Latest news with #NaimQassem


Al Mayadeen
15 hours ago
- Politics
- Al Mayadeen
Flame of resistance will remain ignited: Hezbollah's Sheikh Qassem
During a powerful speech at the annual Ashura commemoration in Beirut, Sheikh Naim Qassem reaffirmed Hezbollah's unwavering commitment to resisting "Israel" and defending Lebanon. He condemned ongoing occupation violations, rejected normalization, and voiced strong support for Gaza and Yemen. The Hezbollah chief noted that this year's overwhelming turnout at the commemoration was striking and deeply symbolic, particularly since some had expected public participation to wane in light of recent regional events. "This resistance is that of Imam Sayyed Musa al-Sadr and the master of the martyrs of the Ummah, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, and it will uphold the covenant," the Secretary-General of Hezbollah stated in his speech. He further emphasized that "the flame of resistance will remain ignited, even if the circumstances were difficult." Sheikh Qassem emphasized their unwavering commitment to preserving the resistance movement, which they consider a sacred duty that must be protected. He firmly rejected any role in normalizing or justifying occupation in the region, describing normalization as deeply degrading and unacceptable. "We confront the enemy by defending Lebanon, and this defense will continue, even if the whole world stands against us. Liberation is a duty, no matter how long it takes," Sheikh Qassem stated, adding, "How can you expect us to stop when the enemy persists in its aggression? We cannot accept this, and we carry the wills of our martyrs on our shoulders." "We will never accept surrender. We are men of the field, and our position is clear: either our rights prevail or their falsehood is defeated," he asserted. The Lebanese leader affirmed that Hezbollah and its ally, the Amal movement, do not lack any strength or capabilities, emphasizing that the two stand united in every confrontation. "We find it ridiculous to be asked to hand over our rockets, which form the foundation of our defense. We are determined to live in a free, sovereign, and dignified country," Sheikh Qassem indicated, highlighting that were it not for the resistance, "Israel" would have overrun Lebanese towns and villages a long time ago. #Hezbollah's Secretary-General, Sheikh Naim Qassem, delivered a speech today at the annual #Ashura commemoration in #Beirut, reaffirming that the Resistance will not relinquish its rockets, the core of its defensive power amid continued Israeli aggression and violations in… will keep resisting and confronting [the enemy]. The ceasefire agreement was supposed to halt the aggression, but the occupation has committed thousands of violations," the Secretary-General emphasized, adding, "We cannot be intimidated into submission. No one has the right to demand we soften our position or disarm as long as the enemy's attacks persist." Sheikh Qassem stated that "Israel" must implement the first phase of the agreement by withdrawing its forces, halting all aggression and aerial attacks, releasing prisoners, and allowing reconstruction efforts to begin, emphasizing that "once the first phase is completed, we are ready for discussions." "We are not concerned by threats from the occupation or Washington, be it of killing or calls for surrender," the Hezbollah Secretary-General underlined. He affirmed, "We are ready for peace and state-building, just as we are prepared for confrontation and defense, and we will not relinquish our rights, no matter the sacrifices." The Hezbollah leader addressed the people of Gaza and Palestinian Resistance factions, stating, "With your resistance, you are among the most honorable people in the world and the finest of this land." "Palestine will remain for its people, and we will continue to stand by you," he added. Additionally, Sheikh Qassem hailed the role of Yemen in the region, emphasizing that "Yemen has become a torch of resistance and honor, setting a unique example by humiliating both America and Israel." Elsewhere, the Lebanese leader saluted the Iranian people "who stood firm and prevented Israel from achieving its objectives."


Al Mayadeen
15 hours ago
- Politics
- Al Mayadeen
Hezbollah SG reveals war details on Al Mayadeen for the first time
In his first interview with Al Mayadeen since assuming the leadership of Hezbollah, Sheikh Naim Qassem spoke to Al Mayadeen's chairman of the board of directors, Mr. Ghassan Ben Jeddou, offering a detailed account of the Resistance's strategic decision to enter the ongoing war on Gaza through a "support battle" rather than a full-scale war. Sheikh Qassem described the move as the product of collective deliberation within Hezbollah's Shura Council, marking a pivotal moment in the group's evolving response to the Israeli occupation's war on Gaza. Sheikh Qassem revealed that Hezbollah's Shura Council convened and unanimously decided to enter the support battle for Gaza. He emphasized that this decision was not taken lightly nor through phone calls. 'This kind of decision cannot be made via phone calls or casual communications. It required an urgent in-person meeting,' he said, adding that the decision came two days after the start of the war, while Hezbollah had already begun launching attacks from Shebaa Farms on October 8. Responding to the question of why Hezbollah chose a limited support operation rather than an all-out war, Sheikh Qassem stated that a full-scale war demands significant prior preparations. 'The outcome of a full war is predictable. It requires preparedness that simply wasn't available,' he said. Instead, Hezbollah opted for a measured approach. 'We had to enter the battle with limited support and observe developments closely. Based on how things evolved, we could make a clearer choice,' Sheikh Qassem explained. Weeks into the operation, the Shura Council solidified its decision to pursue a support war rather than a comprehensive one. According to Sheikh Qassem, this approach successfully achieved Hezbollah's strategic objectives without escalating into full-scale conflict. Sheikh Qassem outlined three primary goals behind Hezbollah's engagement: Diverting the Israeli occupation forces: 'We aimed to draw a significant number of Israeli forces to northern occupied Palestine,' he said; creating social pressure: Hezbollah sought to force the evacuation of Israeli settlers from the north, thereby triggering a social, economic, and security crisis; inflicting casualties: 'The more soldiers we kill, the more we push Israel closer to defeat,' Sheikh Qassem asserted. In an exclusive interview for #AlMayadeen, Hezbollah Secretary-General #SheikhNaim Qassem revealed that the group's decision to open a Support Front was a calculated response to the evolving dynamics of 'Israel's' war on #Gaza following the launch of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood on… tactics, he said, helped deplete Israeli military capabilities near Gaza and the surrounding areas, easing pressure on the besieged population in the Strip. 