Latest news with #Nehru
The Hindu
18 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
P.V. Anvar, Trinamool Congress' Kerala coordinator, announces new political front
Seemingly piqued by the Congress' rejection of his attempt to find an accommodation in the Opposition United Democratic Front (UDF), All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) State coordinator P.V. Anvar has announced the formation of a new political front in Kerala. Mr. Anvar said in Malappuram on Monday (June 2, 2025) that he has named the new alliance Janakiya Prathipaksha Prathirodha Munnani' (JPPM). He claimed that the Aam Admi Party (AAP) would join the coalition. Notably, AAP workers wearing Nehru caps and sporting the party's flag flocked in front of the Nilambur taluk office, anticipating Mr. Anvar's arrival to file his nomination papers. AAP State president Vinod Mathew Wilson told a television news channel that the party's national leadership would soon take a call. 'A people's alternative' Mr. Anvar characterised the new alliance as 'a people's alternative to Kerala's Congress-Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] revolving door politics'. He said the JPPM would also emerge as a bulwark of secularism against the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) brand of 'majoritarian identity politics.' It would champion the cause of settlerfarmers, autorickshaw drivers, rubber tappers, fishers and the working class, he said. Mr. Anvar said the JPPM would give political expression to people and groups frustrated with the established alliances in Kerala. He said disgruntled allies, mostly small parties in the ruling front and the Opposition, would soon declare their allegiance for the JPPM. Slams Satheesan Mr. Anvar accused Leader of the Opposition V.D. Satheesan of conspiring with Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan to deny the AITMC political space in Kerala. He alleged that Mr. Satheesan repeatedly won in the Paravoor Assembly constituency against 'weak and lacklustre' candidates fielded by the Communist Party of India (CPI). Mr. Anvar alleged that Mr. Vijayan threatened Mr. Satheesan, stating that the CPI(M) would wrest the seat from the CPI and field a party candidate. He said Mr. Satheesan feared that a CPI(M) candidate would diminish his chances of retaining the Paravoor seat in the 2026 Assembly elections. 'Have compromising materials' Mr. Anvar hinted he would pursue a muckraking and sensationalist campaign in the Nilambur byelection. 'I will set up a television in Nilambur and broadcast the wrongdoings of the UDF candidate. I have compromising materials on certain leaders. I will make the proof publicly available. The JPPM campaign would tear the veneer of propriety of some public figures. I am collecting evidence on them', he added. Mr. Anvar said he would contest under the AITMC symbol. However, he said the party was not registered in Kerala. 'I might be constrained to use another symbol', he added.
Time of India
19 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
'Kept pleading for help': BJP's Nishikant Dubey cites declassified files to slam Nehru's foreign policy
BJP MP Nishikant Dubey NEW DELHI: BJP MP Nishikant Dubey on Monday launched a sharp attack on the Congress, targeting former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru over his handling of the 1962 Indo-China war. Referring to Nehru's appeals during the conflict, Dubey said, 'Nehru kept pleading for help.' The remark came in response to the Congress party 's criticism of external affairs minister S Jaishankar for 'informing' Pakistan about Operation Sindoor . In retaliation, Dubey took to X to highlight what he called the flawed foreign policy of previous Congress governments, especially under Nehru. Dubey posted a letter written by Nehru to then US President John F Kennedy, calling it 'the second letter written by Iron Lady's father Nehru ji to the American President during the China war. He kept pleading for help.' Sarcastically attacking Nehru's diplomatic approach, Dubey added, 'Pakistan is a brother, a friend, a good neighbour, we will reach an agreement with them, everything was written. But carefully read the excellent foreign policy of the great Nehru ji.' According to Dubey, the US passed Nehru's letter to then Pakistani military ruler Ayub Khan . 'America sent this letter to Pakistan's military ruler Ayub Khan. After seeing this letter, did we give Pakistan a chance to attack India in 1965 or not? What can be said about the person who tells the country's weaknesses to foreigners, especially Pakistan?' Earlier in the day, Dubey also responded to Congress leader Pawan Khera's post on X by digging further into history. He referenced another letter, Nehru's 1945 communication to British Prime Minister Clement Attlee regarding Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.
