Latest news with #Muslim-Yadav
Mint
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Mint
Son Rise: Tejaswi, Chirag, Prashant are Bihar's new flavours as assembly polls may power a generational shift
Is Bihar ready for a generational shift in the assembly elections due in a few months' time? On the face of it, the answer would have to be in the affirmative. But it does call for a closer inquiry. Nitish Kumar is wobbly. A generation of Biharis has seen no other chief minister. As the 22nd chief minister of Bihar since February 22, 2015, having previously held the office from 2005 to 2014 and for a short period in 2000, he is Bihar's longest-serving chief minister, holding the post for a record ninth term. Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) super boss and former chief minister Lalu Yadav is a pale shadow of his best. After his October 2013 conviction in the Fodder Scam, he was disqualified from the Lok Sabha and cannot contest elections anymore. In addition, he has health issues. The third stalwart of this Mandal triumvirate, Ram Vilas Paswan, is no more. What comes in their place are their scions, in at least two cases. Lalu's son Tejaswi Yadav and NDA minister Chirag Paswan, son of the redoubtable Ram Vilas. Add to it a newbie Prashant Kishor, whose Jan Suraaj Party, may not win elections on its own but has an even more critical role to play – it can cut into the anti-BJP votes with precision. Not to be underrated is the not-so-young son of Jitan Ram Manjhi, Santosh Suman Manjhi, who at 50 is a sitting MLC and hopes to play the role of a king maker, should the need arise. Says Ashmita Gupta, member-secretary of the Asian Development Research Institute (ADRI) in Patna: 'There is no doubt that the younger lot of politicians' time has come. Tejaswi Yadav is drawing crowds and has a mase base. Both Prashant Kishor and Chirag Paswan have done their grassroot work. Let's admit that the younger politicians are well tuned into advanced data collection and technology to leave their imprimatur on the forthcoming Bihar assembly elections.' The other point is the traditional role of caste equations and vote bank numbers, which have dominated elections in Bihar revolving around three main players: the RJD, the BJP, and the Janata Dal (United) or JD(U), each enjoying the support of nearly captive voter bases. According to the 2020 Bihar Assembly election results, the RJD bagged the largest vote share (23.11 per cent) followed by the BJP in second place (19.46 per cent); the JD(U) (15.39 per cent), Congress (9.48 per cent), and the Left parties (4.64 per cent). Smaller players like Chirag Paswan's Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), or LJP(RV); Jitan Ram Manjhi's Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular), or HAM(S); and Mukesh Sahani's Vikassheel Insaan Party, or VIP, also played a role in giving their respective alliances an edge. This time, their edge could be more pronounced. Notwithstanding the modern tool of political propagation, the young blood must constantly seek out new alliances in a fight, which is expected to go down to the wire. Tejaswi is trying hard to broaden its Muslim-Yadav vote base by wooing other castes such as the Kushwaha, Dhanuk, and Mallah from the Other Backwards Classes (OBCs) and Extremely Backwards Classes (EBCs). As part of this strategy, the RJD fielded many candidates from the Kushwaha or Koiri (vegetable growers) caste in the last Lok Sabha election and appointed Mangani Lal Mandal, a senior socialist leader from the EBC Dhanuk caste, as its Bihar party president. According to the 2023 Bihar caste survey, EBCs make up 36 per cent of the total electorate. The RJD is also counting on the support of its ally the VIP, which has a strong base among the Mallah or Kevat community in constituencies along the Ganges. The JD (U)-BJP alliance is not too badly placed either. In the 2020 assembly election, the JD(U) contested 115 seats but won only 43, while the BJP won 74 out of the 110 seats it contested. The partners flipped their positions within the alliance, with the BJP emerging as the senior partner after playing a supportive role to Nitish Kumar for nearly four decades. The BJP conceded the chief minister's post to Kumar to avoid any potential blowback from the influential EBC castes. 2025 promises to be no different. To broaden its voter base, the Congress – in wilderness since 1989 - has appointed Rajesh Kumar, a member of the Ravidas caste (Jatavs) as its Bihar unit chief. Says political analyst and former principal of Patna College, NK Chaudhary: "Just age is no criteria for winnability in Bihar or else JP and Karpoori Thakur would not have made an impact. Social alliances are all about caste. Whatever you do, elections in Bihar ultimately boil down to caste. Nitish has to be the face of the NDA despite the talk about his declining health as his support base is still intact.'' This is not to suggest that development is not an issue, Chaudhary says. Nitish Kumar has gained considerable goodwill among women voters thanks to prohibition and schemes like free cycles for schoolgirls, something that the BJP is keen to cash in on, because after the death of Sushil Modi, they don't have a state-level leader of any standing. There is no doubt that the younger lot of politicians' time has come. Ironically, Nitish Kumar's son Nishant Kumar, has been left behind in the sweepstakes. In a poll, which is heating up as D-Day approaches, modernity and feudalism mix and match beautifully in Bihar.