'It also sends a clear message to the Israelis that they are facing a two-front war, and that it is in their interest to find a solution and bring this to an end,' he added. Sheikh Qassem denied that Hezbollah had any prior coordination with Hamas before the October 7 operation. 'We simply didn't know. If we weren't aware, how could we join a comprehensive war from the start?' he said. He disclosed that Hezbollah later received a message from the commander of Hamas' military wing, martyr Mohammed Deif, via a Lebanese intermediary. Sheikh Qassem added that discussions were held in Beirut with senior Hamas official Khalil al-Hayya and his delegation during their visit. According to Sheikh Qassem, both Hezbollah and Palestinian factions, including in a meeting with the late Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, reached a shared conclusion: the support operation was sufficient to serve the resistance's broader aims. 'For two months, we assessed whether this level of support was enough. But we came to see that the Israeli aggression was extreme, supported by new rules of engagement and US backing,' he said. 'Doing more than support would not have changed the outcome.' Sheikh Qassem clarified that, based on his information, Iran was not informed in advance of Hamas' plans. 'In fact, even parts of Hamas' leadership abroad weren't aware,' he noted. Still, he stressed that Iran's unwavering support for the Palestinian cause, militarily, financially, politically, and even through intelligence and media, has continued uninterrupted. 'Whether they told us or not, our stance remains firm in supporting Palestine, especially during this strategic phase of the al-Aqsa Flood,' he said. In the second installment of his exclusive interview with Al Mayadeen, Hezbollah Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem addressed the recent security breaches that shook the organization, revealing ongoing internal investigations and new details about the scope and nature of the infiltration. Sheikh Qassem confirmed that a central investigative committee had been formed and was still working, alongside several subcommittees examining specific aspects of the breach, including the booby-trapped pagers, the location of Sayyed Nasrallah's assassination, and the assassination of Sayyed Hashem Safieddine. He said various monitoring and investigation points had also been established. On the issue of the rigged pagers, Sheikh Qassem revealed that investigations uncovered a serious vulnerability in the procurement process over the year to year and a half leading up to the purchase. 'We did not know the supply chain had been exposed. With the means available to us, we could not detect the presence of explosives,' he admitted. He explained that the type of explosive device used inside the pager was highly advanced and undetectable by standard methods. 'This could be seen as a failure, or as a limitation of our capabilities,' he said. In the days just before the pager explosion, Hezbollah's team had already begun to suspect a malfunction. 'There were efforts to examine the pager differently, including attempts to break it open, which were prompted by some anomalies that raised questions,' Sheikh Qassem noted. As to whether the Israeli regime detonated the device out of fear it might be discovered, he said, 'That's an Israeli assessment. Perhaps they feared we were close to exposing it.' Sheikh Qassem also acknowledged a serious gap in Hezbollah's awareness of the scale of Israeli surveillance, particularly through electronic and aerial means. He said Hezbollah had received reports indicating possible wiretapping, but 'we did not realize the extent, that it was near-total and very extensive.' #Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh #NaimQassem acknowledged that the most significant breach the group faced during "Israel's" war on #Lebanon stemmed from electronic surveillance, not human an interview for #AlMayadeen, Sheikh Qassem affirmed that, to date, no… said "Israel" has been collecting data through aerial surveillance over a 17-year period, documenting geographical and infrastructural changes. 'We didn't have the capacity to grasp how deep Israel's information gathering had gone,' Sheikh Qassem admitted. In light of this, Sheikh Qassem argued that human espionage now plays a secondary role compared to the technological intelligence capabilities deployed by Israel. 'Frankly speaking, the human breach appears very limited compared to the immense volume of data collected through surveillance and drones,' he said. He firmly denied any evidence of a widespread human infiltration within Hezbollah's ranks. 'There is no indication of any significant breach involving core figures or senior commanders,' he stressed, pledging transparency. 'If we find there has been human penetration, I will speak publicly and disclose the level of that breach.' Sheikh Qassem also disclosed that Hezbollah intercepted a shipment of roughly 1,500 bugged pager devices in Turkiye. The discovery was made after the initial pager explosion. Hezbollah immediately contacted Lebanon's caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati, who in turn reached out to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, requesting the devices be destroyed. 'This issue was addressed swiftly after the explosion,' Sheikh Qassem said. As for speculation that similarly rigged military armor or protective gear may have been intended for Hezbollah fighters, Sheikh Qassem stated: 'I have no information to confirm that.' Sheikh Qassem addressed the future of the party following months of war and the loss of top leaders, including the late Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. He emphasized resilience, determination, and the readiness to confront any future Israeli aggression. Sheikh Qassem reassured supporters that Hezbollah, despite the severe blows it had endured, is not a defeated force. 'A people like this, an Ummah like this, a party and resistance like this, cannot be defeated,' he declared. 