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Yahoo
28-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Sudan's aid workers fear crackdown under strict new army rules
Aid workers and activists are fearful that new regulations announced by Sudan's army-backed government will lead to a crackdown on local relief volunteers, exacerbating the catastrophic hunger crisis affecting 25 million people across the country. A directive announced by Khartoum state on its official Facebook page this month said all relief initiatives in the state must register with the Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC), a government body that oversees humanitarian operations in Sudan. The HAC was given expanded powers to register, monitor and – critics argue – crack down on local and Western aid groups by former leader Omar al-Bashir in 2006, according to aid groups, local relief volunteers and experts. 'HAC is trying to monitor and restrict the work of ERRs by forcing us to register, … and I fear they will arrest volunteers if we keep working but don't register,' Ahmed*, a local volunteer in Khartoum, said, referring to the Emergency Response Rooms, grassroots committees that are spearheading the humanitarian response in Sudan. Khaled Abdelraheem Ahmed, the HAC commissioner for the state of Khartoum, confirmed the new directive to Al Jazeera. He said registration requires paying a fee of roughly $800 and submitting a list of names of the employees or volunteers in each relief initiative. '[Nobody] is allowed to carry out humanitarian activities without registering,' Abdelraheem new directive is raising concern among ERRs. They have been instrumental in feeding, protecting and rescuing civilians from attacks since the civil war erupted between Sudan's regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in April 2023. The ERRs maintain a public stance of neutrality in an effort to preserve humanitarian access irrespective of who controls the areas they operate in at any given time. Still, they have been attacked by both sides throughout the war. Local activists, foreign aid workers and experts now suspect that the HAC is trying to register ERRs in Khartoum to try to monitor and coopt their activities and profit from their already meagre budgets. Any constraints or impediments to their work could have devastating consequences for civilians in Khartoum, said Kholood Khair, a Sudan expert and the founder of the Confluence Advisory think tank. 'In Khartoum, it's one meal a day for a lot of people in a lot of areas,' she told Al Jazeera. 'If people start missing that one meal because [ERR] volunteers are not turning up because they don't feel safe enough to [show up and feed them], then obviously that means that famine levels will go through the roof,' Khair added. Experts and aid workers previously told Al Jazeera that they consider the HAC an outfit for military intelligence. Al Jazeera contacted army spokesperson Nabil Abdullah to comment on the accusations against the HAC. He did not respond before publication. The head of the HAC, Najm al-din Musa, previously denied allegations that the commission was involved in aid diversion, telling Al Jazeera that they were 'lies'.The HAC has long been accused of imposing bureaucratic impediments to prevent international aid groups from reaching regions outside the army's control. It often forces aid agencies to apply for multiple – seemingly endless – permissions from various ministries and security branches as a way to significantly delay or outright block access to regions outside the army's control and in urgent need, aid workers previously told Al Jazeera. This practice has led experts, global relief workers and human rights groups to accuse the army of using food and aid as a weapon of war. Yet Hamid Khalafallah, an expert on Sudan's grassroots movements and a PhD candidate at Manchester University in the United Kingdom, believes the HAC is further politicising aid by forcing ERRs to register. '[The HAC] wants to control the programming of [the ERRs] and make sure that it matches their priorities, … which are obviously politicised and follow the guidelines of the de facto [army] government,' he told Al Jazeera. In addition, local relief workers and experts fear that if ERR members in Khartoum register with the HAC, then their names could be handed over to intelligence branches, exposing them to unwanted harassment or arrest. Shortly after the army recaptured most of Khartoum in March, a number of 'hit lists' circulated over social media, Khalafallah said. The lists accused hundreds of civilians who did not have the resources to flee from the RSF while it controlled Khartoum of cooperating with the group. The names of some ERR members were on the army has created some of its own humanitarian committees called 'Karama' (Dignity), which have been providing some services to civilians in Khartoum, four local relief workers told Al Jazeera without providing details. The relief workers did say that the Karama committees have not tried to obstruct the work of the ERRs. Local volunteers still worry that the Karama committees were designed to help the army build a loyal constituency through aid provision. 