Time of India
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Bihar polls: Why Nitish Kumar's caste survey was a political masterstroke
NEW DELHI: For over two decades, Nitish Kumar has defied political gravity, fractured mandates and bitter rivals in Bihar to serve as the chief minister of the state. Nitish has remained the pivot around which Bihar's politics has revolved in the last 20 years. This despite the fact that his party Janata Dal (United) has never won a full majority in the state assembly. Nitish Kumar has alternated between the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and United Progressive Alliance (UPA) camps at least six times since 1999 earning the dubious distinction of being called the "Paltu Kumar" of Bihar politics. Nitish was with the BJP-led NDA from 1999 to 2013 before switching to the UPA in 2015. In 2017, he returned to the NDA, only to realign with the UPA again in 2022. A year later, he joined the INDIA bloc, but by 2024, he had once again rejoined the NDA. Ironically, despite these political manoeuvres, Nitish is still courted by every major political force in Bihar. The question then arises: what makes Nitish Kumar indispensable? Nitish Kumar belongs to the Kurmi caste, which makes up only 3 per cent of Bihar's population. In the initial stages of his political career, Nitish backed heavily on 'Luv-Kush' (Kurmi-Kushwaha) support and was recognised as their undisputed leader. Nitish also focussed on development agenda and gained popularity with several of his pro-women policies like prohibition. But over a period of time, Nitish realised that to have an edge over either the RJD or the BJP, he needed to broaden his support base. So, the JD(U) chief made a conscious effort to weave his support base around the entire EBC community by modelling his politics on Karpoori Thakur's ideals and putting a special focus on the economically weaker section. Nitish gradually placed himself as the "poster boy" of the Extremely Backward Class, which constitutes the largest portion of the population in Bihar. By announcing the caste survey in 2023, Nitish rebooted his politics and claimed his "social justice" credentials. Also through the survey, Nitish formally proclaimed his vote bank, making sure that he or his party cannot be pushed to the margins. Political analyst Kumar Vijay, who has followed politics in Bihar closely for several years, believes that the caste survey was undertaken to project Nitish Kumar as the leader of largest chunk of Bihar's population. "I firmly believe the caste survey was meant to project Nitish Kumar as the leader of the largest segment of Bihar's population and not just a Luv-Kush exercise was also a reminder to the RJD that Nitish commands a broader voter base — around 36 per cent — compared to Lalu Prasad Yadav's MY (Muslim-Yadav) support base, which accounts for about 32 per cent," Vijay said. "Building a voter base across 122 castes is not easy. Nitish has introduced several schemes and programs targeting these communities to consolidate his position," he added. Further, Vijay said that it would be interesting to see how the Muslim voters within the EBS community will vote in the upcoming elections. "Interestingly, Nitish has also been the only NDA leader with some traction among Muslim voters. However, with the recent passage of the new Waqf laws, it remains to be seen how this development might impact his support among the community," he said. The caste survey found out that there were 122 castes among the EBCs in the state. If the 10 percent Muslim EBCs are discounted, 26 percent is believed to be the strong supporters of Nitish. How the numbers add up Now, let's analyse how JD(U) performed in the 2020 assembly elections. Even though it was the party's worst performance since 2000, JD(U) still managed to secure 32.83% of the vote in the 115 seats it contested, even when both his ally, the BJP, and the opposition, led by the RJD, weren't exactly in his corner. This shows Nitish Kumar's loyal voter base that has largely stuck with him. If the Luv-Kush voters (about 7% Kurmis and Koeris) are combined with the 26% non-Muslim EBCs, the math adds up to 33%. Since 2004, Nitish has filled the lacunae of a leader in the EBC community by starting a host of schemes especially targeting the EBCs, such as the Student Credit Card scheme, scholarship schemes from primary classes, school uniforms, free textbooks, vocational training, and housing and employment schemes. Challenges ahead However, in these elections, Nitish Kumar appears to be facing a challenge in the form of Chirag Paswan. Union minister Chirag has recently announced that his party, Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), will contest all 243 seats in Bihar. This could be a serious matter of concern for Nitish, as the LJP's vote bank, like that of the JDU, also lies among the EBCs and Scheduled Castes. This election will serve as a litmus test for Nitish's hold over the EBC vote bank and his projection as their poster boy — more so, in light of his reported health issues, which the opposition has repeatedly raised.
