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Al Jazeera
13 hours ago
- Al Jazeera
Agadez: The ancient Sahelian city forced to change amid trying times
Agadez, Niger – On a torrid afternoon in July, Elhadj Amadou Dizi Illo sat on a low stool in his souvenir store in Agadez, beads of sweat dotting the skin under his bright yellow turban as he dusted a heap of ornamented knives on the floor. Opposite the store, a sign on a brown, mudbrick building with lattice doors announced the Hotel Auberge, which has long closed down. Two buildings down, another structure bore the word 'Antiquite' written boldly in chalk. It, too, was closed. Outside, women in long, sweeping hijabs and men in turbans walked past, shouting hellos, as a roaming tea seller stopped to prepare glasses of ataya – a mixture of green tea, mint and sugar. Inside, Illo cleaned and dusted away, focused on his task. At age 63, he is tall and stately with a serene presence. A grey moustache and beard frame his lips, and the sides of his milky eyes crinkle when he smiles, which he does generously. Illo's store is one of the last few souvenir vendors still operating in the old Nigerien city. Packed and stuffy, the mud structure barely has enough room for more than one person. On the shelves are dusty mementos from antique dealers and jewellers across Niger and the region: a bronze cup from somewhere in the desert, silver knives sheathed in dusty green and brown leather cases made by Agadez's skilled artisans, chunky beaded necklaces from Ghana. Despite staying open for several hours, no buyers came in aside from two teenage boys. They haggled with Illo over a pair of knives for several minutes before shuffling away in the opposite direction, empty-handed. 'It's hard,' Illo said, his French soft and singsongy. Standing up slowly in the cramped space, he braced himself on achy knees. 'Life is hard for anyone who works in tourism, but there aren't many options. We have to endure it.' Agadez, the ancient city of Tuareg, lodged on the southern edge of the Sahara, has always been a natural crossroads between cultures and continents because of its location. Called the 'gateway to the Sahara', it was in this hot, arid savannah that camel-drawn caravans loaded with ceramics and silk from Arabia, or gold from West African kingdoms in present-day Ghana and Nigeria, stopped to rest during the trans-Saharan trade between the 8th and 16th centuries. A two-minute walk from Illo's store, the Grand Mosque – the world's tallest mudbrick building – stands as a testament to this history. For centuries, its pointed minaret served both as a watchtower and a compass for travellers. The building itself is built out of wooden beams and mudbricks, called banco. Tuareg artisans travelled as far as Timbuktu in Mali to learn the delicate art of building with the sun-dried bricks. It is the same unique material and technique used throughout the entire old town, earning the area a UNESCO World Heritage Site stamp in 2013. Travellers and architecture buffs came from all over the world to see the ancient wonders for decades, boosting the local economy. Up until the late 1980s, when a Tuareg revolt led to armed conflict, thousands of tourists streamed in monthly, largely from Europe, to peer at the old mosque and walk through the old town's gridded streets, which date back to how the early Tuareg settlers organised in encampments based on sub-tribes. The revolt ended tourism. Today, the building continues to fascinate the few tourists who come by, even though getting to the very top is much harder than it looks. You have to crouch low to the ground and move up the steep stairs of the minaret in slow shuffles, as the narrow passage tightens with every step. Then, you must amble past a colony of shrieking bats before squeezing through a tiny hole to clamber gingerly to the top. For those who dare, the climb is worth it. Most evenings, the golden glow of sunset bathes the old town in warm hues. Row after row of squat mud structures spread out in all directions, as though paying homage to the mosque. Five times a day, a muezzin solemnly calls the adhan to signal the time for prayer, the sound riding on the breeze. Tut-tutting tricycle and motorbike riders, and squealing from children playing in the courtyards, add to the symphony. A once-booming Agadez has fallen on tough times since the revolt, and tourism profits have long faded. Left behind are harsh realities, evident in the lack of customers, shuttered hotels and souvenir shops, as well as deteriorating infrastructure, reflected in the sewage now spilling into sandy streets. It is also evident in the different clientele now plying those old caravan routes: irregular immigrants desperate to brave the desert to reach Algeria or Libya, and eventually, Europe, for a new life. The best 10 years Even the veterans of the city sometimes want to leave, at least for a while, to escape the stillness. 'If I could, I would go to Algeria,' said Illo, speaking of how far he would travel to be able to sell his goods and make money. In Algeria, he said, tourism is booming. 