'The [army] wants the services to go through the people they appoint. They will handle distribution of food, medicare and whatever else,' said Noon*, a local volunteer from one of the ERRs. 'It's a type of propaganda,' she told Al Jazeera. ERR volunteers worry that if they register with the HAC, then they will be prohibited from aiding their communities if they ever come back under RSF control. This could significantly harm the trust that ERR volunteers have built with their communities since the start of the war, they said. Others worry that the HAC will try to restrict and impede the work of ERRs once they register as part of a broader ploy to empower Karama committees at their expense. However, experts and international aid workers both said the army is not doing enough to repair basic services in a city that has been destroyed by the RSF. In contrast, the ERRs have been effective in acting quickly to mitigate the humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan because volunteers do not need approval from a state authority before making life-saving decisions, Khalafallah said. 'This requirement [to register] with HAC is absolutely damaging for ERRs because the work they do is based on being totally independent and … [on having a model] where accountability looks downwards to the beneficiaries,' he ERRs are struggling to raise enough money to support their communities. They now worry they will be forced to cough up money to the HAC if they have to register with it. 'We know that HAC will take a cut from our budgets. … This is the main problem [with registering] really,' Noon said. The HAC has a long history of shaking down aid agencies for money. Even before the war, they forced aid groups to hire HAC staff to deliver aid and sit in on job interviews. One foreign relief worker who did not wish to be named said international aid agencies who have supported ERRs since the start of the war will likely continue to do so quietly whether they register or not. However, the source warned that United Nations agencies may make concessions to the HAC. 'What the UN agrees to [with the HAC] will have an impact on everybody else, and it will undermine the position of everybody else,' the source said. Daniel Tengo, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) spokesperson for Sudan, told Al Jazeera that the UN has not decided whether it will maintain or cease support to ERRs that do not register with the HAC. He added that OCHA is in touch with ERRs and waiting for them to make a decision. 'OCHA is aware of the recent communication from Khartoum HAC and has reached out to the coordination body of the Emergency Response Rooms to better understand the implications,' he said. 'ERRs confirmed awareness of [HAC's directive] and indicated that internal discussions are ongoing on how best to respond,' Tengo told Al Jazeera. Local relief workers in Khartoum explained that each ERR in Khartoum will deliberate among its own members and then share their opinion with other ERRs. In the end, they will reach a unanimous decision. 'Maybe we will find another creative solution,' said Salma*, a local volunteer. 'We are just trying to find a way to keep working without creating more fights and problems,' she told Al Jazeera. *The names of local aid workers have been changed due to safety concerns.
Indian Express
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Why Sudan remains trapped in prolonged civil war
— Samir Bhattacharya (From civil wars and insurgencies to ethnic tensions and resource-based disputes, Africa has long been a continent marked by conflicts, resulting in widespread instability and humanitarian crises. The region is also becoming a battleground for global power struggle. In the Conflicts in Africa series, our experts explore the root causes of major African conflicts and their impact on India's interests. They will also examine prospects for a peaceful future in the continent.) After weeks of fierce fighting, Sudan's army yesterday announced that it has pushed the rival paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) out of the capital Khartoum. But the Northeast African nation continues to reel from the prolonged conflict that began in April 2023. Since its outbreak, the ongoing civil war in Sudan has evolved into what is widely regarded as the most severe displacement crisis in modern history. The escalating conflict between two rival military factions — the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the paramilitary RSF, under the command of General Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo — has thus far resulted in an estimated 62,000 deaths and the displacement of approximately 14 million individuals, with no clear end in sight. But how has the rivalry between the SAF and RSF shaped the course of the civil war? What are the possible pathways to peace in the war-torn African nation? Sudan's 'fight to the death' The origins of the current crisis in Sudan can be traced back to 2019, following the ousting of long-time dictator Omar al-Bashir. His rule lasted from 1989 to 2019 and was characterised by authoritarianism, widespread corruption, human rights violations, and economic