India Today
16-07-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Why UP's Muslim leaders are fading from prominence
(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated July 21, 2025)There was a time when Muslim leaders in Uttar Pradesh were not just bystanders in its political theatre. They were an important part of the discourse, shaping coalitions, influencing agendas, and giving voice to nearly a fifth of the state's population. No longer so. The spotlight has shifted, the applause has faded. And what remains is a ringing silence. Muslim political representation in UP has entered its most diminished phase in decades. In a state where the community makes up more than 19 per cent of the population, its representation in the current assembly is just 31 seats, or 7.7 per cent of the 403-member House (see Nowhere to Go).advertisementThis is a far cry from 2012, when 69 Muslim candidates were elected, marking the highest-ever representation since Independence. The lowest was 17 in 1991, before improving to 24 a year after the Babri Masjid demolition, 31 in 1996, 46 in 2002 and 2007, before plummeting to 24 in 2017. After a modest uptick in 2022 to 34 (with the Samajwadi Party accounting for 31 of these wins, and the Rashtriya Lok Dal or RLD, and Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party or SBSP, both then SP allies, contributing one and two MLAs respectively), it has dropped again following the disqualification of Mau MLA Abbas Ansari, and bypoll losses in Rampur and the decline in representation is not just about numbers, it reflects a deeper realignment in UP's politics. The political centre of gravity has shifted, and under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the BJP has maintained its dominance without fielding a single Muslim candidate in successive elections, consolidating majoritarian support while pushing earlier models of minority-based identity politics to the margins. The situation remains as dismal in the 100-member state Legislative Council—where they remain squeezed to five (two BJP and three SP). The void is also stark in the Lok Sabha. Only five of UP's 80 MPs are Muslim, all from the Opposition (four SP and one Congress). Imran Masood, the Congress MP from Saharanpur, is reconciled to the current political situation, but says, 'People talk about the winnability of Muslim candidates, but a discussion about it can start only when you give them tickets.'Over the past decade, all three major parties in UP apart from the BJP—Samajwadi Party (SP), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Congress—have scaled back Muslim representation for electoral reasons. The SP, once defined by its Muslim-Yadav coalition, has gradually shifted focus to its new PDA (Pichhda, Dalit, Alpasankhyak) formula. In recent years, as the political narrative has further consolidated around Hindu identity politics and with the BSP's grip on Dalit voters weakening, the SP has actively courted Dalit support while being careful not to alienate Hindu voters. Mayawati's BSP, too, has turned away its focus from Muslim candidates and pivoted instead to reinforce its traditional base among Dalits and backward classes, especially after the 2024 Lok Sabha election. Across the board, what emerges is a retreat from minority-centric ticket distribution toward strategies centred on majoritarian and caste-based electoral LEADERSHIP VACUUMThere are those who attribute the decline in Muslim political representation in UP to the collapse of a specific section of the leadership that thrived on a criminal-political nexus. Leaders like Azam Khan, Mukhtar Ansari and Atiq Ahmed once embodied a brand of assertive Muslim leadership in UP politics. They were controversial, yet undeniably influential. The issue before the community now is that their decline has created a vacuum rather than paving the way for a new generation of leaders. Khan is entangled in dozens of legal cases, Ansari died in jail and Ahmed was shot dead while in police custody. Others, including MLAs like Kairana's Nahid Hasan and Kanpur Nagar's Irfan Solanki (now disqualified), are also caught up in prolonged legal the BJP's rise to power in 2017, the narrative in UP's political landscape has shifted from a spectrum of identity-driven themes to governance- and Hindutva-oriented ones. Muslim leaders, traditionally aligned with the SP and BSP, have struggled to find space in this new order. The Yogi government's hardline stand against crime has provided conducive legal grounds to act against many of these figures. While the Opposition describes this as a selective crackdown aimed at silencing Muslim voices, the state maintains that it is simply enforcing the But then criminality in UP politics is a widespread phenomenon. According to the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), in the 2022 UP assembly election, 