Latest news with #NitiAayog
Time of India
an hour ago
- Business
- Time of India
Nine flagship government schemes exempt from standard appraisal till 2031
The government has decided to keep nine flagship schemes outside the ambit of the ongoing appraisal process for central sector programmes for the next five years, starting April 1, 2026. In a letter dated July 4, the Department of Expenditure instructed the respective ministries and departments to exclude schemes such as the Ayushman Bharat , Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana , PM Kisan , Ujjwala Yojana and PM Jan Dhan Yojana from the standard appraisal process as these, with far-reaching social implications, will be evaluated and appraised in detail by the Niti Aayog's Development Monitoring and Evaluation Office. Explore courses from Top Institutes in Select a Course Category Data Science Data Science Artificial Intelligence Product Management Finance CXO MCA Healthcare Leadership Cybersecurity Technology Digital Marketing Design Thinking Public Policy PGDM healthcare Management Operations Management others Project Management Degree Data Analytics Others MBA Skills you'll gain: Duration: 11 Months E&ICT Academy, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati CERT-IITG Postgraduate Cert in AI and ML India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 11 Months IIT Madras CERT-IITM Advanced Cert Prog in AI and ML India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 10 Months E&ICT Academy, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati CERT-IITG Prof Cert in DS & BA with GenAI India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 10 Months IIM Kozhikode CERT-IIMK DABS India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 30 Weeks IIM Kozhikode SEPO - IIMK-AI for Senior Executives India Starts on undefined Get Details "Some of these schemes have done well but require some structural changes and the Niti Aayog has been tasked to do the detailed exercise so there is no duplicity of efforts," a senior official told ET. The other four schemes are the PM Stand Up India, PM Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana and the PM Suraksha Bima Yojana managed by the Department of Financial Services, and a scheme under the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade to refund central goods and services tax and integrated GST to industrial units in north-eastern and Himalayan states. The Department of Expenditure has also kept the schemes related to the Department of Space and the Department of Atomic Energy outside the ambit of this exercise which require special appraisal and approval procedures. The National e-Vidhan scheme will also be outside the ambit of the appraisal process. Live Events
Time of India
11 hours ago
- Business
- Time of India
Agriculture push: Cabinet clears PM Dhan-Dhaanya Krishi Yojana for 100 districts, to run for 6 years
The Union Cabinet on Tuesday approved the Prime Minister Dhan-Dhaanya Krishi Yojana, a six-year mission-mode scheme aimed at accelerating growth in agriculture and allied sectors across 100 selected districts. The decision was taken at a Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Narendra Modi. The scheme is "first of its kind focusing exclusively on agriculture and allied sectors," and draws inspiration from Niti Aayog 's Aspirational District Programme, according to an official release from the government. The primary goals of the scheme include enhancing agricultural productivity, promoting sustainable and diversified cropping practices, expanding irrigation infrastructure, boosting post-harvest storage at local levels, and facilitating both long- and short-term agricultural credit. The scheme is targeted at districts that lag behind on key farming indicators. '100 districts will be identified based on three key indicators of low productivity, low cropping intensity, and less credit disbursement,' the release said, adding that each state will have a minimum of one district under the programme. Implementation will be done through the convergence of 36 existing schemes across 11 departments, combined with relevant state-level initiatives and partnerships with the private sector. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Beyond Text Generation: An AI Tool That Helps You Write Better Grammarly Install Now Undo Planning and execution will be guided by committees set up at district, state, and national levels. District-level strategies will be framed by District Dhan Dhaanya Samitis, which will also include 'progressive farmers as members'. These plans will be 'aligned to the national goals of crop diversification, conservation of water and soil health, self-sufficiency in agriculture and allied sectors as well as expansion of natural and organic farming. ' Performance will be monitored using a digital dashboard tracking 117 key performance indicators (KPIs) on a monthly basis. The government said 'Niti Aayog will also review and guide the district plans' and 'Central Nodal Officers appointed for each district will also review the scheme on a regular basis.' The Cabinet note said the scheme is expected to 'result in higher productivity, value addition in agriculture and allied sector, local livelihood creation and hence increase domestic production and achieving self-reliance (Atmanirbhar Bharat).' It further stated 'As the indicators of these 100 districts improve, the national indicators will automatically show an upward trajectory.' Stay informed with the latest business news, updates on bank holidays and public holidays . AI Masterclass for Students. Upskill Young Ones Today!– Join Now
New Indian Express
a day ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Armed with BJP-gifted Brahmastra, Mamata begins her march to secure a fourth term as CM