mismanagement. As part of his strategy for 'coup-proofing' his regime, Bashir established powerful parallel security forces. Among these was an Arab militia known as the 'Janjaweed', which primarily recruited Baggara (cattle herders) Arabs from the Darfur and Kordofan regions. This militia, which later evolved into the RSF, also played a significant role in the Darfur conflict between 2003 and 2005, leading to the genocide of approximately 200,000 indigenous black African Muslims. Ironically, General Burhan's regular military forces and the RSF cooperated to oust Omar al-Bashir in 2019. After Bashir's removal, a fragile agreement was forged between civilians and the military to establish a transitional government with a civilian prime minister. However, the fragile coalition between the civilian and military factions quickly disintegrated. In October 2021, General Burhan orchestrated a coup, dissolving the transitional government and detaining civilian leaders, including Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok. Following a prolonged political deadlock after the coup, a framework agreement was eventually signed. A key provision of this transition agreement was the planned merger between the national army and the RSF. The recent violence is a direct consequence of disagreements regarding the integration of RSF paramilitaries into the Sudanese Army and the question of who should oversee the process. Since then, General Burhan, leader of the Sovereignty Council, has effectively served as Sudan's de facto president. As General Dagalo continues challenging him for power, it has become a 'fight to the death', an existential tussle for power and control over resources between two leaders. This deadly contest can also be seen as part of a broader historical pattern. Sudan's current conflict is not without historical precedent. Over the past seventy years, the country has experienced twenty attempted coups, ranking second only to Bolivia in the frequency of such events, reflecting a deeply entrenched pattern of political instability. In addition, Sudan has endured two protracted civil wars, the most recent of which culminated in 2011 with the secession of South Sudan, now recognised as Africa's newest sovereign state. The country's tumultuous past has laid the foundation for the current crisis, creating a vicious cycle of conflict and instability. Therefore, any efforts to establish lasting peace in Sudan must be based on a comprehensive understanding of the complex and interrelated historical, political, and societal factors that continue to shape the country's volatile environment. The underlying causes of the conflict are both multifaceted and deeply entrenched. Primary factors that have contributed to the outbreak of the current crisis include the pronounced politicisation of ethnic and regional identities, persistent challenges related to democratisation and governance, and the significant influence of external actors. While most violent conflicts have occurred during the post-colonial period, the colonial era played a decisive role in laying the foundations for many of these enduring issues. When Sudan gained independence from Britain and Egypt in 1956, it inherited more than just a new flag — it also inherited deep and dangerous divisions. Under colonial administration, policies of 'divide and rule' and indirect governance fostered significant regional and ethnic divisions, particularly between the predominantly Arab and Muslim North and the largely African, Christian, or animist South. Colonial authorities promoted the perception of Arab superiority — particularly among riverine Arab groups — over populations in regions such as Darfur and southern Sudan. This preferential treatment extended to the allocation of positions within the bureaucracy and military, where Arabs were disproportionately represented. These colonial-era policies institutionalised ethnic hierarchies and sowed the seeds of the identity-based tensions that continue to destabilise Sudan today. In the post-colonial period, the divisions entrenched during Sudan's colonial era were further intensified by political marginalisation, economic disparities, and the systematic exclusion of the southern population from meaningful participation in the central government. These identity-based cleavages significantly hindered the development of a cohesive and inclusive national identity. Over time, the failure to address these structural inequalities and grievances contributed directly to the secession of the southern region and the eventual establishment of the Republic of South Sudan. The evolution of regimes in post-colonial Sudan has been marked by mismanagement, corruption, authoritarian rule, and a pattern of neglect and confrontation. Successive governments have been marked by corruption, nepotism, exclusion, injustice, and the inequitable distribution of national resources. These systemic issues have not only worsened poverty and weakened the state but have also eroded social cohesion, thus exacerbating the conditions that fuel violent conflict. For much of the past seventy years, Sudan has been under the control of autocratic leaders who promoted Arab