205 of the 403 MLAs (over 51 per cent) contesting had declared criminal cases against themselves. Of these, 111 were from the BJP and 71 from the SP. The numbers remained high even for serious criminal charges—90 BJP and 48 SP legislators had declared such cases. Responding to allegations that the BJP is targeting Muslim politicians, Om Prakash Rajbhar, the UP cabinet minister for minority welfare, NDA ally and SBSP chief, claimed, 'Many non-Muslim leaders are also facing legal action, which the Opposition conveniently overlooks.' Under the Yogi government, legal action is taken 'as per the law and without bias', he said, there is no denying that the alleged 'criminal-political overlap' has left many Muslim leaders vulnerable. Once stripped of political protection, their legal troubles escalated rapidly. The BJP's sustained dominance has deepened this marginalisation, with Muslim figures unable to mount a credible counter. Indeed, for parties like the SP or BSP, it is now difficult to even promote Muslim leaders without risking a WITHIN WHEELSBut there are other factors at play as well. Hilal Ahmed, political scientist and professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), feels that the reasons for Muslim representation declining in UP are more due to changing political strategies than overt exclusion. He goes back to the emphasis on the winnability factor. 'At present, the political discourse is dominated by Hindutva, no political party can ignore that. Because of this, the term 'Muslim' has acquired a negative connotation. Even leaders like (SP chief) Akhilesh Yadav have shifted from using the term 'Muslim' to 'minorities',' he points also believes that political narratives heavily influence leaders as well as the electorate. 'Earlier, from around 1992 to 2010, secularism was the dominant narrative inIndian politics. Every political party wanted to be called secular, even the BJP, which described others as 'pseudo-secularists' while still embracing the label for itself,' he notes. 'Today, the environment is very divisive. If that does not change, it will become difficult to imagine any form of non-identitarian politics.'advertisement But then, winning elections is just one part of democracy, asserting India's pluralistic values is another. 'We do need Muslim MPs and MLAs to make our institutions inclusive and diverse. But we should not ask political parties to give tickets to Muslims, or expect that Muslims will vote only for Muslim candidates. Instead, we should expect parties to recognise Muslim presence in the legislative chambers,' says the CSDS professor. Hilal also flagged the growing lack of internal inclusiveness within the political parties themselves, warning that if such trends continue, the very meaning of democracy risks being reduced to just contesting and winning within the Opposition ranks, the signs of discomfort are visible. The SP's decision to name Azam Khan a star campaigner in the 2024 Lok Sabha election despite his imprisonment drew internal criticism and highlighted a growing unease over the party's traditional formula of minority consolidation. The absence of a strong, unifying leadership has also left the vote fragmented, which is again cited as a reason for multiple Muslim candidates sprouting in community stronghold seats. Newer outfits like Asaduddin Owaisi's AIMIM (All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen) and Chandra Shekhar Azad's Azad Samaj Party have tried to fill the vacuum, but have yet to gain meaningful results of the assembly bypolls in November 2024, where the SP lost in Muslim strongholds such as Kundarki, Meerapur and Rampur, show that revival is a long way off. Kundarki, in particular, exemplified this crisis. The constituency has over 60 per cent Muslims, the local MP is from the community (Zia Ur Rehman Barq from Sambhal), and the BJP had not won here in over 30 years. But this time the BJP did, with party candidate Ramveer Singh taking an unprecedented 76 per cent of the vote. The Opposition had its share of excuses—the 10 dummy Muslim candidates (other than the SP nominee), security officials allegedly not allowing Muslim voters to come out and vote in certain areas—but couldn't evade the elephant in the room, the fact that a sizeable section of the community had voted for the saffron party. This also segues into Prof. Hilal's argument that 'it's a false assumption that Muslims will automatically vote for Muslim candidates.'One must laud the community's efforts at staying ahead of the polarisation debate in UP, but the collapse of the old Muslim leadership model elicits broader questions, not just about minority representation but about the kind of leadership that is required to take its to India Today Magazine- Ends
India.com
08-07-2025
- Politics
- India.com
Battle For Bihar: Will Votes 2025 Herald A Political Shake-Up?