'Do you expect anything less than for us to remain present, strong, and capable of shaping the future we choose?' Referring to the attacks that targeted Hezbollah's advanced capabilities, including the bugged pagers and communications systems, as well as the assassination of Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Sayyed Hashem Safieddine, and a group of top commanders and lower-ranking officers, Sheikh Qassem said the Israeli occupation had assumed Hezbollah would collapse. 'And yet, here we are, back on our feet, engaged in fierce battle, and forcing Israel to agree to a ceasefire. What does that say?' he asked. He listed what he called the elements of victory: Hezbollah's continued operations, the Israeli failure to penetrate deeper into Lebanese territory or reach Beirut or Sidon, and the preservation of Lebanese unity. 'They failed to spark internal strife. They failed to destroy the party. They failed to achieve their objectives,' he affirmed. Commenting on the Israeli occupation's expanding aggression, including recent attacks on Beirut's southern suburb, Sheikh Qassem warned that Hezbollah's patience was not unlimited. 'Resistance will not wait forever. There are limits,' he stated. While he did not disclose timing or methods, he underscored that when the decision is made, 'there is no third option between victory and martyrdom. We do not have surrender as an option.' He attributed the Israeli occupation's escalated operations to US policy, saying Washington hopes to gain through diplomacy what it failed to achieve militarily. 'Their strategy is: 'Let's use diplomacy to get what we couldn't in war.' So the Americans apply pressure through Israel,' he said. Sheikh Qassem praised Lebanese state leaders for their unified position. 'I salute President Joseph Aoun, Speaker Nabih Berri, and all officials involved in what has become a remarkable display of national unity.' In deeply personal remarks, Sheikh Qassem reflected on the loss of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, calling it a devastating shock not only to the public but also to Hezbollah's leadership. 'His martyrdom was not only unexpected to the world, it was unexpected for us,' he said. 'If you had asked me before, I would have said all of us might fall before Sayyed [Nasrallah] does. That's how strong, courageous, and divinely guided he was.' #Hezbollah's Secretary-General Sheikh #NaimQassem described the martyrdom of Sayyed #HassanNasrallah as a shocking and profound loss, describing him as 'our anchor.' While mourning his absence, Sheikh Qassem emphasized that martyrdom does not end the journey, but rather fuels… was not easy to imagine his departure,' he added. 'Perhaps this was part of a divine secret. We do not know when our time comes. But he earned his rest, and he rose to the highest rank. We consider martyrdom the greatest honor, and he received the highest honor.' Sheikh Qassem described the moment he learned of the assassination. 'At first, I was in denial. I thought maybe the news wasn't true, maybe he wasn't hit, maybe he was still alive somewhere. But the next day, the brothers confirmed the body had been recovered. That's when the truth settled in.' The greatest challenge now, he said, is carrying on in the absence of a leader whose strength, tone, energy, and stance were irreplaceable. 'We don't cry because he's gone, we cry because we don't know how to compensate for what we've lost,' Sheikh Qassem said. 'But martyrdom doesn't stop the path; it nourishes it.' 'We are now charged with continuing this mission at the level of his sacrifice. With sincerity and resolve, we ask God to help us carry this responsibility.' Sheikh Qassem opened up about the tense days following the assassination of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, recounting his first public appearance, the burdens of leadership, and how Hezbollah transitioned into a new command structure while under fire. After the assassination of Sayyed Hashem Safieddine, Sheikh Qassem formally assumed the role of Secretary General, with direct responsibility for overseeing Hezbollah's military operations. He said that shortly after taking the helm, he was asked by an Iranian military leader and a Lebanese commander outside Hezbollah how he would manage a military campaign. Sheikh Qassem explained that the Secretary-General is, by party structure, also the head of the Jihadi Council, responsible for directing military affairs. 'Now that I was in this position, I had to intensify communication with relevant commanders and better understand operational details,' he said. He laid out three key qualifications for leading Hezbollah and its resistance project: The ability to organize and lead effectively, a deep understanding of Hezbollah's mission and strategic vision, and familiarity with the party's structure, resources, and internal workings. 'All of these were present,' he affirmed, noting that he had served as deputy for 32 years and was an active member of the Shura Council throughout. Sheikh Qassem offered a rare insight into Hezbollah's military decision-making process, emphasizing that all major decisions, from naming unit leaders to launching operations, are made collectively within the Shura Council. 'There is no appointment without deep discussion.' He added that proposed battle scenarios, such as the Qalamoun campaign, Hezbollah's entry into Syria, or decisions to retaliate against Israeli actions, are always brought before the council. 'We might say: this is our proposal, the Jihadi Council recommends this course. Should we strike this way? Launch a drone? Fire a rocket? All of this goes through internal deliberation,' he said. Sheikh Qassem stressed that Hezbollah continued to function in an organized fashion even amid heavy attacks. 'Hezbollah was run as if it still had a secretary general. No one outside the leadership was making the decisions.' He detailed how operational decisions were made for each escalation. 'When Tel Aviv was struck, that had its own directive. When the strike hit Netanyahu's residence, that required a specific order. Even what the enemy calls 'Black Sunday' on November 24, 370 rockets and drones in one day, that too was based on a formal decision.' Sheikh Qassem emphasized that the strike on Tel Aviv was not spontaneous but the result of deliberate planning and leadership oversight. 'The Secretary-General was following developments closely through the military command,' he said, referring to martyr Sayyed Nasrallah, who remained engaged in strategic oversight until the last moment. He described the military command structure at the time of the strike as fully intact. 