supremacist ideologies, often at the expense of marginalised ethnic groups such as the African tribes of Darfur and the people of South Sudan. This legacy of exclusion and inequality continues to shape the country's political landscape and contribute to its instability. Another indicator of Sudan's fragile state is its economic structure, which has long been marked by a heavy dependence on oil resources alongside widespread corruption. In 2011, the secession of South Sudan, which controlled over 75 per cent of the country's oil reserves, inflicted a significant blow to Sudan's economy. The loss of this vital resource deepened existing economic grievances and heightened discontent across the nation, contributing to the broader instability that continues to plague the country today. Sudan is strategically located at the crossroads of the Red Sea, the Sahel, and the Horn of Africa. The country is endowed with vast arable land and an array of abundant natural resources, including petroleum, natural gas, gold, silver, chromite, manganese, gypsum, mica, zinc, iron, lead, uranium, copper, kaolin, cobalt, granite, nickel, tin, and aluminium. Sudan's geographic position, coupled with its wealth of natural resources, makes it a significant area of interest for multiple countries. The ongoing crisis in Sudan is heavily influenced by the involvement of multiple external actors, each driven by its own political agenda and interests. Sudan shares borders with seven countries — Chad, Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan, the Central African Republic, Libya, and Egypt — and holds significant geopolitical importance. Therefore, different countries such as Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Russia, have sought to secure friendly governments in line with their strategic objectives. In doing so, they have contributed to the crisis by backing different factions and employing a range of tactics to shape the country's political landscape. Sudan's experiment with democracy has become a paradox, failing to establish good governance or bring stability to the country. At present, Sudan is grappling with severe shortages of food, water, medicine, and fuel, while more than half of the population — approximately 25.6 million people — are facing acute food insecurity, including 8.5 million of them experiencing emergency levels of deprivation. In the absence of a resolution to the crisis, hundreds of thousands more individuals are likely to be forced to flee in search of refuge and basic humanitarian assistance. The Sudanese Civil War is indeed a complex conflict with deep historical roots. While the situation remains dire, there are potential pathways to peace that need to be explored. However, addressing the root causes would require a fresh approach, one that involves all relevant stakeholders in meaningful negotiations and commits to long-term economic and political reforms. In these negotiations, local peace priorities must take precedence over the geopolitical interests of foreign powers. Above all, the peaceful restoration of democratic governance in Sudan must be prioritised within the national and regional security frameworks. Post Read Questions Since its outbreak in April 2023, the ongoing civil war in Sudan has evolved into what is widely regarded as the most severe displacement crisis in modern history. Evaluate. Sudan's current conflict is not without historical precedent. How does the legacy of colonial rule continue to influence Sudan's internal conflicts today? When Sudan gained independence from Britain and Egypt in 1956, it inherited more than just a new flag — it also inherited deep and dangerous divisions. Comment. Is the secession of South Sudan an example of conflict resolution or a failure to manage diversity within Sudan? What role have regional and international actors played in sustaining or resolving the conflict? (Samir Bhattacharya is an Associate Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation.) Read other articles from the series Conflicts in Africa Conflicts in Africa | The Sahel crisis and implications for India Conflicts in Africa | India's growing role in Africa's development Conflicts in Africa | Rising tensions in the Great Lakes Region Conflicts in Africa | Instability in Great Lakes region and implications for India Conflicts in Africa | Sahel's strategic drift towards Russia Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
Reuters
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Reuters
Violence engulfs besieged Zamzam camp in Sudan's Darfur region