'But I am not as strong as I used to be. My heart is not strong enough. If I go, I may never come back.' Illo first began trading back in the 1970s, barely an adult at the time. He bought goods from locals and sold them to gallery and museum curators visiting from Europe. He even exhibited his collection in several countries. Many of his customers were German-speaking, so when he first got a store space, he named it Schmuck Laden, which means jewellery store. His first foreign exhibition was in neighbouring Nigeria, followed by another in Germany. On his travels, Illo picked up languages, complete with accents. His German flows with a Bavarian twist. His Yoruba, although jerky, is of the Lagos variety. Tourism was the region's bread and butter at the time, so it was not strange for young men like Illo to double as tour guides. He would take travellers around the old city and up into the Air Mountains, about 200km (124 miles) away, which stand out in stark contrast to the low-level dunes of the desert. He took them as far as the black and ochre salt mines of Bilma, a five to six-hour drive from Agadez, where workers loaded the white stuff onto camels to transport down to Nigeria for sale. 'It's impossible to know how many people I guided or how many were my customers,' he said. Over the years, many have kept in touch with him, sending letters from time to time, all of which he keeps safe in a big canvas bag in his home. 'The best month was December because the weather is nicer and cooler. It's our winter. We had a cook [for the tourists] who would make salads for lunch and a hot meal, like spaghetti, for dinner,' he reminisced. Of all the years, it was the 10 from 1980 to 1990 that remain most vivid in Illo's memory. Those were the years of the Dakar Rally, an off-road racing event that began as a race from Dakar, Senegal to Paris, France, but that has since emigrated from the continent to Saudi Arabia due to more than a decade of insecurity from armed groups swarming the Sahel, from Mali to Niger. Back then, when the cars raced towards Agadez in dust-raising fury, the whole town would line up by the roadside to cheer them on. It was like a party, Illo said. Taxi drivers got more clients in that period, and locals would take the opportunity to rent out their houses for a few nights to the moving party. All that excitement, those old days of good money, are over, replaced with a stillness in the city, Illo sighed in his store, wiping his forehead as though wiping the thought away. Resentment and fury at the government spiralled into armed fighting that shut the doors to that life. Season of rebellion Trouble began brewing in northern Niger in the late 1980s, when Tuareg armed groups formed, aiming to fight for autonomy. Across the Sahelian countries, Tuareg minority communities have long accused their governments of neglect, despite the mineral profits coming from their land, particularly gold. Famine in the Tuareg regions of Niger and Mali between 1982 and 1985 caused thousands to be displaced, and hundreds to become refugees in camps in Algeria and Libya, although the exact number is unclear. In the camps, those who felt aggrieved that they were experiencing famine while their governments profited from their land met and formed alliances. The first armed attack was in May 1990. Tuareg separatists attacked a police station in the town of Tchin-Tabarenden, some 400km (248 miles) from Agadez; five people were killed, while 25 of the attackers died. Niger's military response to the attacks was to deploy soldiers in the area, and the ensuing clashes resulted in 'several hundred deaths', researchers note. Between 1990 and 1995, as sporadic fighting raged, foreign governments evacuated their citizens, including from the neighbouring town of Arlit, where a French company mined uranium. Western governments like the United States declared Agadez a red zone and issued travel warnings to tourists, delivering a death knell to the city. Although a peace agreement stalled the fighting in 1995, the armed rebellion would not come to an end until 2007. By then, the local economy had collapsed. More recently, it is armed militias and bandits that plague the region, locking the insecurity in place. The most powerful militia is the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama'a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), which operates across the Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso tri-border area. It was founded by a Tuareg fighter who took part in earlier rebellions in Mali, and it aims to establish a caliphate. Some of the groups are believed to have infiltrated Agadez: two European women have been kidnapped in the town since January. JNIM has denied any involvement. Political instability roiling Niamey has worsened the situation. Military regimes have come and gone in rapid succession in Niger since independence from France in 1960, but there was hope after the first-ever democratic transition in 2021. A military coup in July 2023 dashed those hopes. Under General Abdourahmane Tchiani, Niger has grown increasingly isolated, with the knock-on effect falling on the already battered tourism sector. Tchiani's government cut ties with its ally, France, also expelling French troops, because Paris refused to back the coup. The US, too, has been ejected from its Base 201, the