Latest news with #OBC
The Hindu
a day ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
House panel looking to pursue quota for Muslim OBCs in AMU, Jamia Millia Islamia
A parliamentary panel on the welfare of Other Backward Classes will meet with officials of the Education Ministry and representatives of Aligarh Muslim University and Jamia Millia Islamia over measures taken by them to secure representation of OBCs in admissions and employment this June. The meeting schedule for the Parliamentary Committee on the Welfare of OBCs noted that on June 13, the above-mentioned representatives of the Union Ministry and the minority institutions will be expected to give 'evidence' on the measures they have taken to secure the representation of OBCs in their universities, both in admissions and employment, along with measures taken for their welfare. Sources aware of the agenda for the meeting have told The Hindu that the parliamentary committee intends to pursue a quota for Muslim OBC communities within these minority institutions, both for admissions and in employment. A member of the panel told The Hindu, 'The panel understands that these are minority institutions that do not provide for quotas for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and OBCs. But the question that the committee feels the need to ask is why these institutions do not have a specific quota for Muslims who fall under the OBC socio-economic category.' Currently, the AMU has no reservation policy for admissions or employments based on religion or socio-economic category. JMI has a reservation policy for admissions under which a 10% quota is reserved for Muslim OBCs and STs but does not have a reservation policy for SCs, STs and OBCs in employment as per a Parliament reply. The parliamentary committee is currently chaired by Bharatiya Janata Party's Satna MP Ganesh Singh. While the AMU has no reservation policy for admissions or employment apart from the quota reserved for students who have studied in schools run by the AMU, the JMI implements a reservation policy in admission to courses, which was notified in 2011. As per the JMI reservation policy available on their website, the university reserved 30% of seats in each course for candidates who are Muslim; 10% is reserved for Muslim women; and a 10% quota is reserved for Muslim candidates from either OBC or ST backgrounds. Apart from this, the JMI has quotas earmarked for Persons with Disabilities and internal students of Jamia. According to the reservation guidelines of the university, the JMI is exempted from implementing the quota for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS), introduced in 2019. In response to a question in Parliament on teacher recruitment at the JMI, Minister of State for Education Sukanta Majumdar on April 2, 2025, said: 'JMI does not implement the reservation policy for SC, ST and OBC considering itself minority institution.' Mr. Majumdar added, 'Presently, the matter of minority status of JMI is sub-judice in Hon'ble High Court of Delhi.'
Indian Express
a day ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
The Mahishyas of Bengal: A caste in conflict
Seated on a wooden chair, facing a shelf overflowing with literature on the Mahishyas, Madhusudan Jana is busy planning his weekly Sunday meeting. A placard on his desk reads 'Vice-President,' his official role at the Bangiya Mahishya Samiti, a 124-year-old organisation in Kolkata established for the upliftment of the Mahishya caste. Now retired, Jana spends his time attending to Mahishyas seeking financial and other assistance. Earlier known as Kaibartas, the Mahishyas are a farming community concentrated in the southern districts of West Bengal, predominantly, Midnapore, Howrah, and Hooghly. Believed to be the largest caste group in the state, Mahishyas began migrating to urban centres in the 19th century in search of better education and employment. In the early 2000s, a section of this community, known as Chasi Kaibartas, was granted the OBC status. However, the other section, which identifies itself as Mahishyas, was denied the same due to their educational qualification and material possessions. 'The truth is, many among the Mahishyas are economically backward and could benefit from reservation,' says Jana. Beyond the debate over OBC status, the community is also divided over their Aryan origin. We look at the history and growth of the Mahishyas, one of Bengal's largest, most complex caste groups. The Mahishyas, also known by the names Halik, Hele, or Kaibarta, dominate the southern districts of West Bengal. Until the 1901 census, Mahishyas were called Kaibartas. In his journal article Caste-ing Aspersions: Popular Literature and Cinema in the Mid-Twentieth-Century Bengal, academic Anirban Bandyopadhyay notes: 'The root word Ka referred to water in Sanskrit, and probably alluded to the fact that many Kaibartas lived by boating and fishing.' Historian Hitesranjan Sanyal says that between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, the community transformed after one section adopted farming. Subsequently, the farming households came to be known as Chasi (cultivator) Kaibarta, while the fishing community was referred to as Jelia (fisherman) Kaibarta. While the former made for a relatively prosperous group of academics, professionals, and landed gentry, Jelia Kaibartas continued with fishing and 'lived at the margins of respectability.' Over time, the division would become