Hans India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Constituent Assembly and the British Influence
As the Vice-President of the Viceroy's Executive Council (equivalent to the position of a Prime Minister) from September 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru played a pivotal role in steering the Constitution's formation. On December 13, 1946, while moving the aims and objects resolution, Nehru acknowledged the British influence on the process: 'The British Government has a hand in [the Constituent Assembly's] birth. They have attached certain conditions. We accepted the State Paper … and we shall endeavour to work within its limits.' Though this statement highlights the constraints under which the Assembly operated, it conceals the 'understanding' between the Congress led by him and the British. Rau's appointment as Constitutional Adviser, likely influenced by his Cambridge education and connection with Nehru, facilitated the creation of a draft that aligned with British preferences to frame the Constitution that maintained continuity with colonial frameworks and thereby perpetuated British legacy. Nehru's role as a political intermediary was crucial in balancing Indian aspirations with British demands, raising questions about whether his actions were driven by pragmatism or a desire to secure political power for himself, especially given his appointment as the Vice-president before independence. Pseudo-secularism and minority appeasement: Nehru's vision of secularism, shared by Patel and others, prioritizes religious minorities like Muslims and Christians, often to the disadvantage of the Hindu majority, and is reflected in Articles 25–30 of the Constitution. These provisions grant minorities rights to establish and manage educational institutions, preserve their cultural practices, and expand their religious demography, while similar protections are denied to Hindus. Damodar Swarup Seth's 1948 critique in the Constituent Assembly argued that recognizing religious minorities as distinct entities undermined the very idea of secularism and national unity, potentially sowing the seeds of another partition. This Nehruvian framework of minority appeasement, continued by both pseudo-secular and pseudo-Hindutva parties instead of equal treatment for all, has sparked resentment about its impact on India's social cohesion. Emergence of the Ambedkar-centric narrative: The narrative attributing the Indian Constitution to Dr B R Ambedkar emerged from a confluence of historical, social, political, and Christian missionary factors. To deflect criticism of the Constituent Assembly's unrepresentative nature and protect Nehru's minority-centric secularism, Congress leaders, including Nehru, allowed the factoidal narrative of a 'Dalit-architected Constitution' to take shape. This framing served to shield the Constitution from scrutiny and silence critics by invoking Ambedkar's identity as a Dalit leader and symbol of social justice. Ambedkar's visibility in Assembly debates, coupled with his role as Minister for Law and Justice, made him a natural focal point for this narrative. The Ambedkarite movement, which gained momentum after his 1956 conversion to Buddhism, further promoted this narrative to inspire Dalit pride and empowerment. The emotional resonance of a Dalit shaping India's democratic framework amplified his symbolic importance, often at the expense of recognising Rau's technical contributions or Nehru's political leadership. The mischievous misnaming of the 'Committee to Scrutinize Draft Constitution' as the 'Drafting Committee' contributed to the misconception that Ambedkar authored the Constitution. Rau, a bureaucrat without a political constituency, and Nehru, already a towering figure in Indian politics, received less public recognition, allowing the Ambedkar-centric narrative to dominate. Political strategies aimed at wooing Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) further reinforced this narrative through statues of Ambedkar holding the Constitution, roads, colonies, public buildings, spaces, and educational institutions named after him, and media portrayals, such as the 2000 biopic Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, which cemented his image as the Constitution's sole architect and drafter. The narrative's alignment with Dalit empowerment goals further entrenched its dominance. Judicial reinforcement of the narrative: The Indian judiciary has played a significant role in perpetuating the Ambedkar-centric narrative. Statues of Ambedkar holding the Constitution, installed in the Supreme Court (1980) and some High Courts, symbolize his perceived role as the Constitution's