sprawling, expensive drone outpost just behind the small Agadez airport. The base took three years to build and employed hundreds of locals. Niamey has also been at loggerheads with its regional neighbours, after the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) placed excruciating sanctions on the country and some of its leaders. Instead, Tchiani has banded with fellow military leaders in Burkina Faso and Mali to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). All three have turned to Russia for security and business. At the Agadez airport, Russian warplanes sit on the tarmac, and Russian military men in khaki greens loiter. Old roads, new travellers As the city changed, local travel agents who once helped tourists arrive in Niger and travel in the dunes of the Sahara pivoted their trade to the scores of migrants seeking passage to Libya and onwards across the Mediterranean, towards Europe. In the crowded bus station on the outskirts of Agadez, passeurs – the agents who transport migrants from all over West Africa – sat at desks peering at papers, counting and recounting the names and numbers of passengers for the next convoy going into the desert. It was after midday, the time when the temperatures usually climb to 45 degrees Celsius (113 degrees Fahrenheit) before cooling off in the evening. Passeurs were not always able to work openly. Under the former civilian government, collaboration with the European Union saw authorities dismantle what they called the smuggling industry that first took off in 2011 after Muammar Gaddafi's regime fell in Libya. At the time, transporters realised there was unrestrained passage through the leaderless country, all the way to the edge of the Mediterranean. Quickly, people seeking passage began pouring in and, soon, the population of Agadez doubled to 300,000 from the influx. While passeurs flourished with the new trade, others grumbled. Migrant communities clash with locals frequently due to deep-seated resentment; locals believe migrants encourage vices like smoking and drugs in their deeply traditional city, but migrants say locals here are not accepting enough of their differences. The EU deal in 2015 under President Mahamadou Issoufou momentarily criminalised travelling through the desert, forcing passeurs underground. The travels did not stop, passeurs here say, but the journey certainly got deadlier, with drivers taking longer, untested, or long-abandoned routes that got them lost or exposed them to armed groups and bandits. Since the military government took power in 2023, the EU deal has been abandoned. Now, army trucks escort the migrant convoys deep into the desert for protection. Each passenger pays 150,000 francs ($267), said Addo, a popular passeur with a spacious office that was empty but for a single table and two chairs in a corner. A sign in front read: 'Agadez-Dirkou', referring to the Nigerien city further east where travellers will make a stop. It is only one of four stops on the route, the passeur explained from his seat. Addo's phone rang often with his fellow passeurs calling to arrange more clients. Sometimes, people do not make it to the other side because of bandits, or die from thirst: a broken-down vehicle or a driver losing his way could see them trapped too long without water, Addo said. Sometimes, they do, and will then push forward through the sea to Europe, he added. Thirty minutes from the bus station, in the yard of a gated migrant transit house run by a young man from Agadez, a small crowd of people excitedly loaded their luggage into the back of a green pick-up truck. Young men, women and a handful of children threw their luggage and bottles of water in before clambering into the back of the truck. They were packed tight, knees squeezed together. Drivers handed out sticks to those sitting on the edge of the truck. It is a sort of seatbelt, holding travellers in place as trucks zoom through the desert, going at breakneck speed to avoid bandits and armed groups. Those who do not hold on tight enough sometimes get thrown from the trucks, but drivers rarely stop. Aminata, a middle-aged woman sitting in the middle of the truck who asked that her real name not be used, looked around, waiting for the vehicle to load. She wore a black jilbab, and her scarf covered part of her face, shielding it from the sun that seemed to be bearing down on the truck. She had been briefed by the passeurs, said Aminata, who speaks rapidly in high-pitched Hausa. She knew the dangers on the road already: the car could break down in the middle of the desert; they could be without help for hours, or even days; armed bandits could attack them. She would spend four long days in this cramped position, in the hot desert heat, and her nights would be in the open. She knew, Aminata said, that some people never make it out of the desert. Still, she was determined. A native of Kano State, in northern Nigeria, Aminata said she was embarking on the journey to provide for her children, whom she had left back home. There was nothing in Nigeria, she said. She was poor, and the current economic crisis there had made it impossible for her to survive. Yes, the journey could be fatal, but God was with her, she said. About half