'Every position in the military command was occupied. No seat was left vacant,' he stated, adding that contingency plans were implemented quickly after leadership losses. Sheikh Qassem acknowledged that Iran had provided consultations, for which he expressed gratitude, but stressed that the decisions came from Hezbollah's own organizational framework. 'While we appreciate the Iranian advice, the decisions related to our military structure were made internally,' he noted. He cited a specific instance to illustrate the level of coordination: the timing of his third public speech, which was immediately followed by the Tel Aviv strike. 'How could the two occur back-to-back unless there was a detailed, prearranged plan?' he asked rhetorically. Reflecting on the battlefield performance, Sheikh Qassem described the front as having exhibited 'legendary resilience,' which he attributed to two main components. 'First, the young fighters who were stationed there: they knew what they were doing and held their ground even if they were cut off from communication. They achieved something heroic,' he said. In a powerful statement to #AlMayadeen, Hezbollah Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem revealed that 'Israel' had anticipated the party's total collapse following an unprecedented aerial assault that included 1,600 airstrikes in a single day, pager and walkie-talkie terror… second component was the external support, what we call the bombardment,' he added, referring to the salvoes of missiles and drones launched by Hezbollah in support of frontline units. He assured the public that even in the most difficult moments, Hezbollah maintained an active and coordinated presence. 'Until the very last moment, fighters were reaching positions like the southern town of Khiam,' he revealed. 'There were places we couldn't reach, yes, but not everything was severed.' Asked whether Hezbollah still possessed the human and non-human capabilities needed to continue fighting, Sheikh Qassem declined to disclose numbers or percentages related to losses or remaining strength. Instead, he offered a concise yet firm assurance: 'Hezbollah is rebuilding, recovering, and ready now.' He added, 'If Israel were to attack, we would not stand by and watch; we would fight.' Regarding claims that 500 of Hezbollah's weapons storage sites south of the Litani River had been destroyed, Sheikh Qassem replied: 'They're referring to what they saw south of the Litani. But the country is vast,' declining to elaborate further. Sheikh Qassem revisited discussions that took place even before the war began, noting that martyr Sayyed Nasrallah had publicly stated Hezbollah was not seeking war. A French-American proposal for a 21-day ceasefire in Lebanon, separate from Gaza, was already circulating well before the broader conflict erupted. According to Qassem, on September 25, a joint French-American statement outlined the proposal. 'As media coverage and diplomatic discussions unfolded, Sayyed Nasrallah informed Speaker Nabih Berri through (Hezbollah MP) Hussein Khalil that Hezbollah was open to the idea of a ceasefire, depending on how the proposal could be improved through negotiations,' he just two days later, Sayyed Nasrallah was assassinated, and the situation changed dramatically. Hezbollah launched what it later named Operation People of Might in response to the Israeli escalation. Sheikh Qassem disclosed that the name was suggested in part by martyr Mohammad Afif, who had texted Sheikh Qassem with a list of proposed titles. He stressed that Hezbollah had never made a decision to enter a full-scale war, only to retaliate for Israeli aggression. 'If the enemy stops, we are ready to stop. We didn't start the war; they did,' he said. Sheikh Qassem explained that the military campaign had succeeded in halting the Israeli occupation's advance and preventing it from achieving its objectives. Prolonging the conflict further, he argued, would have led to a war of attrition with no strategic gain. 'At that point, the battle risked becoming aimless, and we would have ended up at the negotiating table anyway,' he said. 'So, on November 24, we agreed to a ceasefire because the enemy had also accepted it.' The agreement was facilitated by US envoy Amos Hochstein, who presented a draft to Speaker Nabih Berri. Hezbollah reviewed the proposal, submitted amendments through Berri, and the final agreement was reached with unanimous approval from Hezbollah's Shura Council. Qassem noted that Hezbollah's front-line commanders also supported the deal. 'They said this was the right proposal at the right time, after we had reached the point of attrition.' Sheikh Naim Qassem firmly rejected two prevailing narratives surrounding the movement's decision to accept a ceasefire with the Israeli regime: that Iran pressured Hezbollah into the agreement, and that the central leadership was unaware of the heroic endurance being demonstrated by fighters on the southern front. Sheikh Qassem stressed, 'How could a ceasefire go into effect at 4 o'clock, and everyone from the frontlines to the rear immediately comply, unless there's a connected command chain and a decision being executed?' He emphasized that Hezbollah's military discipline disproved the claim of disconnection with field units. On the role of Iran, Qassem was equally clear: 'Iran never asked us to agree to a ceasefire. We informed them of our decision, but it was entirely ours. It was a Lebanese decision, taken by Hezbollah and Amal. Even the Lebanese state accepted the agreement through indirect negotiations.' Sheikh Qassem acknowledged that at the outset of the Gaza war, Hezbollah had moved independently to begin its support operations based on its own assessment of capabilities and strategic timing. Although some within the Palestinian factions initially felt the support was insufficient, they later accepted its value. As for Iran's role in the broader regional war, Sheikh Qassem pointed to Tehran's calculated restraint: 'Iran understood that direct entry into the war would pull the United States into a confrontation with Tehran, giving Israel exactly what it wanted, a larger war with US backing.' Instead, Iran chose to provide critical financial, military, political, and media support across the Axis of Resistance. 'Iran did everything it could and more,' said Qassem. 'We never asked Iran to participate in the war, and it did not need to be asked. Its support is the foundation of our resilience, and that of the entire resistance.' He stressed that direct military engagement is not the only form of meaningful support: 'Participation comes in many forms. Iran did what mattered most, and it was deeply effective.' Sheikh Qassem also revealed the degree of attention Iranian Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei devoted to the situation in Gaza and Lebanon. 