Graphics Mediterranean Sea EGYPT Nile LIBYA SAUDI ARABIA Port Sudan NORTH DARFUR Red Sea SUDAN Khartoum CHAD YEMEN al-Fashir Tawila Sudanese Armed Forces Zamzam IDP camp Rapid Support Forces (RSF) ETHIOPIA SOUTH SUDAN The conflict in Sudan that erupted two years ago has unleashed waves of ethnic violence, created the world's worst humanitarian crisis, and plunged several areas of the country into famine. In April, the fighting between the Sudanese armed forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) spilled into one of the largest encampments for people displaced by years of warfare: the vast Zamzam camp in Sudan's western region of Darfur, home to around half a million people. Witnesses described the moment RSF men poured into Zamzam displacement camp on April 11, looting and burning homes as shells rained down and drones flew overhead. The RSF seized the massive camp in April following days of shelling, drone attacks and ground assaults that the United Nations says left at least 300 people dead and forced around 400,000 to flee, one of the worst violations since the war began. The capture of Zamzam comes as the RSF tries to consolidate its control over the Darfur region. The camp is near the city of al-Fashir, home to 1.8 million people and the last significant holdout from the RSF in Darfur. The RSF did not respond to a request for comment. It has denied accusations of atrocities and said the camp was being used as a base by forces loyal to the army. Humanitarian groups have denounced the raid as a targeted attack on civilians already facing famine. Caught between opposing forces The Sudanese army and RSF had been in a fragile partnership since staging a coup in October 2021, which derailed a transition to democracy after the ouster of Islamist autocrat Omar al-Bashir two years previously. The two sides clashed over an internationally backed plan that would have launched a new transition with civilian parties and required the army and the RSF to cede powers. Specific points of dispute were the timetable for the RSF to be integrated into the regular armed forces, the chain of command between the army and RSF leaders, and the question of civilian oversight. The warring parties had also been in competition over sprawling business interests, which they were seeking to protect. Victory in the nearby city of al-Fashir would boost the RSF's efforts to establish a parallel government in the western regions of Sudan it controls. Elsewhere, the army has been on the upswing lately, retaking control of the capital Khartoum in March. Satellite images showed widespread fire damage across the camp consistent with accounts from witnesses who said RSF fighters had set buildings in the camp on fire to sow terror. Reuters could not independently verify those witness reports. RSF has denied them. SUDAN Zamzam To al-Fashir Camp residents flee to Tawila ZAMZAM IDP camp Smoke Market Fire damage observed To other places Before launching its attack, the RSF had been besieging the area and aid had been cut off for months from reaching the sprawling camp. The camp has expanded during more than 20 years of sporadic conflict in Sudan to shelter nearly 500,000 predominantly non-Arab people, reflecting the enduring humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Reuters has documented allegations of ethnically targeted violence by Arab paramilitary commanders in Darfur against the ethnic-African Masalit tribe during the current conflict. SUDAN Zamzam 2005 2013 2024 Housing ZAMZAM IDP camp In an August 2024 report, the U.N.-backed Famine Review Committee found that famine - which is confirmed when acute malnutrition and mortality criteria are met - was ongoing in Zamzam camp. The committee reported: 'Restrictions on humanitarian access, including intentional impediments imposed by the active parties to the conflict, have severely restricted the capability of aid organisations to scale up their response efforts effectively.' 'Basic human needs for health services, water, food, nutrition, shelter and protection are not being met.' Aid workers say the army has obstructed humanitarian access during the war while the RSF has looted large quantities of aid that has got through. Both sides deny impeding relief efforts. Flooding last year swamped water points in the camp, raising the risk of cholera and other diseases in an area already facing extreme levels of malnutrition. Doctors Without Borders, a humanitarian organization that provides care in conflict zones, estimated in February 2024 that an estimated one child was dying on average every two hours in Zamzam as a result of disease and malnutrition. People displaced 150,300 al-Fashir 180,935 Zamzam IDP Camp Tawila 790 SUDAN Other places al-Fashir 10 km Map showing number of people displaced from Zamzam IDP camp – 150,300 to al-Fashir, 180,935 to Tawila and 790 to other places. According to a report from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the camp has been 'nearly emptied' since intense shelling and ground attacks began around April 10. The International Organization for Migration reported that as of April 17 more than 300,000 people had been displaced to other areas within North Darfur and Central Darfur. The majority had fled to either Tawila or al-Fashir. In recent weeks, the RSF has continued to besiege al-Fashir. On May 1, U.N. Human Rights Chief Volker Türk said the 'horror unfolding in Sudan knows no bounds' and said there was an 'ominous warning by the RSF of 'bloodshed' ahead of imminent battles with the Sudanese Armed Forces.' 'Everything must be done to protect civilians trapped amid dire conditions in and around [al- Fashir],' he said. In March, Sudan accused the United Arab Emirates of violating its obligations under the Genocide Convention by allegedly arming the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces and asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to impose emergency measures ordering the Emirates to prevent genocidal acts in Darfur. The UAE has repeatedly dismissed the filing of the case as a political game and has argued that the ICJ, also known as the World Court, has no legal power to hear Sudan's claim. It has asked the judges to throw out the case. Major events during the conflict in Sudan