The controversial Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls to be conducted in West Bengal ahead of the Assembly elections next year, the attacks on Bengali-speaking people in many BJP-ruled states, the dubious deportation of Bengali speakers to Bangladesh, the Assam notice to a Bengal resident – these recent disparate developments have coalesced and armed Mamata Banerjee with an electoral Brahmastra in her bid to win a fourth term as Chief Minister. That glitch on the Niti Aayog document on Bengal that had a map of Bihar on its cover page was the icing on the cake. Bengali Asmita is under threat in BJP-ruled India is Mamata Banerjee's biggest missile – the Brahmastra. She will probably unveil it at her annual mega rally in Kolkata next week, on Monday, July 21 – the day designated by the Trinamool Congress as Shahid Diwas. But she will dipstick it on Wednesday July 16, when she personally hits the streets to protest the alleged BJP bias against Bengalis. Not only Mamata Banerjee, her nephew and Trinamool Congress national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee will join her in the march. The last time she hit the streets was exactly 13 months ago – on 16 August last year – at the peak of the Abhaya outrage: the rape and murder of the trainee doctor at RG Kar hospital on August 9. The last time Mamata and Abhishek marched together to protest an issue – in the last few years, hard to recall. This leaves no room for doubt that July 16 will see the formal kick off of Mamata Banerjee's big bid for 2026. Bengali identity front and centre When the Election Commission (EC) launched the SIR of electoral rolls in Bihar on June 24, Mamata Banerjee had immediately raised the alarm of a "backdoor NRC" and claimed the same would be conducted in Bengal to disenfranchise voters before the next Assembly elections. Earlier this year, she accused the BJP of colluding with the EC to influence the upcoming Assembly polls in Bengal using fake voters after some voter cards in Bengal and some other states were detected having the exact same EPIC numbers. Between June 24 and now, the TMC has reported a spurt in the number of Bengali-speaking migrants being detained in BJP-ruled states, even deported to Bangladesh. The TMC's charge is, if you speak in Bengali, you risk being picked up there by police. Even folks living in Bengal may not be immune, it claims, citing the case of a 50-year-old farmer in Bengal's Cooch Behar district that borders Assam who was summoned by a Foreigners Tribunal in that state to prove his citizenship by July 15. "Xenophobic persecution," the TMC is calling it. "A witch-hunt against Bengalis." After the Niti Aayog's cartographic blunder, mixing up Bengal and Bihar, the TMC found another flag to wave. Mamata Banerjee shot off an angry letter to the Niti Aayog top brass, claiming the "mis-label" was "a direct affront to Bengal's identity and dignity". The latest straw has come from the Jai Hind 'slum' at Vasant Kunj in Delhi where around 1500 Bengali speaking migrant labourers had their power supply cut off since July 8. Four MPs of the TMC have been camping there, protesting the discrimination against Bengali migrants and the threat of the demolition of their homes. The BJP will tell you that Mamata Banerjee is making mountains out of molehills to whip up the Bengali sentiment. The Jai Hind colony power cut came after a court order as the colony is illegal. But Bengali speakers are not listening. Not in Delhi nor in Bengal which has a registered list of some 22 lakh migrant labourers working all over the country. The TMC has put the Bengali identity firmly front and centre in its campaign against the BJP. One mistake too many It is not as if there are no Bangladeshis slipping into Bengal and going off to distant parts of India for work. It is no one's case that that is acceptable. But with irrefutable logic, Mamata Banerjee puts the blame for infiltration squarely on the home ministry and the BSF guarding the Indo-Bangla border. What is hard to accept is how can people speaking in Bengali be just picked up by police and deported to Bangladesh without proper verification? That is what is proving indefensible for the BJP. Samirul Islam, the TMC MP who is also chairman of the Bengal Migrants Welfare Board, says, "When detained by police in other states, the Bengal government is not informed, legitimate identity documents are rejected. These migrants end up spending 9-10 days in custody. For nothing." And mistakes happen. The case of 31-year-old Danish Sheikh, wife Sunali and their six-year-old son is one of many being cited by the TMC. This family claims roots in Birbhum district, Bengal, and went to Delhi around 10 years ago looking for livelihood, which they made as June 26, police picked them up and deported them to Dhaka, ignoring identity papers submitted. From Dhaka, Danish managed to contact his family, which filed a missing persons' report and went to the Calcutta High Court with a habeas corpus plea on July 11. The home ministry has been asked to respond by July 16. Challenge to opportunity The harassment of Bengali-speaking people is apparently irrespective of their religious identity, says Samirul Islam, who has just tweeted about a family of six of the Matua community picked up by Pune police as Bangladeshis earlier this month. Matuas are not Muslims and migrated from East Pakistan to West Bengal around the time of Partition. They are now settled mostly in North 24 Parganas district and form a powerful vote bank. In recent years, they switched loyalty from the TMC to the BJP. The Union minister of state for ports is a Matua and the Matua factor in Bengal elections is considerable. The issue of the arrest of the Matua family in BJP-ruled Maharashtra is sure to gain political colour. The TMC and BJP will lock horns on the issue to corner the Matua vote. Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in Bengal on July 18, two days after Mamata Banerjee marches on the street and three days before she launches her Bengali Asmita Brahmastra. Modi and the Bengal BJP will have to think on their feet to match Mamata Banerjee's penchant for turning challenges into opportunities.
