Latest news with #OrganizationofAfricanUnity
Al-Ahram Weekly
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Al-Ahram Weekly
Russia seeks expanding traditional, friendly relations with African partners: Putin - Africa
Russian President Vladimir Putin has reiterated Moscow's commitment to strengthening its 'traditional friendly relations' with African nations, highlighting the importance of cooperation amid ongoing global challenges. Speaking on Africa Day, which falls on 25 May, Putin pointed to the Russia-Africa summits held in 2019 and 2023 as milestones that shaped new directions for bilateral cooperation and international coordination. Africa Day, which marks the day the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was founded in 1963, is observed across the continent and globally to commemorate African unity and liberation struggles. The African Union (AU) replaced the OAU on 25 May 2002. 'This year marks significant anniversaries — including 80 years since the end of World War II and the founding of the United Nations, as well as 65 years since the UN Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples,' Putin said in a statement. 'The defeat of Nazism and the collapse of colonialism were pivotal moments that allowed for the peaceful development of all humanity.' He praised African countries for their growing influence on the global stage, citing achievements in economic and social development and the role of regional organizations like the African Union in promoting stability. Looking ahead, Putin confirmed that the next Russia-Africa Summit, to be held later this year in an African nation, will continue the partnership dialogue begun in previous summits. 'I am confident that through joint efforts, we will continue to deepen these multifaceted ties, benefiting our peoples and advancing a multipolar world order based on justice and democracy,' he added. Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link:
IOL News
25-05-2025
- Business
- IOL News
Little to celebrate as conflicts overshadows continental progress
Ghana's founder and first President Kwame Nkrumah (left) and Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie (centre) at the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on May 25, 1963. The formation of the OAU is celebrated as Africa Day. Image: AFP Dr Sizo Nkala The occasion of the 62nd anniversary of the birth of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the adoption of the OAU Charter in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, provides an opportunity to reflect and introspect. Probing how and why Africa has dismally failed to live up to the promises of the OAU Charter six decades after its proclamation is a pertinent undertaking. Africa remains trapped in the neocolonial structures of the global political economy that continue to undermine the continent's development potential. The continent is struggling to shake off the colonial legacy of occupying a dependent and very vulnerable position in the global economy. Between 2 and 3 per cent, Africa's share of the world trade is disappointingly paltry despite its population making up 17 per cent of the global population. The content and quality of this trade are even more problematic as over 75 per cent of Africa's exports to the world are primary commodities like oil, coal, chrome, platinum, cocoa, cotton and tobacco to mention a few of which are exported in raw and unprocessed states. The trade model that was imposed on Africa in the colonial era remains intact. These trade dynamics reflect the failure to move from commodity and agro-based to industrialized and diversified economies. According to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), 83 per cent of African countries are dependent on the extraction and export of commodities. In Angola, South Sudan, and Nigeria, oil accounts for 95 percent, 92 percent and 80 percent of the export revenues respectively. Botswana, Zambia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) minerals make up between 70 and 99 percent of the countries' export revenues. Further, more than any other region in the world, the share of the agricultural sector in Africa's gross domestic product (GDP) stands at 35 per cent and supports the livelihoods of 50 per cent of the population. Even then productivity is still very low with the continent still spending a staggering US$50 billion annually in food imports. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ The share of the manufacturing sector in Africa's GDP decreased from 18 per cent in 2000 to 13 per cent currently – reflecting failed transformation and industrialization efforts. The lack of industrialization, coupled with infrastructure deficiencies, has severely limited the potential of intra-African trade which still stands at a paltry 15 percent. The unsustainable structure of many African economies has exposed African countries to global commodity price fluctuations which have precipitated a devastating debt crisis with 21 African countries being classified as being at risk of or in debt distress. Many countries now spend more of their revenues on servicing debt than on essential public services such as education, health, and water and sanitation. It is no wonder that Africa has the embarrassing opprobrium of being the poverty capital of the world with over 400 million of its people living in conditions of extreme poverty. As such, we commemorate the 62nd anniversary of the OAU under conditions of continued economic servitude and exploitation. Further, 62 years of political independence has done little to end Africa's marginalization in global governance institutions. The continent still has no permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and its calls for inclusion in the UN's most powerful organ have gone unheeded for decades. Thus, despite being home to over 30 armed conflicts, Africa has a limited say in the body that makes decisions on global security. Africa's 54 states share a total of 6.5 percent of the voting rights in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and only 11 percent of voting shares in the World Bank. This means that African countries exercise limited influence in the decisions of the institutions that determine the direction of the global economic policy. Even in the World Trade Organization (WTO) which formally uses a one country one vote system, decisions are often imposed by big economies at the expense of smaller ones. Moreover, because of perceptions and actual conditions on the ground in Africa, the continent attracts only 3-5 per cent of foreign direct investment (FDI) which is not nearly enough to