an hour later, the loading was done. The truck driver, dressed in a loose grey kaftan and dark aviator sunglasses, got in the driver's seat and turned the key in the ignition. He reversed slowly out of the yard. The trip was not officially approved – this set of migrants was too impatient to wait for the usual military escort, which had been delayed for a day because of some administrative reason. As they drove off in a cloud of dust, the travellers waved goodbye to their counterparts, who had spilled out of the open gates of the house's yard to see them off. Many here are waiting for their turn to leave. The travellers were still waving when the truck turned a corner and disappeared. No place like home In the large, sparsely furnished living room of Illo's house, the trader sat cross-legged on a prayer mat, examining old documents. Many were letters from his friends abroad, others were odds and ends that reminded him of the good times, like an old Lufthansa plane ticket, and the flyer of an art exhibition from 1993. One of his eight daughters lounged on a bed spread out in the corner. A fan stood in front of the door, blowing hot air. Out in the yard, a little girl – Illo's granddaughter – chit-chatted with a friend about something. They spoke in low, serious tones, gesturing. Modest as it is, building his home was one of Illo's proudest moments, judging by how frequently he mentions the feat. He was barely 30 when he completed it. Before then, as a teenager, he lived with his neighbours: his father died when Illo was 16, and his mother moved back to her hometown away from Agadez, leaving just him. Illo did not want to leave the old town, though, so he simply moved next door until he saved enough to buy land and build his house. 'I stayed there [without paying rent] until I got married and got my own house,' he said, reflecting on how generous people can be in the town. 'If not in Agadez, where are you going to find something like that?' Yes, it is harder these days for most people to afford to be as hospitable as they were in the past, but that spirit of giving is still strong, he added. Picking up one folded missive, Illo smiled as he examined the fading print. It was from 1982, from a man called Michel in Geneva. He started to read it aloud. 'I received your letter of March 18, in which you're not happy,' he read. The full exchange tells of Illo asking Michel to send him 100 Swiss francs in exchange for a 'promised gift'. In the end, Michel says he sent him 50 Swiss francs but never received the parcel. 'I was barely 20,' Illo laughed bashfully, rummaging again through the heap of letters before him – evidence of a lifetime of friendships the sexagenarian has built because of the city and his work. But much of that has now changed, Illo knows. He has heard of how hard it is for foreigners to get a visa to Niger under the military government. Authorities even seize passports from nationals of African countries they consider hostile, such as Nigeria, for a few days upon arrival. The growing hostility to outsiders has changed the demographics of people visiting Agadez – and it is affecting locals, too. It means fewer sales at Illo's souvenir shop, and more than that, it means some of his foreign friends may never be able to make it back to visit. 'That's the administration, not us,' Illo said, with a rare frown. If Niger had not been open once, he would not have met his clients, made such long-lasting friendships, or travelled widely the way he has. Loud banging on the gate of his compound interrupts Illo's letter reading, causing him to rise and walk slowly towards the yard. A group of about 20 young men dressed in flowing purple robes, complete with elaborate headgear that fanned out like a peacock's comb, poured into the yard, singing. They were part of the procession celebrating the Biannou Festival, which used to be held yearly, but is now every other year. The Tuareg festival often features three days of dance performances, parades and prayers, led by young men. Sometimes, performers take the party to the homes of notable people like Illo, who is revered as a sage of sorts. One of the performers banged on a drum as the men launched into a dance, encircling Illo. The vendor reached out to take the drum and hit up a fiery beat, earning him cheers from the small crowd. After a few more minutes of dancing and drumming, the men said their goodbyes and filed out of the yard. Illo's teenage daughter ran after them. 'That one, she's crazy,' Illo laughed as he lowered himself back onto the mat, before reflecting that it is little moments like these that help him remember why he had always chosen to stay put here in Agadez, even when he could have left for Libya, Algeria, or somewhere else. Like him, his children and grandchildren can travel and see the world – even though he will never allow them to join the desert travellers. But after having journeyed far and wide, the best patch of the world, he said, is right here. 'The world is full of problems right now, there's no other place you can go that'll be this quiet,' Illo said. 'Despite all the difficulties, I can't leave.'
News24
13 hours ago
- Politics
- News24
What has changed in Niger two years after the coup?