architect. The 2025 Gwalior Bench of Madhya Pradesh High Court controversy, where lawyers clashed over an Ambedkar statue, underscores the narrative's emotional and political weight. A registrar's order on April 21, 2025, justified the statue by citing Supreme Court precedent and Ambedkar's role as the 'maker,' despite historical evidence to the contrary. Judicial pronouncements, such as Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992) and Ashoka Kumar Thakur v. Union of India (2008), frequently invoke Ambedkar's vision. Constitution Day speeches by Chief Justices often describe him as the 'architect,' reflecting cultural reverence rather than historical accuracy. Judicial training, focusing on case law rather than historical scholarship, and the inaccessibility of primary sources, like Rau's papers or Ambedkar's 1953 Rajya Sabha speech, perpetuate reliance on secondary narratives. The judiciary has reinforced a socio-political context making Ambedkar's legacy sacrosanct, particularly among SCs and STs. Questioning his role risks accusations of casteism, discouraging judges and scholars from challenging the narrative. Political promotion by Ambedkarite groups and government initiatives, such as Ambedkar Jayanti, amplifies this perception, as seen in the Gwalior controversy, where opposition to the statue was perceived as disrespect. Christian missionaries and Article 25: Christian missionaries have leveraged Ambedkar's prominence to promote conversions among SCs and STs, mistakenly attributing Article 25's right to 'propagate' religion to him. This provision was crafted by the Committee on Fundamental Rights, headed by Sardar Patel. Ambedkar's brief engagement with Christianity in the 1930s aligned with the missionaries' social reform agenda, but his 1956 conversion to Buddhism explicitly rejected Christianity's foreign ties. Nevertheless, missionaries continued to highlight his constitutional role to appeal to Dalits, reinforcing the Ambedkar-centric narrative for their own purposes. Restoring truth vis-à-vis Ambedkar-centric narrative: India's national motto, Satyameva Jayate—truth alone triumphs—etched at the base of the national emblem, demands unwavering commitment to historical accuracy. Yet, the pervasive narrative that B.R. Ambedkar was the sole architect of the Indian Constitution betrays this principle, perpetuating a myth that overshadows the collaborative efforts of B.N. Rau, Jawaharlal Nehru, and the 299 members of the Constituent Assembly. To honour the Upanishadic ideal and align public and judicial understanding with historical reality, a concerted effort to restore balance is imperative. Legal curricula must be reformed to emphasise the Constitution's collective genesis, correcting the misleading term 'Drafting Committee' and highlighting Rau's foundational draft and Nehru's pivotal role in shaping its framework under British oversight. Primary sources, including the Constituent Assembly Debates, Rau's papers, Nehru's Aims and Objects Resolution, and Ambedkar's 1953 Rajya Sabha speech—where he rejected sole authorship as a 'hack'—should be integrated into educational programs to foster a nuanced perspective. Archival accessibility must be prioritized to empower scholars, students, and the public with evidence-based insights. The judiciary, too, must uphold truth by avoiding rhetorical claims of Ambedkar as the sole architect, acknowledging the collaborative process in judgments and speeches. By embracing Satyameva Jayate, India can dismantle this false narrative, honouring all contributors to its constitutional legacy and reaffirming its commitment to truth over myth. (The writer is a retired IPS officer and former Director of CBI. Views are personal)
Indian Express
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- Indian Express
Discover the ‘write' side of Shashi Tharoor
Diplomat, party spokesperson, civil servant, minister, wordsmith—even a stand-up comic (for a short time): Shashi Tharoor wears many hats—and wears them well. But the man who is currently going around the world, casting wordy spells as he carries India's message on Operation Sindoor to the global stage, is also a remarkably prolific author. In fact, he first came to national (indeed, international) attention with a book: The Great Indian Novel (1989). And as in other walks of life, his literary work is rich in variety. You might expect him to focus primarily on political matters, but Tharoor has never limited himself to any one genre. He has written biographies, essays (including on cricket), analyses, travelogues, critiques, and even novels. Indeed, until he pens a proper, no-holds-barred autobiography (and we're sure he will), his books—he