'The Leader was receiving daily reports from the IRGC, Iranian intelligence, and media, and was actively following developments. He urged his officials to give support, stay engaged, and stand by us,' Qassem said. 'What more could we ask for?' he added. 'The stream kept on flowing even if some of the canals got damaged. But if the source dries up, we have a real problem. And the source, Imam Khamenei's commitment, remains steadfast.' In a candid assessment of the regional landscape, Hezbollah Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem described the collapse of the Syrian government as a 'definite loss' for the Axis of Resistance, noting that Syria once served as a vital logistical and political artery for armed Palestinian groups and resistance movements. Sheikh Qassem stated, 'What happened in Syria was certainly a loss for the Axis of Resistance because Syria was a route for military support,' recalling the era when Damascus offered concrete assistance to Palestinian factions and facilitated the transfer of weapons and supplies. He added that the Syrian government, prior to its downfall, had a clear political stance aligned against the Israeli occupation, which amplified its value to the Axis of Resistance. The collapse of that role, he said, had ripple effects not only in Lebanon but also in Gaza, where resistance forces had relied on Syrian backing in various forms. The Hezbollah leader expressed uncertainty regarding Syria's political future:"We still cannot clearly read what the shape of the future Syrian system will be," he said, raising critical questions about whether the country will emerge as an inclusive political order or fall under the control of a single faction that sidelines other communities and movements. Sheikh Qassem also warned of lingering instability: 'Thousands of Alawites and others were killed by groups connected to the regime. This poses a serious threat to any efforts at rebuilding a stable national framework.' Despite Hezbollah's historic alliance with Syria, Sheikh Qassem clarified that the organization has 'no connection to the internal situation in Syria' following the regime's collapse, but he hoped Syrians would ultimately form a unified and independent government that stands against the Israeli occupation. Turning to recent signs of Syrian normalization with the Israeli regime, Sheikh Qassem issued a stern warning: 'Such steps are extremely dangerous,' emphasizing that any move by Syria to engage with the Israeli occupation would be viewed as a betrayal of its resistance legacy. He expressed confidence, however, in the Syrian people: 'Our trust in the Syrian people is high. We believe they will reject normalization, but how they do that is their responsibility, not ours.' Sheikh Qassem reiterated Hezbollah's consistent opposition to normalization, whether by Syria or other Arab regimes, 'We have always opposed normalization. Israel will not stop its aggression just because someone shakes hands with it. That's an illusion.' He criticized the continued Israeli occupation of the Golan Heights and the constant strikes inside Syria, noting that the Zionist regime has 'taken 600 square kilometers of Syrian territory and stripped the Syrian army of much of its military capacity, yet its demands and attacks never cease.' Sheikh Qassem concluded with a stark reminder: 'Israel is a predatory entity. It's expansionist, insatiable, and criminal. It has no problem committing acts of mass killing. It is a rampaging beast backed by the greatest tyrant, the United States.' His remarks encapsulate Hezbollah's long-held view that the only viable approach to the Israeli occupation is resistance, not appeasement or normalization and that any regional actor entertaining otherwise is playing with fire. In his continued commentary on regional developments, Hezbollah Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem firmly rejected any notion that the party is involved in shaping or influencing Syria's internal resistance landscape, stressing that Hezbollah opposes normalization with the Israeli occupation in principle, but would not interfere directly in Syria's domestic decisions. When asked if Hezbollah's opposition to normalization was purely theoretical or would involve practical efforts inside Syria, Sheikh Qassem replied: 'We will not intervene on the ground to try to change the direction of the Syrian regime. We have no relation to that. We are against normalization in theory.' He further clarified that Hezbollah has no ties to any current Syrian groups claiming the mantle of resistance: 'Even those who now call themselves 'the Resistance' or 'the People of Valor', maybe they liked the name or someone suggested it, but we have no connection to them. We have no organized resistance project inside Syria.' He added that even during earlier border disturbances in Lebanon's Hermel region, Hezbollah explicitly distanced itself from the events and coordinated with the Lebanese Army to ensure state control. Sheikh Qassem stressed Hezbollah's complete detachment from both the Syrian regime and any armed groups active within the country. 'We are not involved on the borders, that's the army's responsibility. We're also not involved in the coastal events in Syria, nor in determining the nature of Syria's regime or whether a resistance exists there.' He reiterated that Hezbollah's stance toward Syria is expressed only in political terms, emphasizing: 'The responsibility lies with the Syrian people; they make the decisions.' On whether any contact had occurred with the new Syrian administration, Sheikh Qassem said: 'There was no direct communication. There were some very limited, indirect attempts by ground-based groups, but they didn't lead anywhere.' He revealed that in the immediate aftermath of the Assad regime's fall, some Hezbollah-affiliated individuals with ties to other groups initiated informal conversations, but those efforts quickly stalled, and no meaningful dialogue emerged. Sheikh Qassem addressed growing speculation about the potential for Syria's new rulers to be used as a tool against Hezbollah: 'We have the right to be cautious. We've received reports from both Western and Arab countries suggesting that such ideas exist, that someone wants the new Syrian regime to serve a role in destabilizing Lebanon.' He warned Lebanese officials to be vigilant: 'Some countries speak positively to Lebanon but offer nothing in return. Meanwhile, they hope to use Syria as leverage against us.' He added that certain regional and international powers are exploring ways to resurrect past models of Syrian dominance over Lebanon, albeit in a different guise. 