On 26 July 2023, Niger was thrown into political turmoil. A coup d'etat was announced on state television just hours after members of the presidential guard detained democratically elected President Mohamed Bazoum. The coup was led by the head of the presidential guard, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, with support from elements of the nation's armed forces. When he took power two years ago, Tchiani justified the coup by citing growing insecurity, harsh economic conditions and what he described as excessive influence from Western powers, particularly the country's former colonial ruler, France. Niger has experienced multiple military takeovers in the past, but this time was different: Many citizens took to the streets to show their support for the military leaders. But in the two years that followed, some analysts say little has changed for the better. 'In some cases, the situation has worsened,' Mutaru Mumuni Muqthar, executive director of the West African Centre for Counter Extremism, told DW. Turkish Red Crescent / Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images With the events of 26 July, Niger joined the ranks of neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso, which were already under military rule. In early 2024, Niger, along with Mali and Burkina Faso, announced its withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States, or ECOWAS. The move marked a major shift in the region, deepening the divide between the military-led governments and the bloc pushing for a return to civilian rule. Job losses in the nonprofit sector Niger's current leadership has forced many nongovernmental organisations, including the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) - which had been assisting more than two million people affected by armed conflict - to shut down operations. For some Nigeriens, especially those who lost their jobs following the leadership change, life has become more difficult. 'Right now, I'm suffering. It's been a year since we stopped,' said Souley, 35, who lost his job as a nutrition researcher at a local NGO after the coup, in an interview with DW. Mahamane, 32, also lost his position as an assistant coordinator at an NGO based in Tillaberi. 'Right after the coup, funds weren't coming in regularly, and our activities were delayed,' he said. Finally, they decided to stop funding altogether. Mahamane 'There is a very constricted space for civil society or NGO work, so there are a lot of job losses in that space,' said Muqthar from the West African Centre for Counter Extremism. Niger already struggles with high levels of youth unemployment. In 2023, the International Labor Organisation estimated that about 23% of Nigeriens between the ages of 15 and 29 were unemployed - one of the highest youth unemployment rates in Africa. Human rights abuses continue Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, have accused the junta of cracking down on freedom of the press and expression in the media and civil society. Ilaria Allegrozzi, a senior Sahel researcher at Human Rights Watch, said freedom of expression has been deteriorating in the country since the military leaders took charge. 'Since the coup d'etat two years ago, authorities have shown a high level of intolerance. They have cracked down on the opposition, the media and civil society, and they are clearly rejecting any transition back to civilian democratic rule,' Allegrozzi told DW. 'They have arbitrarily detained former president Mohamed Bazoum and his wife for two years. They have also arbitrarily arrested and detained dozens of other officials from the ousted government - people close to the former president, including ministers. And they have failed to grant them due process and fair trial rights,' she said. In its 2025 State of the World's Human Rights report, Amnesty International wrote that Niger has routinely violated 'human rights to information and freedom of expression'. Although about 50 detainees were released from prison in April, the organisation pointed out that 'several others still languish behind bars on politically motivated charges.' In January 2024, the Press House (Maison de la Presse) - an umbrella group of 32 media organisations - was suspended and replaced by an ad hoc committee headed by the secretary-general of the Interior Ministry, according to Amnesty International. Is a return to civilian rule still possible? In March, the leader of Niger's military government, General Tchiani, was sworn in for a five-year term under a new charter that replaced the country's constitution. For many, it signalled that a return to civilian democratic rule is unlikely to happen anytime soon. 'In the beginning, we were talking about three years; now we are talking about five years. It's an indication that this regime is seeking to stay much longer than expected. And it is my estimation that they are probably going to stay much longer than even five years,' said Muqthar. Efforts by ECOWAS to help Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali transition back to civilian rule have so far failed.
Russia Today
14 hours ago
- Business
- Russia Today
Russia boosting nuclear cooperation with African state
Russia and Niger have formalized plans to cooperate on the peaceful use of nuclear energy, including the construction of power-generation infrastructure in the West African country, where nearly 80% of the population lacks access to electricity. According to the press service of the Russian Energy Ministry, Russia's state nuclear power corporation (Rosatom) and Niger's Energy Ministry signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Monday. The agreement was concluded during an official visit to Niamey by Russian Energy Minister Sergey Tsivilev, accompanied by a large delegation of government officials and business representatives. 'Our task is not just to participate in uranium mining, we must create a whole system for the development of peaceful atom in Niger,' Tsivilev said in a statement posted on the ministry's Telegram channel. 'This includes the construction of power generation so that it is available to every resident of the country, and cooperation in the field of atomic medicine. We also agreed on the joint training of specialists in this field,' he added. Tsivilev also met with Niger's transitional president, Abdourahamane Tchiani, PM Ali Lamine Zeine, and Mines Minister Ousmane Abarchi, and discussed plans to establish a Russian-Nigerien intergovernmental commission on trade and economic cooperation, according to the statement. 'The countries consider each other important partners,' the Russian Energy Ministry said, adding that the creation of a joint intergovernmental commission would mark a key stage in the development of bilateral relations and help place cooperation on a more structured footing. The move comes amid Russia's growing ties with African countries across sectors including energy, defense, infrastructure, and education. Last month, Rosatom finalized an agreement with Niger's neighbor Mali to expand cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The deal, building on an MoU signed in October 2023, covers infrastructure development, joint projects in healthcare and agriculture, and the training of specialists. Last October, neighboring Burkina Faso signed a deal with Rosatom for the construction of a nuclear power plant, following a request made by its interim leader, Ibrahim Traore, to Russian President Vladimir Putin at the second Russia-Africa summit.