a cause of conflict and a defining feature of the caste. The arrival of the British and their drive to enumerate castes for administrative reasons fuelled discord. The British believed that a record of the social and religious traditions of Indians could help them govern better. However, caste groups in the subcontinent perceived the census as an opportunity to reclaim lost status. According to Bandyopadhyay, hundreds of petitions were sent to the government, 'beseeching changes in names, arguing for a higher rank in order of social precedence and underlining affiliation to one of the regenerate castes.' This fuelled both competition and conflict. By the end of the nineteenth century, Chasi Kaibartas began to claim a separate origin from that of the Jelia Kaibartas. They cited passages from texts such as the Brahmavaivartta Purana and Padma Purana to support their claim. 'Moreover, leaders of almost every caste, including the upper caste Kayasthas and Baidyas, perceived the census as an opportunity to secure formal recognition,' says Bandyopadhyay in an interview with In 1901, Chasi Kaibartas appealed to the colonial state to recognise this distinction and coined a separate name for themselves — the Mahishyas. Mahishyas, according to scholars, referred to a mixed caste: typically those born out of a legitimate wedlock between a Kshatriya man and a Vaishya woman. The Chasi Kaibartas hoped that this new nomenclature would free them from the impurity associated with the fishing community of Jelia Kaibartas. In the early 1900s, in a letter to the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal, cited by publicist Gopalchandra Sarkar in a pamphlet Mahishya-Namodharer Itibritta, a group of Mahishyas regretted that their classification as Kaibarta 'has considerably lowered them in the estimation of the other castes among the Hindus and created grave erroneous notions with regard to their social position.' Meanwhile, the caste grew in strength, with 25 lakh members by the early nineteenth century, according to the 1921 census. 'Although by 1921 the name Mahishya was widely recognised, there was a great deal of ambiguity about their status,' says Bandyopadhyay. Bandyopadhyay adds that by the early twentieth century, Mahishyas and Jelia Kaibartas constituted half the population of undivided Midnapore, the single largest caste in Howrah and Hooghly, and had a considerable presence in Kolkata. While subsequent official data has not enumerated individual castes, Bandyopadhyay estimates they range between two and three crore today. Yet, he argues, the combined population of Mahishyas and Jelia Kaibartas failed at emerging as a consolidated electoral bloc, owing to differences in 'university education and professional profile.' Until 1931, the Mahishyas were considered a 'depressed class' (a category later termed Scheduled Castes), along with the Namasudra and Rajbangshi castes of Bengal. The university graduates and landed gentry among Mahishyas opposed being classified as depressed classes and, in 1931, wrote to Census authorities asking to be excluded from the list. While this movement signified some level of parity with the upper castes for the elite Mahishyas, it offered liberation from menial domestic labour for the poorer sections of the community. The bhadralok literati like Nripendra Kumar Datta rejected Mahishya claims to an upper caste status and classified them as a 'non-Aryan' community. This both frustrated and outraged them, making them wary of any public discussion of their origin. A ray of hope was the historiography of scholars such as RC Mazumdar and DC Ganguly, who, by the mid-twentieth century, proclaimed that Mahishyas had long ago merged into the 'Aryan society,' and cut across their tribal roots. Yet, letters cited by Sarkar reflect the obstacles faced by Mahishyas in their pursuit of social mobility and recognition. A letter from July 1903, written by members of the Mahishya community and addressed to the Census Commissioner of India, criticised 'a few irresponsible newspaper correspondents… [for describing Mahishyas] as being of the same origin as the Jaliya Kaivarttas.' In another letter dated February 1911, addressed to the Superintendent of Census Operations of Bengal, Narendra Nath Das, the Secretary of the Central Mahishya Samity of Bengal, wrote: 'We strongly protest against the request…to return all Kaibarttas under the one general heading Mahishya, which will be highly prejudicial, objectionable and will deeply wound the feelings of the Mahishya community formerly known as Chasi Kaibarttas.' Several other authors supported the narrative of discrimination faced by Mahishyas. Author Satya Ranjan Biswas, in his book Mahishya Andoloner Itihas, for instance, describes a horrifying experience of being ragged at Kumar Hostel in Berhampore in 1926, because he belonged to the Mahishya caste. This discrimination, however, was not without protest. Bandyopadhyay details how Bengali novelist Tarashankar Bandyopadhyay was targeted by 200 Mahishyas on April 10, 1949, for his 'unjust characterization of their caste in a recent movie based on one of his novels.' The mob felt that the movie, Sandipan Pathsala, would amplify the cultural perception that Mahishyas were subordinate. The decade of the 1940s was a period when the Mahishyas were central to the ruling faction of the Bengal Congress. The state Congress president, Atulya Ghosh, arranged for an arbitration meeting wherein the novelist agreed to remove the disputed observations from the subsequent editions of his book. Still, the movie did jeopardise the image of the Mahishyas. 