By Ramakant Chaudhary The Bihar Assembly Elections, slated for October-November 2025, promise to be a high-stakes contest that could change the matrix of the state's political dynamics. With a population of 13.07 crore and a history rooted in caste-based politics, Bihar remains a critical battleground for national and regional parties. The ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), faces a formidable challenge from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)-led Mahagathbandhan and a new entrant, Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraaj Party. As the first major election following Operation Sindoor, the polls will test whether Bihar's voters seek continuity or change. The NDA, comprising JD(U), BJP, Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJP(RV)), and Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM), enters the fray with a mixed record. Nitish Kumar, a veteran of Bihar politics, has steered the state through development milestones like improved roads and electricity but faces criticism for his frequent alliance switches. His return to the NDA before the 2024 Lok Sabha elections helped the coalition secure 30 of Bihar's 40 seats, with BJP and JD(U) winning 12 each, LJP(RV) 5, and HAM 1. However, a C-Voter survey indicates that Nitish's credibility has taken a hit, with his approval rating dropping from 60 percent to 16-17 percent over a decade of political flip-flops. The BJP, riding on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's appeal and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) support, aims to consolidate its grip, as seen in its recent dominance in the state cabinet, holding 21 of 36 portfolios. The RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, including Congress and Left parties, is banking on Tejashwi Yadav's youthful appeal and a narrative of jobs and social justice. In 2020, the RJD emerged as the single-largest party with 75 seats, capitalising on anti-incumbency against the NDA's 20-year rule. Tejashwi's MY-BAAP strategy-targeting Muslim-Yadav, Bahujan (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes), Aghda(forward, i.e. upper castes), Aadi Aabaadi (half the population, i.e. women) and Poor-aims to broaden the RJD's base beyond its traditional Muslim-Yadav vote bank. However, the alliance's limited success in 2024, winning only 9 Lok Sabha seats (RJD 4, Congress 3, CPI(ML) 2), exposed vulnerabilities, particularly Congress's waning influence and internal factionalism. Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraaj Party introduces a fresh dynamic, promising governance free of caste politics. Launched in October 2024, it secured 10 percent vote share in the November 2024 by-elections but failed to win any of the four seats contested. Its focus on education, health, and clean governance resonates with urban youth but struggles to penetrate rural Bihar, where caste loyalties dominate. Jan Suraaj's plan to field candidates in all 243 seats could split the anti-incumbency vote, potentially benefiting the NDA. Voter Pulse The 2024 Lok Sabha election results offer insights into Bihar's voter sentiment. The NDA's 30-seat haul reflected its organisational strength and Nitish Kumar's enduring rural appeal, particularly among Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs, 36.01 percent) and Kurmis (2.87percent) through his Luv-Kush strategy. However, its tally fell from 39 seats in 2019, indicating cracks in its dominance. The BJP's losses in Shahabad and Magadh, where Koeri voters shifted to the RJD, underscored the fluidity of caste alignments. The Mahagathbandhan's 9 seats, up from 1 in 2019, signalled a resurgence, with Tejashwi's outreach to EBCs and youth yielding dividends in constituencies like Aurangabad. Yet, the RJD's inability to breach the NDA's strongholds exposed its reliance on Muslim (18percent) and Yadav (14.26percent) votes. The 2024 by-elections further clarified voter trends. The NDA's sweep of all four seats-Belaganj, Ramgarh, Tarari, and Imamganj-highlighted its coalition cohesion and Nitish's resilience despite health concerns. The RJD's loss in Belaganj, a traditional stronghold, to JD(U)'s Manorama Devi by over 21,000 votes was a setback, though Tejashwi dismissed it as a minor hiccup. Jan Suraaj's third-place finishes in three seats showed potential but also its limited