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IOL News
a day ago
- Politics
- IOL News
ANC's 'better life for all' mantra remains a pipedream
Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu On June 26, 1955, the Freedom Charter was adopted in Kliptown, Soweto in Johannesburg. This document envisioned a free South Africa post-apartheid. It gave hope of a better future where people's dignity would be restored, and racial stratification be a thing of the past. This gave hope for a better life for all South Africans. Of the ten clauses in the Freedom Charter as the focal points, a few stood out and have been ventilated over the years. The first clause stated that 'The people shall govern.' This assumed that a government of the people would be constituted, not the apartheid government which represented a white minority. The fourth promise was that 'The land shall be shared among those who work it.' Implicit in this vision was that the black majority who tilled the land would own it. The eighth clause stated that 'The doors of learning and culture shall be opened.' This brought a glimmer of hope to the students. There were other promises of the sharing of the country's wealth and assurance that all racial groups would have equal rights. The year 2025 marks 70 years since the adoption of the Freedom Charter. This happens at a time when the ANC is no longer the governing party but is part of a multiparty coalition government following its failure to obtain the required fifty-plus-one threshold in the 2024 general election. However, the ANC has led South Africa during the first six administrations since 1994. As such, it had enough time to implement the promises of the Freedom Charter. Five questions arise. The first question is 'how far have the promises of the Freedom Charter been achieved under the ANC government? Secondly, to what extent have opposition political parties held the ANC accountable so that it could deliver on the promises contained in the Freedom Charter? Thirdly, following the ANC's dismal performance in the 2024 general election, are opposition parties capitalising on the ANC's weakness or are they allowing the ANC to regain its lost ground? Fourthly, to what extent is the ANC regrouping as it prepares for the 2026 Local Government Election (LGE)? Lastly and importantly, what can we expect in the much-anticipated LGE given the current politics in the country? On the first question, it depends on who is being asked. Many South Africans believe that the ANC has reneged on its promise to implement the clauses of the Freedom Charter. They base their assessment on the condition of their lives and unfulfilled promises made by the ANC in each election. However, the ANC holds the view that of the ten clauses, only two have not been fulfilled. These are clause three which says, 'The people shall share in the country's wealth' and clause four which says, 'The land shall be shared among those who work it.' But even with these clauses, the ANC claims that it is a work in progress. ANC national chairperson Gwede Mantashe argues that the ANC has lived to the ideals of the Freedom Charter. Therefore, it is safe to say that the answers to the first question are subjective. The second question is more important. The mandate of opposition political parties (especially the main opposition) is to keep the governing party on its toes. After the 1994 general election, the National Party (NP) was pushed to the opposition benches. It failed to hold the ANC accountable. Instead, it split into two and eventually collapsed. In 1999, the Democratic Party (DP) of Tony Leon assumed the position of being the official opposition. From 2004 to 2024 the Democratic Alliance was the official opposition party. It failed to hold the ANC accountable. Despite its scathing attack on the ANC, it is now co-governing with the ANC in the multiparty coalition. The third question speaks to the current situation. The newly formed Mkhonto Wesizwe Party (MKP) is the official opposition. Together with the EFF and other smaller parties, it should be positioning itself as an alternative. However, currently, the party is unstable. This instability is exemplified by the recent swearing-in of nine new members in the National Assembly and some movements in the KwaZulu-Natal Legislature. Even in the leadership of the party outside parliament, there is instability. The recent removal of Floyd Shivambu from the position of Secretary General and his subsequent media briefing which laid bare his sour relations with the party confirm instability in the SG position. The EFF is also facing problems of its own – including a decline in its support base. The fourth question speaks directly to the ANC. The party is on record talking about the renewal agenda. However, this seems to be political rhetoric rather than something tangible. KwaZulu-Natal where the party recorded its highest loss has seen more activity. Firstly, the provincial leadership structure was reconfigured. A few days ago, the ANC's 11 regions were disbanded by the current leadership. While these might be touted as part of the renewal process, some might argue that it has the potential to further divide the party. In parliament, the ANC faced a backlash on the budget issue – especially the proposed 2% VAT hike. This happened against the backdrop of what happened in the sixth administration when the ANC used its numbers to protect President Ramaphosa after the Phala Phala saga. Even the party's working relations (or lack thereof) with the DA have drawn interest from the public. So, is the ANC really renewing itself or is the renewal agenda only existing on paper? The last question about next year's LGE touches on all political parties – both those who are in the coalition and opposition parties. The former must account to the electorate about what they have been doing since the start of the seventh administration. Opposition parties must explain to the public if they have held the coalition government accountable or if they were fixated on their internal issues. As we reflect on the Freedom Charter, objective reflections are crucial. * Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at Nelson Mandela University. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The Citizen
23-05-2025
- Politics
- The Citizen
Political analyst: Service delivery failures may cost ANC in Polokwane
POLOKWANE – As political parties gear up to intensify their campaigns ahead of next year's Local Government Election, citizens are also beginning to reflect on which party is best positioned to deliver basic services effectively. This reflection is unfolding amid growing dissatisfaction among residents, who have voiced frustration over what many perceive as a struggling or even failing Polokwane Municipality under the ANC's continued majority rule. This is according to independent political analyst Zackaria Moabelo, who weighed in on the situation, citing the inconsistency in service delivery over the past five years as a major factor likely to impact the ANC's support in the city – a city that still aspires to achieve metropolitan status .'Water supply disruptions that left taps dry for weeks, combined with ongoing Eskom load-shedding, dysfunctional streetlights, and rising unemployment among youth, many of whom have turned to drugs and crime, all contribute to a bleak picture. These are issues that not only reflect local governance failures but resonate nationally as well,' he said. While acknowledging the challenges, Moabelo also noted that the municipality has taken steps to address service delivery issues. These include the rollout of several water capacity projects (some completed, others underway), youth employment campaigns, and road maintenance efforts such as pothole repairs. Moabelo believes the ANC will face an uphill battle in urban areas like Polokwane, especially with a growing opposition presence from parties such as the DA, EFF and the newly emerged uMkhonto we Sizwe Party. 'These parties are often seen prioritising political education among their supporters, which empowers citizens to hold their leaders accountable, especially when service delivery is poor.' This evolving political landscape raises the possibility of coalition governments becoming the new norm in local politics, he said. 'We are looking at a 60% likelihood of a municipal coalition government in Polokwane. All these parties, including the ANC, have the potential to be part of it. The dynamics at national level, however, particularly the politics of the Government of National Unity, could influence which parties eventually align at local level. Despite their opposing ideologies, political compromise is often the price of power,' he concluded. At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!