'They were shown as farmers or fishermen with some means but no interest in education for their children beyond basic literacy,' says Bandyopadhyay. Further, the author made no distinction between the Chashi and Jelia Kaibartas. On this, anthropologist Kenneth Bo Nielsen says: 'The Mahishyas are originally a fisherman and peasant caste who have made their way in life as intermediate farmers and who have benefited from many of the agrarian reforms going back to the communist days and so on.' Nielsen adds that they've also pursued education, including higher education. However, he believes that, until recently, they lacked the kind of cultural capital of the urban bhadralok – 'urban manners and access to polished English and education at the best universities.' As far as the Partition of India is concerned, scholars agree that it did not negatively impact the Mahishyas since most belonged to West Bengal. Instead, Badhyopadhyay suggests, 'The Mahishyas became a sort of natural beneficiary of the post-partition redistribution of power and political authority along with the upper castes, what author Joya Chatterji calls the 'loaves and fishes' of Partition.' Subsequently, they made strides in academia and entrepreneurship. A 1967-69 study, cited by Ashis Nandy in his article Entrepreneurial Cultures and Entrepreneurial Men in the Economic & Political Weekly (1973), found that Mahishyas owned between 60 and 70 per cent of the small-industrial units, while constituting only about 25 per cent of the population. 'Prima facie, they… have given entrepreneurship, formerly the occupation of the low castes in Bengal, a new status within the community,' opines Nandy. Agreeing, Bandyopadhyay adds, 'Alamohan Das, for instance, was one of the top five industrialists in 20th-century Bengal and belonged to the Mahishya caste.' This success also translated into political power. Until the 1970s, Mahishyas actively participated in Bengal politics. 'Birendranath Sasmal was a Mahishya who led the non-cooperation movement in Midnapore and had been a rival of Subhas Chandra Bose for the position of Mayor of Calcutta in the 1920s,' says Bandyopadhyay. They also formed the 'backbone' of the Bengal Congress in the 1940s and led the Quit India Movement from Midnapore as both leaders and soldiers. In post-independent India, we see the Mahishyas drawn to the Left – the Communist Party of India. They were also present in the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Bandyopadhyay notes: 'The communists, however, did not recruit too many Mahishyas in the leadership position.' He says that the top political leadership in Bengal has almost always been of a Brahman background, and if there is a Mahishya, 'they refrain from acknowledging their identity in public.' To put it simply, all Mahishyas are Kaibartas, but all Kaibartas are not Mahishyas. Bandyopadhyay remarks, 'Mahishyas acknowledge the historical attachment to land, they acknowledge their past as agriculturalists, they acknowledge the hard work of the community, but consciously reject an association with a fishing past, which the term Jelia Kaibarta brings in its wake.' The Mandal Commission Report, submitted in 1980, listed the Chasi Kaibarta community as a Backward Caste in West Bengal, while excluding Mahishyas. Prasenjit Biswas, Associate Professor at Bhairab Ganguly College in North 24 Parganas, criticised the report. In an email interview with he said, 'In the colonial period, as per the census reports, all Chasi Kaibartas were enumerated as the Mahishyas since 1901. After 1947, no caste census was done on the Mahishyas… I am not sure how these 'Chasi Kaibartas,' then, were awarded OBC status.' Bandyopadhyay explains, 'Well, Chasi Kaibarta was the former name of Mahishyas, they are essentially the same community, and that is a fact.' He refers to a case at the Calcutta High Court, where two sections of the Mahishyas were at odds about whether they should seek OBC status or not. One section wanted the OBC status, whereas the other group of Mahishyas opposed this classification since it impacts their social standing. 'By 2010s, the caste association had come around the position that Mahishyas and Chasi Kaibartas are the same people and that there is no harm in seeking OBC status for anyone who can prove their Chasi Kaibarta past with legally valid documents,' says Bandyopadhyay. The case has since been withdrawn. Yet, at the Samiti office, Jana disapproves of the situation. He reiterates that the Mahishyas are a diverse group of people, many among whom have poor material conditions and need reservation benefits. One reason for excluding Mahishyas from the OBC list, according to Bandyopadhyay, could be their population. He says, 'If added to the OBC list, they would become the most influential backward caste and marginalise other OBC groups.' Today, Mahishyas have a considerable presence in several pockets of Kolkata, including Bhowanipore, Beleghata, and Phoolbagan. However, there is little dialogue about them in mainstream media or public discourse. Bandyopadhyay believes that had they not withdrawn themselves from the depressed classes list in 1931, many would have resigned to discussion. Biswas adds to this: 'The Matuas (mostly Namasudras) sometimes are spoken of due to electoral politics. As the Mahishyas belong to general castes and they do not comprise an electoral block, they are not spoken of in mainstream media/ general public discussion.' 