India Today
2 days ago
- Politics
- India Today
Northeast improves on hunger, poverty parameters, a decade after Act East
The Northeast region is making good progress overall in poverty reduction, eliminating hunger, providing education, gender equality and providing clean water and sanitation to the people of the eight states — the seven sisters and Sikkim — according to a report released by the Niti Aayog and the Ministry of Development of the North Eastern Region (MoDoNER). The North East Region's Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) Index for 2023-24, shows that 103 districts, accounting for 85% of the region's 121 districts surveyed, are 'Front Runners'. This is a significant rise from 2021-22, when 62%, or 64, of the 103 districts surveyed were clasified as 'Front Runners'.advertisementThe report reveals that Achiever districts in the Northeast have increased from 12 in 2021-22 to 26 in the latest districts are categorised based on their progress as Achievers (those that have met the target), Front Runners (close to meeting the target), Performers (showing moderate progress), and Aspirants (requiring more focused attention). The NER's SDG Index used 84 indicators to evaluate progress in areas like poverty, hunger, and in the 'poverty' category, the number of Aspirant districts has seen a sharp decline, dropping from 20 to just 3. Similar was the case under 'zero hunger' category, where Aspirant districts have dropped from 21 to just Water and Sanitation (SDG 6) has 114 Front Runner districts, up from 81, driven by initiatives like the Jal Jeevan Equality (SDG 5) progressed, with 112 districts as Front Runners, up from 71. Affordable and Clean Energy (SDG 7) doubled its Achiever districts to 14, indicating better access to electrification and clean cooking MIZORAM, TRIPURA DISTRICTS IN TOP 10Three districts each from Nagaland, Mizoram, and Tripura, and one from Sikkim made it to the list of Top 10 districts on the NER's SDG Index for all districts in Mizoram and Tripura emerged as 'Front Runners'. Hnahthial in Mizoram led with a score of performed well on a slew of parameters, such as gender equality (SDG 5), clean water and sanitation (SDG 6), decent work and economic growth (SDG 8), and sustainable cities and communities (SDG 11), among eight districts, all Front Runners, showed consistent progress in infrastructure (SDG 9) and reduced inequalities (SDG 10), with Gomati ranking fourth overall at PERFORMANCES VARY IN THE NORTH EAST REGIONAssam, with 89% of its 33 districts as Front Runners, is strong in Decent Work and Economic Growth (SDG 8), led by Dibrugarh. In the NER District SDG Index 2021-22, Assam had 31 districts assessed, with 19 districts (61%) classified as Front six districts, all Front Runners, performed well in Quality Education (SDG 4).advertisementTripura showed strength in Industry, Innovation, and Infrastructure (SDG 9) and Reduced Inequalities (SDG 10).Arunachal Pradesh, with 59% Front Runners, lagged in Climate Action (SDG 13), while Meghalaya struggled with Quality Education (SDG 4).NORTHEAST STILL LAGS BEHIND ON SOME INDICATORSThough there has been a significant improvement overall, there are still many districts in the Northeast that lag on several Action (SDG 13) has 49 districts in the Aspirant category, signalling weak environmental Consumption and Production (SDG 12) saw Front Runner districts drop from 67 to Inequalities (SDG 10) also weakened, with Aspirant districts rising from 12 to MANIPUR SEES 75% FRONT RUNNERSManipur, marked by ethnic tensions since May 3, 2023, showed a mixed its 16 districts, 75% are Front Runners. The state performed well in Clean Water and Sanitation (SDG 6), Affordable and Clean Energy (SDG 7), Decent Work and Economic Growth (SDG 8), Sustainable Cities and Communities (SDG 11), and Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions (SDG 16).Imphal West was ranked the top Noney and Pherzwl districts were ranked national schemes and local efforts have driven gains, challenges like climate resilience, inequality, and incomplete data collection require targeted coverage has grown from 103 districts in the first edition to 121 in the latest, data gaps in newly created and remote districts remain. Only filling these gaps can present a complete picture of the entire Northeast report, released with the support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), assessed 121 of 131 districts across eight states on 15 of the 17 SDG districts were excluded, seemingly because they were either newly created or located in remote areas. Of these, five districts were from Nagaland, which were formed in 2021 and 2022. One district was excluded from Meghalaya, two districts were excluded from Assam, and two districts were excluded from Arunachal only 15 SDGs were considered for the region because SDG 14 (Life Below Water) may not be applicable to the landlocked region, and SDG 17 (Partnerships for the Goals) may have limited relevance at the district level due to its focus on global cooperation and resource mobilisation.- EndsMust Watch
The Print
2 days ago
- Business
- The Print