IOL News
04-05-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Draining the fiscus to rescue a tarnished legacy
President Cyril Ramaphosa greets a community member at the Presidential Imbizo held in Tsakane Stadium, Gauteng on August 23, 2024. Given the cloud hanging over his head following the Marikana tragedy and the Phala Phala saga, is Ramaphosa using these imbizos to save his political image, asks the writer. Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu In the culture of the ANC, those who serve in the provincial legislatures and the National Assembly are expected to visit their constituency offices whenever parliament is in recess. This is done to achieve a dual aim. Firstly, it allows them to report to their constituencies on what they had been mandated to do. They highlight their achievements and identify some glitches. Ideally, they should also seek advice on how those hurdles could be overcome if they cannot do so on their own. Secondly, constituency meetings allow elected representatives to solicit views on a wide range of issues and to receive a fresh mandate from their constituencies to take to the different parliaments when the latter resume their work. This is an old practice that has kept the ANC in power and allowed it to attract new members. That is how the ANC has grown over the years and has remained in power since 1994 until the sixth administration, which ended in May 2024. Sadly, this culture has faded away over the years. Instead, it has been replaced by notorious and destructive factional politics. Deployed members of the ANC no longer serve their constituencies as has been the case before, but they serve the factions they belong to and their 'handlers' who control the purse and thus call the tune. In the process, the organisation has been significantly weakened as evidenced in recent successive elections. Against this background, as a norm, the incumbent president of the ANC usually holds izimbizo with various communities – not only members of the party. This is so because the president leads all South Africans, not just ANC members. At least this is the ideal situation. Whether it happens remains the subject of debate. As the ANC has constantly gone down in each election since 2019, the future of this once mighty organisation hangs in the balance. In 2019 the ANC went below 60 percent for the very first time since 1994 – only managing 57.50 percent. As the party was recovering from this shock, the 2021 Local Government Election (LGE) saw the ANC continuing to perform badly. As if that was not enough, in the 2024 general election the ANC made history (albeit in a negative way) when for the first time it went below 50 percent, only managing a mere 40.18 percent. Some opposition political parties even questioned this figure arguing that it was only made possible by the mysterious system 'collapse' during the counting of the votes. In the aftermath of this constant decline of the ANC under President Ramaphosa's leadership questions are beginning to arise. Among them are the following: Is the problem with him as a person or his leadership style? Was Ramaphosa the right person for the job? Did he ascend to the presidency at the wrong time? Did he over-sell himself when he complained about the so-called nine wasted years under President Zuma whom he deputized both in the ANC and in parliament? Is nature punishing him for making a false promise about the so-called 'New Dawn' that he was bringing with him when he assumed office on 15 February 2018 to finish Zuma's term or when he ascended to the presidency after the 2019 general election? Importantly, has the ANC as a political party run out of fame and is thus joining other former liberation movements which relinquished power after losing popularity with the masses? These are some of the many questions which beg for answers. They are invoked by Ramaphosa's current ongoing provincial imbizos. It remains unclear as to what has prompted him to convene these imbizos. For example, is he upholding the ANC's culture of touching base with the masses as outlined above? If so, where has he been all along when the masses felt alienated by the organisation they loved so much? Has he been woken up by the party's disappointing performance in the recent elections? If so, is his action honest? Is Ramaphosa genuine in convening these provincial imbizos as part of his fact-finding mission so that he can reignite the spark in the fading ANC and reposition it? If that is the case, why did he wait for so long as the party was going down under his leadership? Given the cloud hanging over his head following the Marikana incident and the Phala Phala saga, is Ramaphosa using these imbizos to save his political image so that he can leave a better legacy when he leaves the ANC leadership in 2027? If so, were there no other means to revamp himself without using ANC structures and his current position as President of the ANC and the country? Would this not amount to abuse of office? Given the financial position of the ANC where it recently struggled to pay its employees at different levels, and faced litigation, would the money used to convene these izimbizo not be put to better use? Should the money not be used to resuscitate branches and regions and educate the ANC membership about the decision not to vote in an election and to guard against factional politics? This question is given impetus by the results of the 2024 general election and the fact that the LGE will be held in 2026. Is the ANC ready to face this election and do better than it did in 2021? What has the party done to date to avert the 2021 bad performance? Most importantly, has this strategy of convening imbizos not been overtaken by events? In other words, is this not too little too late? If this is the case, is the convening of these imbizos warranted and justifiable? Has Ramaphosa and his advisors read the political mood in the ANC and the country well and arrived at realistic conclusions or have they missed the point? These questions demand honest answers from Ramaphosa, the ANC and government. * Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at Nelson Mandela University. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
