ' so that 'pseudo-legal language permeates public discourse about Israel. This has now broken into public consciousness, but it has been building in the NGO world and UN world for a long time.' The once honourable ICJ – the International Court of Justice – was seized by South Africa to bring a case against Benjamin Netanyahu as a war criminal even as Israel sacrificed soldiers fighting Hamas in Gaza, resulting in an arrest warrant for the Israeli PM which Britain refuses to reject. As the famous American lawyer and Harvard professor Alan Dershowitz says of the ICJ: 'It's not international, it's not a court and it doesn't do justice.' The bloc that still determines the balance of power and the fate of countries – just – is the Western one. And we are now in great peril, due to being gullible and ill-informed, anti-Semitic, terror-appeasing and morally confused. Our cultures swallowed whole by Leftist cultural theories that were meant to never leave academia – those of post-structuralism and post-colonialism – and under their influence we turn our faces towards the lies pouring from the Eastern axis of 'resistance' – with lethal consequences. The international human rights community in all its respectable clout gives this evil nonsense the stamp of approval. Older people just about remember when international law meant something. Some saw first-hand the real genocide of the mid-20th century, others spectacular bloodshed under monsters and in the course of war. Some of us just remember hearing about those times and events, from parents and grandparents. To us, the souring of organisations like the ECHR, ICC, ICJ, UN – the whole concept of 'international law' itself – is bitter and clear. The rising generation, though, those who have taken up en masse the garbage of third-rate academic theories about coloniser and oppressor, who misuse terms including racism, apartheid, genocide, settler-colonialism, fascism and even capitalism, seem to genuinely think these corrupted organisations are the end of the moral and geopolitical rainbow. That reference to their motions and cases and objections and votes must end all arguments; that the old animating force behind international courts for human rights and justice was just a relic of a racist age, and now we know better. In some ways we do. But those who still chase after 'international' legitimacy are barking up the wrong tree – either accidentally or, like China, on purpose. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.

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