'If they manage somehow to rediscover a common identity,' says Bandyopadhyay, 'there's a very good chance that they will make a very powerful electoral bloc which amounts to close to 100 seats in South Bengal. They are about 20-25% larger in number than Namasudras.' Further reading Caste in Bengal: Histories of Hierarchy, Exclusion and Resistance edited by Sekhar Bandyopadhyay and Tanika Sarkar Caste-ing Aspersions: Popular Literature and Cinema in Mid-Twentieth-Century Bengal by Anirban Bandyopadhyay Seeking New Identity: The Mahishya Caste Movement in Midnapore, 1896-1921 by Partha Mukherjee Entrepreneurial Cultures and Entrepreneurial Men by Ashis Nandy Continuities of Social Mobility in Traditional and Modern Society in India: Two Case Studies of Caste Mobility in Bengal by Hitesranjan Sanyal Nikita writes for the Research Section of focusing on the intersections between colonial history and contemporary issues, especially in gender, culture, and sport. For suggestions, feedback, or an insider's guide to exploring Calcutta, feel free to reach out to her at ... Read More
Indian Express
2 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Bengal college admissions in limbo: 2024 HC order on OBC certificates causes delay
The fate of 4,82,948 students who appeared for the Higher Secondary (Uccha Madhyamik) exams in Bengal remains uncertain, as undergraduate admissions through the Centralised Admission Portal (CAP) to around 460 government colleges and universities across the state have been stalled. This is because in May 2024, the Calcutta High Court had dismissed all Other Backward Classes (OBC) certificates issued since 2010. The court directed that a new OBC list be prepared under the West Bengal Commission for Backward Classes Act, 1993. According to sources in the Education Department, officials have written to the state's Advocate General regarding the commencement of admissions. Education Minister Bratya Basu recently told mediapersons, 'It is an ongoing legal matter; the higher authority is looking into it. We are waiting for the final nod to start admissions. The centralised admission portal was launched last year, and this year too, admissions will be conducted on it smoothly. Legal issues will not impact the overall admission process.' According to Basu, UG admissions through CAP will begin soon. In contrast, private and autonomous colleges not under the centralised portal, such as Scottish Church College, St. Xavier's College, and Ramakrishna Mission institutes, have already begun their admission processes. The Principal of Scottish Church College said, 'We are a minority institution and not under CAP. Our admissions began after Class 12 results were declared and will continue till June.'A senior official said that the CAP portal is ready and will be activated once the Higher Education Department gives its clearance. Officials also hinted at possibly eliminating the OBC category from UG admissions to avoid further legal complications, pending the Advocate General's advice. Asutosh College principal and general secretary of the All Bengal Principals Council Manas Kabi told The Indian Express, 'We have full faith in the government and hope the process will start soon. The Education Minister is trying his best to open the online portal following all legal advice. Since the case is in the Supreme Court, legal counsel is essential.' Calcutta University Registrar Debasish Das said, 'We have sought a legal opinion. Currently, no admissions are taking place. We wrote to the Backward Classes Department but have not received a response. If the process doesn't begin soon, students may turn to private institutions or seek admissions in other states.' Jadavpur University's Acting Registrar Indrajit Banerjee said, 'We have received a letter from the Backward Classes Department and are proceeding as per legal advice.' Rupayan Pal, who topped this year's Higher Secondary examinations, told The Indian Express, 'Just for one section, everyone shouldn't be affected. I want to pursue research and study medicine. The results aren't out yet, but I hope the issue will be resolved by then.' Meanwhile, students and guardians are growing increasingly anxious. Rabindranath Pal, Rupayan's father, told The Indian Express, 'Students will obviously be affected, but what can we common people do except wait for the court's decision? This delay is unfair; it will impact my son's future. Only the Supreme Court can resolve it.' Bhagtodan Ghoshal, father of Srijita Ghoshal who secured the fourth rank, said, 'This is a sad situation and must be resolved quickly. Education is the foundation of society. Many students are leaving Bengal. If my daughter gets a seat in another state, I'll send her there.' The Supreme Court had, in its judgment last year, termed the post-2010 OBC list 'illegal' but clarified that its ruling would not affect those already employed or benefitted under existing OBC West Bengal government has challenged the verdict and moved the Supreme Court. The verdict followed PILs filed since 2011, challenging the classification of 77 communities as OBCs under executive orders issued between March 2010 and May 2012. The petitioners also questioned the constitutional validity of sections of the West Bengal Backward Classes (Other than SC and ST) (Reservation in Posts) Act of 2012.