'As Syria once controlled Lebanon in various ways and sometimes served foreign agendas, some actors are looking to repeat that experience with a new formula.' Without naming specific states, Sheikh Qassem underscored the importance of political awareness: 'We hope these ideas remain theoretical and are never implemented. Lebanese political leaders must stay alert to those who offer words without action.' Hezbollah Secretary-General Sheikh Naim Qassem stressed that the current political pressure facing the party is not merely targeted at Hezbollah but constitutes a broader assault on Lebanon's sovereignty and its national fabric. "The current stance is not against Hezbollah, but against the Shiites and against Lebanon itself,' Qassem declared, pushing back against narratives framing the political crisis as a partisan conflict. He praised Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri for his steadfastness, calling him 'a man known for taking positions worthy of pride,' highlighting Berri's commitment to Shiite unity, national unity, and the broader Islamic cause. 'Sheikh Qassem warned that calls to disarm Hezbollah align with Israeli demands and aim to strip Lebanon of its only real source of strength: its resistance.' 'Lebanon's strength lies in its people, its army, and its resistance. Anyone advocating to disarm the resistance is, in effect, weakening the entire country,' he said. When asked whether Lebanon's Shiite community is under existential threat, Qassem responded affirmatively, noting that 'there are those who believe that elections and national governance can proceed without the Shiite sect's participation.' He cautioned that without Hezbollah's deterrent power, "Israel" could expand its aggression into southern Lebanon, posing a direct danger to Shiite-populated areas. 'When they say they want a Shiite MP in parliament who doesn't belong to Amal or Hezbollah, their aim is to eliminate both. We are one family, one land, one resistance,' Qassem stated, defending Speaker Berri's firm stance under regional and Western pressure. He emphasized that while there is indeed a looming existential threat, the Shiite community is not powerless: 'Let no one think we are weak. We are strong by God, and our resilience, sacrifices, and steadfastness are what keep Lebanon standing.' Regarding inter-party relations, Sheikh Qassem accused the Lebanese Forces party of aligning ideologically with "Israel" and obstructing reconciliation. In contrast, he revealed that Hezbollah maintains intermittent and discreet dialogue with the Kataeb Party and ongoing, albeit infrequent, communication with the Future Movement. He lamented that the absence of former Prime Minister Saad Hariri has weakened the Future Movement's political structure, but noted that Hezbollah's past coordination with Hariri was substantial and respectful. Sheikh Qassem announced an internal strategic review within Hezbollah, noting that various committees have been tasked with assessing the party's performance and recalibrating its operational approach in media, education, politics, and public engagement. The process, he said, may take up to two months. 'Our principles remain fixed, but our methods must evolve,' he noted. Qassem affirmed Hezbollah's willingness to engage with Arab and regional powers, including the Gulf and Turkey, provided the relationship is one of mutual respect and sovereignty. 'We welcome any Arab or foreign effort that contributes to Lebanon's reconstruction, but not on the basis of turning Lebanon into a client state,' he stressed. He confirmed ongoing communication with Ankara and other Arab capitals, adding that Hezbollah is part of the government and open to any constructive relationship. On UNIFIL's presence in southern Lebanon, Qassem reiterated Hezbollah's support for its mandate, provided it respects Lebanese sovereignty and coordinates operations with the Lebanese Army. 'We support the extension of UNIFIL's mandate, but we reject any unilateral operations by UNIFIL within villages and private properties without army coordination,' he said. Qassem dismissed calls to disarm Hezbollah as misframed, asserting that the party is more than its arsenal. Responding to a question about #Hezbollah's disarmament, Sheikh #NaimQassem, Hezbollah's Secretary General, clarified that Hezbollah cannot be reduced to whether it has an arsenal or not, since it is a comprehensive movement rooted in ideology, resistance, and political… is a movement, a belief, a national project. The weapon is just one part of it, and not the defining part.' While he acknowledged that discussions around arms are valid in the proper context, he underscored that disarmament is not a viable path so long as Lebanon's sovereignty is at risk. In a firm rebuke to Hezbollah's detractors, Qassem challenged those demanding the party's dissolution: 'What have you accomplished for Lebanon? Our track record speaks for itself: the liberation of southern Lebanon in 2000, the deterrence of Israeli aggression, and 17 years of security since the 2006 war.' He blamed political rivals for past internal conflicts, foreign interventions, and the rise of groups like ISIS. Qassem laughed off recurring media speculation about internal divisions within Hezbollah. 'They speak of wings and factions, but I see no wings flying. The party is united, the leadership is united, and our decisions are made collectively through the Shura Council.' He described Hezbollah's internal cohesion as one of its greatest strengths. Qassem closed the interview with an emotional tribute to Hezbollah's late Secretary-General, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah. 'My love for Sayyed was deep, personal, and beyond formality. His leadership lifted burdens from all of us. His martyrdom is a badge of honor.' He reaffirmed Hezbollah's unwavering alliance with Iran and the broader Axis of Resistance, praising allies in Yemen, Iraq, and Syria. 'We are continuing on this path with loyalty and strength. Our journey is long, with ups and downs, but it is a journey of great reward.' The interview coincided with the 13th anniversary of the Al Mayadeen network, prompting Sheikh Qassem to offer heartfelt congratulations to its staff and viewers. 'They succeeded in hearing and seeing something that clarified the truth for them, so they wouldn't be misled by the wrong sources,' he said. He praised Al Mayadeen's editorial mission, describing it as 'the most prominent force confronting the Resistance project, the dignity project, the unity project, and the project of a united, resilient nation.'