BBC News
2 days ago
- Politics
- BBC News
Why US suspend visa processing for dia embassy for Niger Republic
Di United States Embassy for Niamey, Niger Republic, don suspend all visa processing and issuance until further notice. Tori by Reuters say a one internal memo from Washington on July 25 direct di embassy officials to stop all visa process until di US govment finish addressing dia "concerns wit di govment of Niger". Di directive go affect all immigrant and non-immigrant visa categories, but most diplomatic and official visas no go dey affected, according to one tok-tok pesin for US State Department. Dem no give any specific reason for dis move, but di State Department tok-tok pesin say "the Trump Administration dey focused on protecting our nation and our citizens by upholding di highest standards of national security and public safety thru our visa process". Remember say in June dis year President Donald Trump bin don ban 12 kontris, including seven for Africa, from entering di US, and also restrict visa from seven odas. Di African kontris for di list na: Chad, Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, Somalia and Sudan. While Burundi, Sierra Leone and Togo dey for di partial travel restriction list. Niger Republic no follow for any of dem. However, e clear say di relationship between di two kontris no dey smooth, especially since di military bin take ova power for Niger Republic in July 2023. In April of 2024, di military junta ask di US goment to withdraw dia troops for dia kontri, and by September, Washington say di withdrawal of almost 1000 US soldiers wey bin dey di kontri don dey complete. Sabi pipo say dis move don change di relations between di US and Niger well-well. But apart from dat, President Trump since e come into power for di second time, don put in place very hard policies about immigration. E order a nationwide campaign to arrest migrants who dey stay for di kontri illegally, and im Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) operatives don conduct dozens of raids to catch and deport pipo. Even legal immigrants like pipo wit student visas and green card holders still fit chop deport if officials determine say dey support Palestinians or dey criticise Israel for di war in Gaza. Di Trump administration say such actions dey pro-Hamas and na threat to U.S. foreign policy. Last week, tori bin break say about 8000 Cameroon citizens fit chop deportation from di US afta one court bin approve for di Trump administration to remove di Temporary Protected Status wey Cameroonians bin dey enjoy. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio tell tori pipo for May dis year say di number of visas wey im office don revoke dey in di thousands. Also di State Department under Rubio leadership don tight dia social media vetting for pipo wey dey apply for U.S visa. One Nigerian woman carry cry go social media for June dis year afta authorities deport am from di US wen dem go thru her instagram messages.
Free Malaysia Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- Free Malaysia Today
EU, Macron urge Niger junta to free ex-president
Emmanuel Macron voiced support for Mohamed Bazoum, who has been held for two years after being ousted in Niger's coup. (AP pic) BRUSSELS : The EU and French President Emmanuel Macron on Saturday urged Niger's ruling junta to release ousted president Mohamed Bazoum, two years to the day the army detained him. Bazoum has been held, along with his wife Hadiza, in a wing of the presidential palace, and according to his lawyers, he has not left the building in that time. The 27-member bloc said in a statement it welcomed the recent release of some political prisoners but 'regretted' the continued detention of Bazoum, 65, and others. 'The EU calls again for the release of these people who are being held for political reasons,' said the statement from Kaja Kallas, the bloc's top diplomat. Macron also called for Bazoum's release in a separate statement Saturday. 'Today, my thoughts are with Mohamed Bazoum, arbitrarily held for two years after the putsch which drove him from office as president of Niger,' Macron wrote on Facebook. 'I am also thinking of his wife Hadiza, who is held with him and his loved ones. I add my voice to all those calling for his release,' he added. Months after the coup, the junta said it intended to put Bazoum on trial, accusing him of treason and of 'plotting against the security and authority of the state'. If he was convicted of treason, he could face the death penalty, say his lawyers. In June last year, Niger's state court, set up by the regime, lifted Bazoum's presidential immunity, which could open the path to a trial. To date, however, no case has been opened against the former president, who was elected in 2021 and has not resigned. 'The EU remains available for a frank, honest, and structured dialogue with the Nigerien authorities based on mutual respect and shared interests,' the EU statement said.