India can't fix food security with more grain alone. FCI at 60 needs a nutrition agenda
With the recent equity infusion of Rs 10,157 crore, FCI is expected to play the salient role in the implementation of the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY) — certainly until December 2028, and most likely beyond. Both its core objectives — effective price support for farmers and provisioning food grains for Public Distribution System (PDS) and Other Welfare Schemes (OWS) — are now firmly entrenched in the political economy of the country. Cut to today, India's annual food grain production stands at 332 MT, and as per Niti Aayog estimates, the last decade saw the most visible reduction in poverty — from 29.17 per cent to 11.28 per cent. The Food Corporation of India (FCI) has moved to a swank corporate office in New Delhi, and its network has expanded to include 25 regional offices and 170 district offices. After the enactment of the Food Corporations Act, 1964, C Subramaniam, the food and agriculture minister in Lal Bahadur Shastri's cabinet, invited noted academician TA Pai to helm the new organisation with an authorised capital of Rs 100 crore and an equity of Rs 4 crore. The headquarters was established in Madras — as Chennai was then called — and the first district office was in Thanjavur. India's annual harvest was at its nadir — at 62 MT. Poverty had touched 44 per cent, according to VM Dandekar and N Rath, and 54 per cent, according to Pranab Bardhan. Milestones and challenges Six decades ago, when it was established, the FCI was at the forefront of India's quest for food self-sufficiency. It received accolades for its intervention in ramping up the procurement of paddy and wheat during the Green Revolution to support an expanded PDS. By the mid-1970s, supply began to outstrip demand. The warehousing and logistics infrastructure could not keep pace with rising production, and rats had a field day at railway stations where grain was stored in the open. Unlike the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB), which kept pace with technology and insulated its operations from power brokers, the FCI failed on both counts. It was dubbed 'a behemoth that had long outlived its purpose'. Yet reforming it remained a political hot potato, especially during the era of unstable coalitions in the 1990s. The economic liberalisation of 1991 opened up the Indian economy, and many FMCG brands began to see the potential of packaging 'atta' and 'chawal' for the growing middle classes. Four years later, in 1995, WTO protagonists launched a major campaign against the FCI, criticising what they saw as trade-distorting subsidies, even though India's Agreement on Agriculture with the WTO allowed these staples to be placed in the 'Blue Box,' which sanctioned certain forms of government support. Also read: MSP under Shastri began as a crisis response. Now India must ask what role it should play today Decentralised procurement By 1996-97, the procurement monopoly of the 'behemoth' was shared with state governments under the Decentralised Procurement Scheme (DCP). Apart from savings on transit, states also had to take direct responsibility for the quality of procurement and authentication of farmers. Of course, the deficit for either commodity was to be met by the FCI from its central pool (procurement over and above the state's own requirement). Thus for most states in the country, wheat was supplied from Punjab, Haryana and MP. Antyodaya – upliftment of the last (poorest) person During the first NDA regime under Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the government identified the poorest 1,00,00,000 families in the Below Poverty Line category and offered to them 35 kg of rice and wheat at a highly subsidised price of Rs 3 per kg of rice and Rs 2 per kg of wheat. It was expanded twice by an additional 50 lakh BPL families in June 2003 and August 2004. The general agreement was that while the Antyodaya families would get concessional food, those at BPL would be given food at 50 per cent of the MSP and the APL at 90 per cent. NFSA 2013 and UN SDGs Two years before the UN introduced the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), to which countries including India are signatories, India notified its own National Food Security Act on 10 September 2013. The Act aimed to cover 75 per cent of the rural population and up to 50 per cent of the urban population for receiving subsidised food grains under the Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS). Together with MGNREGA, it addressed two top concerns — Zero Hunger and Zero Poverty. However, alongside this political commitment, there was a growing campaign highlighting inefficiencies in the FCI's operations. Soon after assuming office in 2014, the NDA government established a high-level committee under the chairmanship of Shanta Kumar to examine all aspects of the functioning of the FCI and the PDS. The committee recommended that the FCI hand over all procurement operations of wheat, paddy, and rice to states with prior experience, such as Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, and Punjab. It also