has nearly two dozen to his name and surely more to come—are an excellent way to understand the man who weaves magic with his words, spoken and written, for a wide variety of audiences. The Great Indian Novel (1989) brought Shashi Tharoor into the literary spotlight in the late 80s. A work of fiction, it remains his most famous—and, in the opinion of many (us included), his best book. It showcases all the Tharoor hallmarks: wit, humour, wordplay, and sarcasm, blended with a keen sense of history and mythology. And what history and mythology it is—because The Great Indian Novel is actually a retelling and reimagining of the Indian freedom struggle and the decades that followed, narrated in the style of perhaps the greatest Indian epic of them all, the Mahabharata. Tharoor reimagines characters from Ved Vyas' epic as legendary freedom fighters and political figures, often blending names with telling effect. Across its 380-odd pages, you'll encounter Jayaprakash Drona, Priya Duryodhini, Mohammad Ali Karna, the Kaurav Party (Real), and the Kaurav Party (Old Guard). Often darkly funny, sometimes moving, and always fast-paced, this is one of those rare books that can be picked up for sheer entertainment, only to leave the reader deep in thought—accompanied by the occasional giggle. Indian leaders have generally not been well-served by their biographers. Most biographies tend to be either overly critical or excessively hagiographical—rambling affairs, rich in detail but poor in narrative. Tharoor changed that with his compact biography of Jawaharlal Nehru in 2003. Nehru: The Invention of India was released in a small, almost pocketbook format, spanning just over 275 pages. Yet it offered a more complete picture of India's first Prime Minister than many far weightier tomes. Tharoor's take on Nehru is largely positive, but what makes the book special is its ability to capture Nehru's essence and his importance to India without falling into excessive adulation. He notes Nehru's 'classic Little Lord Fauntleroy upbringing' and does not shy away from discussing how a corrupt bureaucracy is as much a part of Nehru's legacy as his achievements. Tharoor sticks to sound narrative basics—no extravagant flourishes here. In this, he's like a stroke player curbing flair for the sake of a bigger score. The result is perhaps the best short biography ever written of any Indian leader: succinct yet substantial. If there is one book you should read about Nehru—it is this, it is this, it is this. A significant portion of Tharoor's writing post his entry into active politics reflects the views of his party and its leadership. However, there are moments when he takes off his political hat and dons his academic one. One of those moments was An Era of Darkness: The British Empire in India (2017). Later re-released as Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India, the book won the Ramnath Goenka Award for Excellence in Journalism (2017) and the Sahitya Akademi Award (2019). Inspired by his now-viral 2015 Oxford Union speech on colonial reparations, the book—about 330 pages long—is perhaps the most accessible, easy-to-read account of the consequences of British colonial rule in India. Some academics have called it one-sided and bitter, but Tharoor's righteous outrage burns through the pages. 'Britain's rise for two hundred years was financed by its depredation of India,' he observes, dismantling the myths that suggest the British gave India political unity or a free press. This is Tharoor in debate mode—armed with data, arguments, and flashes of wit and sarcasm. It's compelling stuff, even if classic historians might occasionally wince. Agathokakological, fefenestrate, floccinaucinihilipilification… Booking that Tharoor Vocabulary Shashi Tharoor's command of the English language has achieved near-legendary status. His use of words many have never encountered has repeatedly expanded his audience's vocabulary. For those enchanted by his linguistic flair, Tharoorosaurus (Penguin Random House, 2020) is the perfect pick. A compact volume (336 pages), it's easily the most entertaining book Tharoor has written. It features 53 of his favourite rare words, with definitions, etymologies, trivia, and even cartoons. Included are delights like Agathokakological, Cromulent, Defenestrate, Floccinaucinihilipilification, Kakistocracy, Rodomontade, and Snollygoster, alongside more familiar terms like Vigilante, Yogi, and Namaste. Whether or not he ever pens a tell-all memoir, we hope Tharoor writes several sequels to this book. It may not be as profound as some of his other works, but it delivers information memorably and always with a smile. A bit like the man himself.