The Hindu
22-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Sudan's paramilitaries kill more than 30 in a new attack on a Darfur city, activists say
A paramilitary group in Sudan attacked a city in the western Darfur region, killing more than 30 people, an activist group said, in the latest deadly offensive on an area that is home to hundreds of thousands of displaced people. The Rapid Support Forces, or RSF, and allied militias launched an offensive on el-Fasher, the provincial capital of North Darfur province, on Sunday (April 20, 2025), according to the Resistance Committees, an activist group. Dozens of other people were wounded in the attack, said the group, which tracks the war. The RSF renewed its attack on Monday (April 21, 2025), shelling residential buildings and open markets in the city, the group said. There was no immediate comment from the RSF. El-Fasher, more than 800 km (500 miles) southwest of the capital, Khartoum, is under the control of the military, which has fought the RSF since Sudan descended into civil war more than two years ago, killing more than than 24,000 people, according to the United Nations, though activists say the number is likely far higher. The RSF has been attempting to seize el-Fasher for a year to complete its control of the entire Darfur region. Since then, it has launched many attacks on the city and two major famine-hit camps for displaced people on its outskirts. The city is now estimated to be home to more than 1 million people, many of whom have been displaced by the ongoing war and previous bouts of violence in Darfur. The RSF grew out of the notorious Janjaweed militias, mobilized two decades ago by then President Omar al-Bashir against populations that identify as Central or East African in Darfur. The Janjaweed were accused of mass killings, rapes and other atrocities. The attacks on el-Fasher have intensified in recent months as the RSF suffered battlefield setbacks in Khartoum and other urban areas in the county's east and centre. Sunday's (April 20, 2025) violence came less than a week after a two-day attack by the RSF and its allied militias on the city and the Zamzam and Abu Shouk camps killed more than 400 people, according to the United Nations. Last week's attack forced up to 400,000 people to flee the Zamzam camp, Sudan's largest, which has become inaccessible to aid workers, U.N. spokesman Stéphane Dujarric said.
Arab Times
22-04-2025
- Politics
- Arab Times
Sudan's paramilitaries kill more than 30 in new attack on Darfur city: activists
CAIRO, April 21, (AP): A paramilitary group in Sudan attacked a city in the western Darfur region, killing more than 30 people, an activist group said, in the latest deadly offensive on an area that is home to hundreds of thousands of displaced people. The Rapid Support Forces, or RSF, and allied militias launched an offensive on el-Fasher, the provincial capital of North Darfur province, on Sunday, according to the Resistance Committees, an activist group. Dozens of other people were wounded in the attack, said the group, which tracks the RSF renewed its attack on Monday, shelling residential buildings and open markets in the city, the group said. There was no immediate comment from the RSF. El-Fasher, more than 800 kilometers (500 miles) southwest of the capital, Khartoum, is under the control of the military, which has fought the RSF since Sudan descended into civil war more than two years ago, killing more than than 24,000 people, according to the United Nations, though activists say the number is likely far higher. The RSF has been attempting to seize el-Fasher for a year to complete its control of the entire Darfur region. Since then, it has launched many attacks on the city and two major famine-hit camps for displaced people on its outskirts. The city is now estimated to be home to more than 1 million people, many of whom have been displaced by the ongoing war and previous bouts of violence in Darfur. The RSF grew out of the notorious Janjaweed militias, mobilized two decades ago by then President Omar al-Bashir against populations that identify as Central or East African in Darfur. The Janjaweed were accused of mass killings, rapes and other atrocities. The attacks on el-Fasher have intensified in recent months as the RSF suffered battlefield setbacks in Khartoum and other urban areas in the county's east and center. Sunday's violence came less than a week after a two-day attack by the RSF and its allied militias on the city and the Zamzam and Abu Shouk camps killed more than 400 people, according to the United Nations. Last week's attack forced up to 400,000 people to flee the Zamzam camp, Sudan's largest, which has become inaccessible to aid workers, UN spokesman Stéphane Dujarric said.