electoral heft. These results suggest that while anti-incumbency exists, the NDA's development narrative and caste engineering still hold sway. Bihar's 2023 caste survey underscores the centrality of caste in its politics. EBCs (36.01 percent), OBCs (27.13percent), Scheduled Castes (SCs, 19.65percent), and Scheduled Tribes (STs, 1.68percent) constitute 84.47percent of the population, with Yadavs (14.26percent) and Koeris (4.21percent) being key OBC groups. Forward castes, including Brahmins (3.65percent) and Rajputs (3.45percent), form just 15.52percent. The NDA's Luv-Kush alliance, uniting Kurmis and Koeris, has been a game-changer for Nitish, countering the RJD's Muslim-Yadav base. However, the RJD's MY-BAAP strategy seeks to chip away at EBC and SC votes, with mixed success in 2024. Jan Suraaj's caste-neutral pitch faces an uphill battle in a state where identity drives voting behaviour, as seen in its by-election performance. Political Flashpoint The 2025 election is the first since Operation Sindoor, a crackdown on terrorism that has sparked debate. The BJP has hailed it as a triumph of nationalism and defeat of terrorism, while the RJD and Congress accuse the NDA of politicising it to consolidate Hindu votes. This controversy could polarise voters, with the NDA leveraging it to project a tough stance and the RJD framing it as an overreach to distract from governance failures. The operation's impact on voter sentiment, particularly among urban and upper-caste voters, will be crucial. Bihar's electoral landscape varies across regions. In urban areas like Patna and Muzaffarpur, the NDA's development record-roads, electricity, and law enforcement-finds favour. However, rural regions like Seemanchal and Tirhut grapple with floods, agrarian distress, and migration, fuelling discontent. Tejashwi's promise of 10 lakh jobs and loan waivers targets these concerns, though doubts about feasibility persist. Jan Suraaj's focus on education and health appeals to aspirational voters but lacks rural traction without a caste anchor. Women voters, empowered by Nitish's liquor ban, are a key demographic. The NDA aims to retain their support through welfare schemes, while the RJD counters with financial aid promises. Technology is another frontier, with the BJP's digital campaigns clashing with the RJD's grassroots WhatsApp networks. Jan Suraaj's viral outreach targets youth, but low literacy and digital access in rural Bihar limit its impact. Nitish Kumar's health and leadership face scrutiny, with opposition leaders like Tejashwi and Prashant Kishor questioning his fitness. Speculation about Nitish's son, Nishant Kumar, contesting from Harnaut adds intrigue, potentially signaling a succession plan. The BJP's cryptic remarks about deciding the chief minister post-election have strained ties with JD(U), which insists on Nitish as the NDA's face. Tejashwi, backed by Lalu Prasad, is the Mahagathbandhan's chief ministerial candidate, with 38.3percent support in opinion polls against Nitish's 35.6percent. Prashant Kishor, while ruling himself out as a chief ministerial contender, claims Jan Suraaj will produce Bihar's next leader, a bold but untested assertion. Will 2025 Change Bihar's Course? The 2025 election is a litmus test for Bihar's political future. The NDA's stability and development record face off against the Mahagathbandhan's populist promises and Jan Suraaj's reformist vision. Historical trends show Bihar's voters are swayed by caste coalitions and tactical alliances, but rising demands for jobs, infrastructure, and quality of life signal a subtle shift. The NDA's by-election sweep and Lok Sabha dominance suggest it enters with an edge, but anti-incumbency and Tejashwi's youth appeal keep the contest open. Jan Suraaj, despite its buzz, risks being a spoiler unless it builds a robust rural base. The election's outcome will reverberate beyond Bihar, shaping national politics ahead of the 2029 Lok Sabha polls. An NDA victory would cement BJP's dominance and Nitish's relevance, while a Mahagathbandhan win could revive the INDIA bloc. Jan Suraaj's performance, even if modest, could signal a new paradigm if it sustains momentum. For Bihar's 13.07 crore people, the ballot will decide whether the state continues its incremental progress or embraces a new direction, balancing caste loyalties with aspirations for change.