Hindustan Times
3 days ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
HT Archives: PM Nehru dies, grief and shock shroud country
New Delhi Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is dead. His life ebbed away a little before 2pm. He had been unconscious since early in the morning. At about 6.30am Mr Nehru suffered a heart attack combined with what the doctors described as a 'shock'. The news of his death plunged the country into deep gloom the likes of which it had not experienced since Mahatma Gandhi's assassination 16 years before. In Parliament. members looked dazed as they heard the sad news. Besides his grief-stricken daughter Mrs Indira Gandhi, those present by his bedside at the time of his death were Mr Gulzarilal Nanda, Mr TT Krishnamachari and Mr Lal Bahadur Shastri, President Radhakrishnan and Vice-President Zakir Hussain joined them as soon as they heard the news. Most of them stood sadly round his room since early morning when it became known that he was gravely ill. The shock caused by his death was all the greater because those who had seen him only yesterday on his return from Dehradun had found him cheerful and in apparent good health. This morning, Mr Nehru woke up looking and feeling perfectly normal. At 6.20am, however, he complained of a pain in the back and a feeling of uneasiness. The doctors were immediately summoned. They diagnosed a heart attack. Nearly 10 leading doctors of Delhi were in attendance. But from almost the very start, it was feared that they were fighting a losing battle. Mr Nehru lost consciousness soon after the attack in the morning. He never regained it. Parliament. which began its special session this morning, was first given the news of his illness when it assembled at 11am. Mr Nanda made the brief announcement in the Lok Sabha and Mr Krishnamachari in the Rajya Sabha. It was left to Mr C Subramaniam to announce to the Lok Sabha the sad news that the Prime Minister was dead. Using an expression which was a variation of what Mr Nehru had himself employed to describe the passing away of Mahatma Gandhi, Mr Subramaniam said: 'The light is out.' Many members wept as they heard the news. MPs rushed to the Prime Minister's House to pay their homage to the departed leader Dr Syed Mahmud, a close associate of Mr Nehru, and many others were sobbing as they walked into the Prime Minister's House. Formally attired diplomats wearing black bands around their arms arrived at the Prime Minister's house to place wreaths on behalf of their respective governments. A group of saffron-robed Buddhist monks brought incense. They stood silently near the main porch of the house and prayed. Mr Nehru's sisters, MrS Vijayalakshmi Pandit and Mrs Krishna Hutheesing, rushed to Delhi by a special plane but they arrived only after the Prime Minister had expired. A distraught Sheikh Abdullah telephoned from Pakistan and announced his intention to rush to Delhi immediately. Congress president K Kamaraj, who was on a tour of south India, reached the Capital a couple of hours after Mr Nehru's death. Most state chief ministers and several governors had arrived in the Capital by the evening to attend the funeral tomorrow. A remark that Mr Nehru had made only five days ago at his last press conference lends a touch of irony to today's tragic happening. Asked if he would consider grooming a successor during his lifetime. Mr Nehru had remarked lightly. 'My lifetime is not ending soon.' Mr Nehru had suffered a paralytic stroke on January 7. He recovered from it, but not fully. However, thanks to his enormous zest for life. Mr Nehru always hated to think of himself as ill. He often chafed under the restraints that his doctors had imposed on him. He was always eager to live and act normally. This month alone he undertook three trips outside Delhi, at least two of which were physically fairly arduous. On May 4, he flew for a day to Bhaisalotan on the Indo-Nepal border to be present at the opening of the Gandak Barrage. The following week, he went to Bombay to attend the AICC meeting and took an active part in its deliberations. Last weekend he flew to Dehradun for a brief rest. To reach Dehradun, he flew first in an Ilyushin aircraft and later by helicopter.