stimulate the required levels of economic growth. As such, although Africa is slowly discovering its agency on the international stage, its independence and autonomy remain compromised by its economic weaknesses. The continent has not fared any better politically. In recent years we have witnessed the erosion of democratic institutions and the increasing frequency of military and constitutional coups. The raging conflicts in Sudan, South Sudan, the DRC, Mozambique and the Central African Republic (CAR) have killed hundreds of thousands and displaced millions with continental institutions like the AU seemingly hapless to do anything. While the continental body has been 62 years in the making, it is still largely weak and ineffectual in addressing the challenges facing African people. As such, the occasion of the 62nd anniversary of the OAU brings little to celebrate. Africa urgently needs visionary and effective leaders who will confront the challenges facing the continent head-on. * Dr. Sizo Nkala is a Research Fellow at the University of Johannesburg's Centre for Africa-China Studies. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
Egypt Today
22-05-2025
- Business
- Egypt Today
Cairo International Airport launches sustainable routes for African Union citizens
FILE— Cairo International Airport CAIRO – 22 May 2025: In celebration of Africa Day, observed annually on May 25 to mark the founding of the Organization of African Unity, Egypt's Cairo International Airport has launched sustainable travel routes for citizens of the African Union (AU) member states. The initiative aims to enhance travel facilitation and reflects Egypt's commitment to strengthening ties with its African neighbors. Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emigration, and Egyptian Expatriates Affairs Badr Abdelatty delegated Ambassador Ihab Awad, assistant foreign minister for African affairs, to participate in the ceremony held May 22 at Cairo International Airport. The ceremony was attended by a number of African ambassadors accredited to Cairo, as well as officials from the ministries of civil aviation and interior. Assistant Foreign Minister for African Affairs Ihab Awad affirmed that this initiative comes within the framework of the Egyptian government's efforts to respond to the steady increase in African visitors to Egypt, facilitating their entry and providing them with a warm welcome at Cairo Airport. The dedicated sustainable routes come among a range of measures that are currently being implemented across state institutions to reinforce Egypt's African orientation and expand regional integration on the continent, Awad added.
IOL News
16-05-2025
- Business
- IOL News
Africa Month: Pan-Africanism Doublespeak Retarding Continent's Progress
Ghana's founder and first President Kwame Nkrumah (left) and Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie (centre) at the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on May 25, 1963. The formation of the OAU is celebrated as Africa Day. Dr. Reneva Fourie EVERY year on May 25, we celebrate Africa Day. It commemorates the founding of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963, a moment born from the fires of anti-colonial struggle and lit by a bold vision of a united, free and sovereign continent. In 2002, the organisation was reconstituted as the African Union, intended to carry the dream of Pan-Africanism into a new era. But over sixty years since the OAU's founding, the promise of liberation remains painfully unfulfilled. Africa is not yet free. Not in the way Patrice Lumumba imagined when he spoke of a Congo governed by its people. Not in the way Kwame Nkrumah envisioned when he declared that political independence was meaningless without economic emancipation. It is not yet Uhuru. Independence, in much of Africa, was cosmetic. The colonial flags came down, but a more insidious form of domination rose in their place. The colonisers changed uniforms, adopted new languages of diplomacy, development and aid, and returned through the back door of our treasuries, parliaments and boardrooms. Neocolonialism has become our daily reality. Despite African exports amounting to billions of US dollars, much of that wealth bypasses the continent. Mineral-rich countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, which supplies over the vast majority of the world's cobalt, remain trapped in poverty while multinationals profit from electric vehicle revolutions elsewhere. Oil flows from Nigeria and Angola fuel foreign industries, while power cuts paralyse local economies. Coffee and cocoa leave African farms to be branded and sold at ten times the price abroad. The chains have not been broken. They have only been polished. Economic dependency is matched by political manipulation. The International Monetary Fund and World Bank, dominated by Western interests, continue to shape our economic policies through conditional lending. Countries are told what to privatise, which subsidies to cut, and how to manage their fiscal budgets. The so-called structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s and 1990s devastated social services, dismantled local industries, and deepened inequality. Today, neocolonial manifestations are more subtle, but the outcomes remain the same. Sovereignty is traded for survival. And when an African leader dares to walk a different path and to speak with independence, they are swiftly punished. Consider the case of Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso, who was murdered in 1987 after nationalising land and rejecting foreign aid. Or Muammar Gaddafi, whose push for a gold-backed African currency threatened Western financial interests before he was toppled in a NATO-backed intervention. More recently, leaders who defy global consensus on trade or security are isolated, sanctioned or unseated. Africa is told who to trust, who to trade with, and who to elect. Democracy is praised when it aligns with foreign interests, and questioned when it produces inconvenient results. The role of foreign military presence in Africa cannot be ignored. The United States operates AFRICOM, a military command with operations in over 30 African countries. France maintains troops across the Sahel, even after public protests against its influence. The continent is courted, yes, but rarely as an equal. We are treated as territory to be won, not as a people to be respected. While China builds infrastructure, often with little skills transfer and compliance with local labour laws, and Russia assists African leaders with arms and mercenaries, their mutually beneficial interventions cannot be equated with neocolonialism.