UPI
16 hours ago
- Politics
- UPI
Israeli strikes hit eastern Lebanon, kill 12 people
Supporters of Hezbollah carry pictures of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as they watch a televised address by Hezbollah leader Sheikh Naim Qassem during Ashura Day celebrations in southern Beirut, Lebanon, on July 6. BEIRUT, Lebanon, July 15 (UPI) -- Twelve people, including five Hezbollah fighters, were killed and eight others wounded Tuesday in Israeli strikes on the Bekaa Valley in eastern Lebanon, security sources and the official news agency reported. Israeli warplanes carried out a series of strikes on areas near the city of Baalbeck in the northern Bekaa, sending thick plumes of black smoke into the sky. The official Lebanese news agency reported that the strikes targeted Wadi Faraa, where a camp for Syrian refugees was hit. The agency said 12 people, including seven Syrians, were killed and eight others injured. Among the killed were five Hezbollah fighters, according to security reports. Tuesday's attack was the deadliest since the Nov. 27 truce accord ended 14 months of a devastating war between Israel and Hezbollah. Israel has kept on striking southern Lebanon and other Lebanese areas, including Beirut's southern suburbs, since the cease-fire went into effect Feb. 18, killing more than 200 Hezbollah mid-level commanders and followers, as well as civilians. Hezbollah denounced in a statement the "horrific massacre committed today by the Zionist enemy" in Wadi Faara, saying the air strike targeted "a water well drilling rig and claimed the lives of Lebanese and Syrian civilians." The Israeli English-language Ynet website confirmed the "unusually extensive wave of airstrikes" deep inside Lebanon and quoted an Israeli Army spokesman as saying that they targeted Hezbollah's elite Radwan Forces in the Bekaa Valley. The spokesman said the strikes focused on weapons depots and military camps used by Hezbollah for "conducting training and preparation of terrorists," with the aim of blocking the group's attempts to rebuild. The Israeli Army said in a statement that the storage of weapons and Hezbollah's activities at these sites "constitute a blatant violation of the understandings" between Israel and Lebanon and "a future threat" to Israel. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that strikes were "a clear message to Hezbollah, which is plotting to rebuild Radwan Force's raiding capabilities against Israel." Katz said it also was a message to the Lebanese government that Israel will "thwart any threat" and "will respond with maximum force" against any Hezbollah attempt to rebuild its capabilities. In line with the cease-fire agreement brokered by the United States and France, the Lebanese Army has taken control of most of Hezbollah's positions and military facilities, pushing the militant group away from the border with Israel and preventing it from having a military presence south of the Litani River. Israel insists on fully disarming Hezbollah, which has refrained from retaliating to Israel's continued aggressions and violations of the cease-fire accord. In a separate development, Lebanon's central bank has issued a directive prohibiting banks, financial institutions and investment entities from dealing directly or indirectly with a number of unlicensed and internationally sanctioned organizations, including Hezbollah's financial institution, Al Qard al-Hassan. Al Qard al-Hassan was founded in 1983 as a charitable organization, with the stated aim of providing interest-free loans and social financial services to the Shiite community in Lebanon, particularly in underserved areas. It is, however, not licensed by the central bank and functions outside the formal banking system. The association, which has grown significantly over the years, has been sanctioned by the United States and other international bodies for allegedly supporting Hezbollah's activities, including money laundering and terrorism financing. Hezbollah has denied the charges. Despite international pressure, Al Ward al-Hassan continues to operate openly in Lebanon. In November, several of its branches were targeted by Israeli strikes as part of the war against Hezbollah. The Central Bank's directive, issued Monday, comes as part of Lebanon's efforts to tighten financial controls and address international concerns over illicit financial activity. It was also an indication of Hezbollah's reduced influence over state institutions since its devastating war with Israel. According to the directive, the ban covers financial services, money transfers, leasing, lending and any activity that facilitates access to the Lebanese banking system in any currency. It warned that "dealing with unlicensed and sanctioned entities exposes the licensed sector to significant legal and reputational risks." The decision was seen as a direct response to Lebanon's inclusion on the Financial Action Task Force gray list of jurisdictions under increased monitoring. The central Bank warned that entities violating the new directive will face harsh penalties, including suspension or withdrawal of their operating license, freezing of their accounts and assets, and referral to the Special Investigation Commission.


Free Malaysia Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- Free Malaysia Today
Hezbollah chief says will not surrender under threat from Israel
Israel has continued to strike Lebanon despite a November ceasefire, accusing Beirut of not doing enough to disarm Hezbollah. (EPA Images pic) BEIRUT : Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem said today his group would not surrender or lay down its weapons in response to Israeli threats, despite pressure on the Lebanese rebels to disarm. 'This threat will not make us accept surrender,' Qassem said in a televised speech to thousands of his supporters in the southern suburbs of Beirut, a Hezbollah stronghold, during the Shiite Muslim religious commemoration of Ashura. Lebanese leaders who took office in the aftermath of a war between Israel and Hezbollah last year have repeatedly vowed a state monopoly on bearing arms while demanding Israel comply with a November ceasefire that ended the fighting. Qassem, who succeeded longtime leader Hassan Nasrallah after Israel killed him in September, said the group's fighters would not abandon their arms and asserted that Israel's 'aggression' must first stop. His speech came as US envoy Tom Barrack was expected in Beirut on Monday. Lebanese authorities are due to deliver a response to Barrack's request for Iran-backed Hezbollah to be disarmed by the end of the year, according to a Lebanese official who spoke on condition of anonymity. Lebanese authorities say they have been dismantling Hezbollah's military infrastructure in the south, near the Israeli border. Israel has continued to strike Lebanon despite the November ceasefire, claiming to hit Hezbollah targets and accusing Beirut of not doing enough to disarm the group. According to the ceasefire agreement, Hezbollah is to pull its fighters back north of the Litani river, some 30km from the Israeli frontier. Israel was to withdraw its troops from all of Lebanon, but has kept them deployed in five points it deemed strategic. Qassem said Israel must abide by the ceasefire agreement, 'withdraw from the occupied territories, stop its aggression… release the prisoners' detained during last year's war, and that reconstruction in Lebanon must begin. Only then, according to the Hezbollah chief, 'will we be ready for the second stage, which is to discuss national security and defence strategy'. Supporters dressed in black for Ashura marched through Beirut's southern suburbs before his speech, waving Hezbollah banners as well as national Lebanese, Palestinian and Iranian flags. Some also carried posters of the slain leader Nasrallah. In his remarks, Qassem said that his movement 'will not accept normalisation… with the Israeli enemy', after Israel's top diplomat said his government was 'interested' in such a move. Lebanon, which is technically still at war with Israel, did not comment. Syria, which was also mentioned by Israeli foreign minister Gideon Saar, said it was 'premature' to discuss normalisation.