Indian Express
07-07-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
What Akhilesh Yadav's new base of operations in Azamgarh reveals about SP plans
A new residence-cum-office that Akhilesh Yadav inaugurated in his party's stronghold Azamgarh last week appears to be part of the Samajwadi Party (SP) president's larger repositioning with the 2027 Assembly elections in mind. On Thursday, the SP chief inaugurated the house that has been named the PDA Bhavan after the party's strategy of reaching out to the 'Pichhda (OBCs), Dalits, and Alpsankhayk (minorities)' in an attempt to expand its electoral base and be more than just a Muslim-Yadav party. With this, Akhilesh has also signalled his interest in maintaining a personal base of operations in Azamgarh, where the party won all 10 Assembly seats in 2022. The district's two Lok Sabha constituencies, Azamgarh and Lalganj, have also historically voted for the SP, which currently holds both of them. Beyond the symbolism, the new building will also smoothen operations for the SP in Azamgarh, where earlier the party operated out of a single room and did not have adequate space to host senior leaders. The importance of Azamgarh goes beyond just the district. It is part of eastern UP (Purvanchal), where the BJP took a hit in the 2022 Assembly elections and the SP made a gain of 39 seats, jumping from 16 in 2017 to 55, and the BJP's tally reduced from 114 in 2017 to 86. These are the gains Akhilesh wants to hold on to as he prepares for the 2027 battle. 'This development shows that Akhilesh is going to make Azamgarh a centre of party activities in eastern UP,' said an SP leader. 'He will frequently visit here, travel to adjoining areas, and hold meetings personally.' SP district president Hawaldar Yadav said Azamgarh had 'only a few hotels, but they lack the adequate arrangements and facilities'. 'Due to these issues, Akhilesh ji used to avoid night stay in Azamgarh. Last time he had an overnight stay here in 2019 after he was elected MP from here,' said the SP leader. And for the party, the goal remains clear: make Akhilesh the Chief Minister in 2027. For that to happen, Azamgarh and the larger Purvanchal region have to deliver for the party. During the inauguration, Akhilesh also signalled broader aspirations, with Azamgarh at the centre. 'Patna and Lucknow are almost the same distance from Azamgarh,' he said, hinting that the party wants to play an active role in helping the RJD in the Bihar Assembly elections later this year. SP gets going The all-important test for the party will be the Assembly elections two years down the line, and it has gradually started making moves to get into shape for the battle with the BJP. In July, it launched a year-long drive to reach out to Pasmanda Muslims and consolidate its core Muslim-Yadav base. The party plans to hold meetings with Pasmandas in all 403 Assembly constituencies, followed by district-level conventions, and finally, a state-level public meeting will be organised when the Assembly elections approach. The party has also devised a strategy to focus on 108 Assembly seats that it has lost in the last three Assembly elections. It has appointed observers for each of these constituencies, and they have been asked to submit their reports to Akhilesh within a set timeframe. Sources said the observers had already made at least a couple of visits to each of these seats in the past fortnight and held meetings with the district office-bearers and prominent leaders there. The SP is also calibrating its policies and strategies for various social groups. Akhilesh has promised that if voted to power his administration will install a statue of Raja Suheldev on the Gomti riverfront in Lucknow. This is a signal to the Rajbhar community, which is estimated to make up 18% of the electorate in eastern UP. The party has also promised to build a memorial dedicated to former Congress MP Shivdayal Chaurasia, who was a staunch social justice advocate and worked for the uplift of Dalits and OBCs. The SP is also fine-tuning its strategy to reach out to women, the driving force behind the victors in recent state elections, promising direct money transfers into their bank accounts, along with free mobile phones, laptops, and skill development programmes.