Morocco World
12-03-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
African Integration: Reality and Wishful Thinking
The 46th Ordinary Session of the Executive Council of the African Union took place in February 2025 in Addis Ababa. The Kingdom of Morocco was among the participating countries in these venues. For the record, Morocco resumed its membership in the pan-African organization in 2017, which it had left in 1984. As of March 1, 2025, Morocco is chairing the rotating presidency of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU), of which it is a member for a period of three years (2022-2025). This crucial decision-making body is responsible for monitoring peace, security, and stability on the African continent. This presidency represents one of the significant moments in Moroccan diplomacy. It shows its sound commitment to the continent. This commitment goes back to the creation of the Organization of African Unity in 1963 and is even stronger within the current African Union. Morocco's commitment to African unity Historically, the Kingdom of Morocco has been a staunch defender of African unity since the early stages of the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The country shared the vision of a united Africa that was to contribute politically, economically, and socially to the progress of the continent. This was in line with the broader pan-African ideals promoted by African leaders and liberation movements of the time. Morocco was indeed one of the founding members of the organization, created in 1963 in Addis Ababa. The OAU's creation was motivated by the willingness of African nations to work together to promote independence, unity, and the resolution of problems related to colonialism. In this spirit, Morocco's participation in the establishment of the OAU stressed its commitment to the idea of continental solidarity and pan-Africanism. This engagement and activism was simply inconceivable some years ago, prior to Morocco's return to the African Union in 2017. It is an event that reflects the Kingdom's desire to regain its place of choice within its African family. The aim was also to revive its influence and strengthen the bonds of friendship and cooperation with African nations while continuing to make its case on the Moroccan Sahara issue as part of its policy towards its territorial integrity. The OAU, a Pan-African Structure The Organization of African Unity (OAU) was officially founded on May 25, 1963. It was created to promote unity, solidarity, and cooperation among African countries, following the independence movement during the 1950s and 1960s. It aimed to support the independence of the other remaining countries on the continent, resolve and prevent conflicts between its member states that emerged from then on, and protect their sovereignty. Incidentally, it aimed to promote cooperation and economic development. Later on, the OAU played a role in accelerating the process of ending apartheid in South Africa and in promoting Pan-African ideals for unity and solidarity. However, at that time in the 1960s and even later, characterized by the Cold War between the liberal capitalist West and the communist Soviet bloc, the economic situation was catastrophic for the vast majority of countries on the continent, due to the ideological choices of the leaders and the imposing presence of the interests of the former colonial powers. The challenges were therefore insurmountable for the organization. It had to deal with the lack of effective tools, financial means, and bold economic policies. Above all, it lacked effective mechanisms for resolving conflicts and implementing its own decisions. And tensions between member states on political and economic issues were on full display. Morocco's relations with the OAU became complicated due to the Sahara affair, a region of North Africa that Morocco recovered in 1975, after the withdrawal of Spain, the occupying power, in accordance with the Madrid Agreement. This situation led to a latent conflict with countries of socialist obedience and ideology and one-party systems amidst the Cold War battle. These countries opposed Morocco's interests. They provided financial, diplomatic, and especially military support to Algeria's backed separatist movement. Following the OAU decision to accept Polisario membership with 'a phantom state' settled down in the desert of the Tindouf region, southwest of Algeria in 1984, Morocco withdrew from the Pan-African Organization. Morocco argued, and still does, that this membership violated the principle of territorial integrity and national sovereignty, not to mention the OAU's non-respect of the criteria for the admission of new states. Morocco's relations with the OAU became complicated due to the Sahara affair, a region of North Africa that Morocco recovered in 1975, after the withdrawal of Spain, the occupying power, in accordance with the Madrid Agreement. This situation led to a latent conflict with countries of socialist obedience and ideology and one-party systems amidst the Cold War battle. These countries opposed Morocco's interests. They provided financial, diplomatic, and especially military support to Algeria's backed separatist movement. Following the OAU decision to accept Polisario membership with 'a phantom state' settled down in the desert of the Tindouf region, southwest of Algeria in 1984, Morocco withdrew from the Pan-African Organization. Morocco argued, and still does, that this membership violated the principle of territorial integrity and national sovereignty, not to mention the OAU's non-respect of the criteria for the admission of new states. Morocco's return to the African Union Morocco did what it was supposed