suggested that the FCI shift its focus to supporting states and regions where farmers were in distress due to prices being significantly below the MSP — such as eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, and Assam. The committee also promoted the use of the Negotiable Warehouse Receipt system to enable farmers to receive 80 per cent of the value of their produce at MSP as an advance, and invited private sector participation in warehousing, logistics, and storage — thereby making the system more compatible with a market economy. It called for prioritising millets, pulses, and oilseeds, and for aligning MSP with trade policy to ensure that landed import costs do not fall below MSP. It recommended cash transfers indexed to inflation, and starting in September that year, the central government launched pilot projects for providing food subsidies through cash transfers in the Union Territories of Chandigarh, Puducherry, and urban areas of Dadra and Nagar Haveli. The response, however, was mixed. The 15th Finance Commission, in its 2020 report, suggested that food subsidies be partially offset by increasing the Central Issue Price (CIP) of subsidised food grains. It also noted a decline in the share of cereals in food consumption, especially a reduced preference for wheat and rice. But then came Covid-19. FCI stocks became a blessing, enabling the country to extend free food to its most vulnerable sections to mitigate the distress caused by job losses and reverse migration. Free food grains were distributed from April 2020 to December 2022 under the PMGKAY. The scheme was then extended — first for a year, and then for an additional five years from January 2024. Under PMGKAY, the Centre has tasked the FCI and other state agencies with procuring food and organising its distribution to around 820 million people free of cost until December 2028. Initial estimates of around Rs 12 lakh crore over five years may be exceeded due to new census data and higher MSP announcements in the coming years. Also read: The real White Revolution—Shastri's NDDB built a farmers-first economy that still works The call is political According to Ashok Gulati, Distinguished Professor of Agriculture at the Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER), the problem is not so much with the FCI, but with the policy framework. He questions the logic of providing cereals to over 67 per cent of the population at a time when the focus is on the thali index — cereals plus protein. He has suggestions with regard to both procurement and the PDS. On the procurement side, he suggests that procurement be restricted to the requirements of the PDS, and that MSP should be offered only for crops best suited to their respective agroclimatic zones. In a written reply to the Rajya Sabha on 17 December 2024, the government acknowledged holding 367 LMT, against the required 210.40 LMT. Taking the Sangrur district of Punjab as an example — where the groundwater level had fallen by more than 25 metres during 2000–2019 — Gulati suggested that MSP in this district be restricted to millets and pulses, thereby cutting down on water, power, and fertiliser subsidies of about Rs 10,000 per acre (to be shared equally by the Centre and the state). Likewise, he suggested converting the 5 lakh ration shops into multi-commodity nutrition hubs and giving each family a food subsidy of around Rs 8,000 per year to spend on a more diversified and nutritious food basket. This would also minimise the gap between PDS offtake and the NSSO data on actual food consumption. Meanwhile, the FCI is at the forefront of bringing about structural change in its procurement operations. The AI-based Automatic Grain Analyser (AGA), which minimises human intervention to ensure greater transparency in the grain procurement process, and the Mixed Indicator Method (MIM), used to determine the age of custom-milled raw rice during its acceptance in central pool procurement, are some of the tools introduced by the FCI. Silo storage, container movement, and tamper-proof, high-security cable seals on railway rakes have resulted in a 96 per cent reduction in transit losses. What is the final prognosis, then? The FCI has the technology, human resources, and financial muscle to implement the policy directives of the government. It has shown its resilience during times of crisis and is willing to take on additional responsibility as and when required. And if the mandate is expanded to make it the preferred procurement agency for the revamped PDS — comprising not just cereals but the entire range of agro commodities — the FCI will be able to take up the gauntlet. This is the third article in a series on Lal Bahadur Shastri and the institutions he helped establish. Sanjeev Chopra is a former IAS officer and Festival Director of Valley of Words. Until recently, he was director, Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration. He tweets @ChopraSanjeev. Views are personal. Disclosure: The columnist is a trustee of the Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial (LBS Museum). (Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)