Indian Express
3 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Caste census could further strengthen the dominant OBCs
Written by Viplov Wingkar The central government's decision to enumerate caste in the upcoming Census has invoked much excitement, with both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress heralding it as a transformative moment. The prevailing assumption across the political spectrum is that it will usher in a new era of politics. This optimism is not just misplaced but naïve. Of course, there is a possibility for emancipatory politics — but there are other factors as well. One possible impact of the caste enumeration exercise will be the further empowerment of the locally dominant OBC castes, without forging a pan-Indian OBC alliance. The caste census could end up fuelling a politics of convenience, and it may worsen the atmosphere for more vulnerable castes, especially the Dalits. B R Ambedkar, in Annihilation of Caste, laid bare a truth about Indian society and politics: Every caste is a self-conscious entity, its identity forged in opposition to others, devoid of fraternal bonds. This is what makes caste a labyrinth of hierarchies within hierarchies, and ensures that alliances across castes are brittle at best. Consider the Dalits and Adivasis, whose shared experience of marginalisation and numerical strength — roughly 25 per cent of India's population — should, in theory, make them a formidable anti-caste force. Yet there is hardly any pan-Indian Dalit-Adivasi unity today, thanks to sub-caste rivalries, cultural gaps, and regional loyalties. Despite their shared oppression and strong independent mobilisation, the Chamars of Uttar Pradesh and the Mahars of Maharashtra rarely come together to represent a united political voice. They seldom even agree on what the broad strategy for the Dalit movement should be. How, then, could we expect the OBCs — a sprawling category encompassing hundreds of castes — to transcend these divides? On the other hand, by quantifying the numerical strength of OBCs, the Census might embolden dominant castes, who are usually the numerically dominant ones. These groups have already leveraged Mandal politics since the 1990s to secure power at the state level, with their ascendancy often coming at the expense of smaller OBC castes and their lower-caste counterparts. Moreover, they have failed to build a broader political narrative, focusing instead on region-specific political interests. It is hard to find a Kurmi-led organisation in Patna allying with a Yadav-dominated bloc in Lucknow. The father of sociology, Ibn Khaldun, discusses the concept of asabiyyah, or social solidarity. According to him, this type of cohesive bonding progresses from the barbaric stage (fragmented) to the highest civilised stage, with each smaller unit of cohesion being replaced by a broader one. Each caste's inherent exclusivity undermines the kind of social cohesion required for an OBC or Bahujan alliance — asabiyyah exists today at the level of individual castes, not yet diluted enough to be superseded by higher forms of cohesion. The optimism surrounding the caste census hinges on another flawed assumption: that we are unable to eradicate caste inequalities because we lack data. This assumption is naïve. History shows that data does not inherently translate into mobilisation. The global working class, for instance, is exhaustively documented — from Marx's Capital to modern ILO reports — yet a unified proletarian movement remains a mirage. In India, the Periodic Labour Force Survey reveals stark inequalities, but the working class languishes, fragmented by caste, trade, nationality, and region. Similarly, the caste census may mirror OBC realities but will not automatically forge a broader coalition. As Antonio Gramsci might argue, political consciousness requires organic intellectuals and sustained organisation — not mere numbers on a page. However, Indian intellectuals today still follow the framework of the Lohiaite style of caste politics. This model has no doubt been reasonably successful, but we must also ask whether it is suited for post-enumeration caste politics. Socialist parties, from the RJD to the BSP, mostly rely on stitching together a bare-minimum coalition of castes that will get them a stake in governance. In such coalitions, the fewer the number of partners, the more convenient it is to claim more. Is there any feasible alternative to this politics of convenience? Another question we must contemplate is: What will be left for the Dalits if the dominant OBC communities are further politically strengthened? The conflict between the Dwijas and Shudras has not brought much relief to Dalits. When it comes to