Arab News
6 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Historic opportunity to transform Lebanon is being squandered
A few days before US Special Envoy Tom Barrack's visit to Lebanon on Monday, Hezbollah organized mass demonstrations in Beirut's southern suburbs, giving its answer to the American request for the group's disarmament. Hezbollah stated clearly: it will not disarm. Thousands of its members took to the streets chanting slogans such as 'the resistance will not kneel,' 'no to American dictates,' and 'weapons protect the homeland.' This show of force diverges from the written answer given to Barrack by President Joseph Aoun, which the former described as 'something spectacular,' adding he was 'unbelievably satisfied' with it. While the content of the letter has not been shared, it clearly contradicts Hezbollah's message of sending its people to the streets and rejecting the US-backed plan calling for a phased disarmament. Moreover, in a televised speech, Secretary-General Naim Qassem reaffirmed that Hezbollah would not consider laying down its arms for now. This represents a clear departure from the negotiated path that Aoun stated he was aiming for, as well as the US requests. Let us call it what it is: Hezbollah can only send messages of threat to the Lebanese and no one else. It was soundly defeated by the Israelis. Moreover, its own master was also delivered a severe military blow while it stood silent. And so, these weapons are worthless in terms of national defense and they are not a form of resistance but of oppression. I agree (though not for the same reasons) with Hezbollah that its arsenal should not be subject to negotiations, because it should be surrendered immediately, without any preconditions or a political solution. These weapons are nothing but a threat to other Lebanese and the sovereignty of the country. These weapons are the cause of the destruction, as much so as the dangerous ideology pushed by Hezbollah. Hezbollah's weapons are worthless in terms of national defense and they are not a form of resistance but of oppression Khaled Abou Zahr What comes next? Hezbollah will probably execute 'loosely' on the Israeli requests for disarmament, particularly regarding its presence south of the Litani River. And so, the exit formula will be another version of what was witnessed between Iran and Israel following their 12-day war: a formula that gives enough butter to Hezbollah's leaders to spread on their bread and to shift their speech into a symbolic victory to market to their crowd. Do the group's members still believe this? Even after the severe hits it has taken. The reality is that Israel is the only victor here and a historic opportunity for the Lebanese government to transform the country is being lost. Unfortunately, the Lebanese state will not be able to push forward with a full disarmament. It has surrendered to Hezbollah's will, like all its predecessors. Moreover, the US will not act with increased pressure, nor will it propose a timeline. It is up to the Lebanese to take care of themselves. This was very clear from Barrack's statement: great words for and about the Lebanese people, including Hezbollah, which he qualified as a political force that Israel must accept. Nothing solid delivered or to deliver. And it is better this way. Let the Lebanese handle it. There is, hence, a total acceptance of Hezbollah's status within the Lebanese state. The direct threat to Israel has been eliminated and the rest now seems irrelevant. The Lebanese leadership has submitted to the will of Hezbollah and Lebanon will continue to drift in chaos. Barrack said as much to the Lebanese, just dipped in a honeyed speech of greatness: 'Good luck with that, you can do it' was the message. The total collapse of the Lebanese file has a different tone this time, and I do not think the Lebanese even care anymore Khaled Abou Zahr The total collapse of the Lebanese file has a different tone this time, and I do not think the Lebanese even care anymore. Life under occupation and amid geopolitical shifts has taken its toll. Aside from a small minority, the Lebanese have accepted this situation and will live with it. Just like the Iranian nuclear program, no one knows when Hezbollah will rise from the ashes and push for another round of fighting. Even if one thing is sure: it has been hurt badly and will think more than in the past before any new provocation. It is also a certainty that there will be another round. Sooner or later. And its outcome will not differ from the previous rounds: destruction for Lebanon. The biggest threat to Lebanon regarding Hezbollah's disarmament is that its continued provocations may force a response from Damascus. The group is inviting renewed foreign interference that will further undermine Lebanese sovereignty. This is the biggest difference in our current environment. The US does not need to threaten; it can leave it to the new leadership in Syria to deal with this if things get out of hand. This solution will not bring stability to Lebanon, as we can all imagine. It will perpetuate the never-ending cycle of interference. Taking the transformation in Syria and Barrack's speech into account, Hezbollah should act fast and smart: deliver its arsenal to the Lebanese state, free its community and free Lebanon from this regional entanglement. The odds of this happening are slim to none. Yet the risk of other groups resorting to weapons to protect themselves against Hezbollah's domestic show of force is increasing by the day. Geopolitical situational awareness is needed by all. In this current scenario, where the centralized government is not able to reassert full sovereignty over the country, the decline will certainly continue. How can we not see that federalism is the best solution? It will give each group local autonomy while preserving national unity. This is a final chance before the total dissolution of the country.