Dalit atrocities, states like Tamil Nadu — long ruled by non-Brahmin parties — are no better than Brahmin-ruled states. Bihar, one of the crucial centres of OBC politics, is not great for Dalits either. It was the Mahagathbandhan government, not the NDA, which released Anand Mohan, the former MP convicted for the mob lynching of Dalit IAS officer Krishnaiah. Socialist politics led by OBCs have achieved great victories. It would be better if OBC leaders also fought for the rights of other lower castes. Stronger cohesion should be the response to prevalent caste inequality. Caste enumeration might jeopardise these possibilities by binding leaders to their specific castes and interests. The writer is an assistant professor of philosophy at B K Birla College (Autonomous), Kalyan
Time of India
3 days ago
- General
- Time of India
DU PG Admission 2025: Last date to apply, direct link, required documents, application fee – register now at admission.uod.ac.in
DU PG Admission 2025: Delhi University (DU) has commenced the DU PG Admission 2025 process for various PG courses. Candidates aspiring to pursue PG courses at DU must apply before the last date. And also complete the registration at the official portal Important Dates for DU PG Admission 2025 DU PG 2025 Registration Start Date: May 16, 2025 DU PG Admission 2025 Last Date to Apply: June 6, 2025 (by 11:59 PM) DU PG 2025 Application Correction Window: June 2025 DU PG 2025 First Round Seat Allotment List: June 2025 DU PG 2025 Counselling and Document Verification: June to July 2025 Subsequent Seat Allotment Rounds: July 2025 Last Date to Apply for DU PG Admission 2025 The last date to apply for DU PG admission 2025 is important for all aspirants. Candidates must complete their registration and submit the application form on or before the deadline announced by the university (June 6, 2025). Missing the deadline will result in disqualification from the admission process. How to Apply for DU PG Admission 2025: Direct Link Applicants can register for DU PG courses through the official DU PG admission portal at The step-by-step application process includes: Visit the official website and click on the 'New Registration' link. Register using a valid email ID and phone number. Upload scanned copies of the required documents. Fill in personal, academic, and contact details accurately. Pay the application fee online. Submit the application form and take a printout for future reference. Required Documents for DU PG Admission 2025 Candidates must upload and later present original copies of the following documents during the admission process and document verification: Class 10 and Class 12 mark sheets Graduation mark sheet and degree certificate Migration certificate (if applicable) Transfer certificate Valid photo ID proof (Aadhaar card, passport, etc.) Category certificate (for reserved category candidates) CUET PG 2025 scorecard DU PG Admission 2025 Application Fee The application fee for DU PG admission varies depending on the number of programmes applied for and the candidate's category. Candidates must pay the fee online through the DU PG CSAS portal during the application process. General/OBC candidates: Approx. ₹500 to ₹1000 per course SC/ST/PwD candidates: Concessional fee (usually half or waived) DU PG Admission 2025 Eligibility Criteria Admission to DU PG courses is based primarily on the CUET PG 2025 entrance exam conducted by the National Testing Agency (NTA). Candidates must have appeared in CUET PG and meet the specific eligibility criteria for their chosen programme, such as minimum percentage in the qualifying degree. MA: Relevant UG degree with 45%-60% marks M. Com: B. Com or equivalent degree MCA: UG degree with 60% marks and mandatory Maths subject LLM: LLB degree with minimum 50% marks DU PG Admission Process 2025: Counselling and Seat Allotment After qualifying CUET PG 2025, candidates must participate in the DU PG counselling 2025 conducted through the Common Seat Allocation System (CSAS). The seat allotment is done in multiple rounds based on merit, category, and seat availability. Candidates must accept their allotted seat and pay the admission fee to confirm admission. Important Highlights of DU PG Admission 2025 Admission is strictly through CUET PG 2025 scores and DU's online CSAS portal. Over 88 PG courses offered across various disciplines. Admission process includes document verification and possible group discussions/interviews for some courses. Reservation benefits are applicable as per university norms for SC, ST, OBC, PwD, CW, and other categories. Candidates who want to apply for DU PG Admission 2025 should do it quickly. They must visit the official website – – and apply before the last date.