to do at the right time. It returned to the AU family in 2017. King of Morocco, Mohammed VI, pronounced then a memorable speech. He underlined that 'the withdrawal from the OAU was necessary: it allowed Morocco's action to be refocused on the continent and also highlighted how indispensable Africa is to Morocco, how indispensable Morocco is to Africa.' The African Union (AU) took shape in 2001 to replace the OAU. Morocco endorsed the same mistake and kept membership of the pseudo-Sadr. Though aware of the fact that the Sahara issue had not been resolved, Morocco made its return after an absence of 35 years. Morocco deemed that the dynamics of African politics had begun to change. Besides, the regional dispute over the Sahara is now dealt with exclusively by the UN Security Council. Over the last thirty-five years, Morocco has managed to establish solid partnerships of cooperation and solidarity with the majority of countries on the continent in various domains, including economic development, security, and trade. It has established itself as a regional and continental power by adopting bold and proactive policies for the contribution to conflict resolution, peacekeeping, co-development, and the defense of Africa's interests on the international stage. African Challenges The AU has a long way ahead before it achieves its peace and security objectives and thus needs to develop stronger mechanisms for conflict resolution and peacekeeping in particular. Several countries, for example, currently ruled by military regimes, have resurged in recent years in Africa. At the beginning of 2025, there are six countries excluded from the organization: Libya, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Gabon, and the Republic of Guinea-Conakry. The exclusion of these six members impacts the deliberation and process votes within the general assembly, where political rivalries and fierce competition for leadership and influence over strategic decision-making are raging. One may, to some extent, Algeria, where the military establishment runs the political show and enjoys some influence among its military-like regimes. However, it would be fair to say the AU has limited resources for peacekeeping. This makes it impossible for its relevant organs to handle issues pertaining to political instability in some parts of the continent. Besides, the AU's ability to balance national interests and continental unity depicts an organization that looks like a glass half empty, half full. It is worth reminding that the OAU had proved to be totally impotent. It failed to prevent the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 or to intervene to prevent and stop massive human rights violations and ethnic violence. The OAU's inability over time to respond effectively to the crisis paved the way for a new structure that was supposed to be stronger, efficient, and balanced, with more powers and responsibilities for peacekeeping and conflict resolution. At the same time, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s changed global geopolitics. Africa was no longer a major battleground for ideological influence between East and West, but rather a peripheral region where issues such as governance, development, and regional security became more central, in addition to the economic interests of foreign powers. This change encouraged African leaders and people to focus more on the demand for regional integration and the autonomy of the organization, rather than relying on external powers to solve Africa's problems. Yet, one cannot rule out that the AU is still unable to influence the course of events in many issue areas, with the conflict between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda topping the list. The African continent continues to face significant economic challenges, including underdevelopment, poverty, and lack of infrastructure. For the record, African leaders launched the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) in 2001, an initiative aimed at accelerating economic growth and development on the continent. NEPAD sought to address the root causes of poverty, promote good governance, and ensure peace and security. The AU was seen as a key vehicle for implementing NEPAD's objectives and was therefore designed to be a more modern, dynamic, and effective institution for African development and governance. However, progress in this area has so far been slow. And in reality, African people are waiting to see achievements on the ground that affect their daily lives, far from the meetings of diplomats and experts. Geopolitically, the pressures of globalization had become more evident since the late 1990s and early 2000s. Many African countries have been facing challenges such as global trade imbalances, external debt, and dependence on international aid. The establishment of the AU was seen as a means for African countries to assert greater autonomy in global affairs by strengthening the continent's capacity to negotiate with international powers and institutions and to pursue more appropriate development policies. The Future of the African Union The future of the African Union could take different forms and paths, depending on endogenous and exogenous factors. These factors range from political dynamics on the continent, economic growth, regional security, and conflict resolution to internal democratic reforms, leadership and governance, and global partnerships. Obviously, it all depends on the current geopolitical context. As a contribution to the debate, several possible scenarios may be put on the table. Scenario 1: A stronger presence, regional integration, and unity In the most optimistic scenario, the African Union must succeed in strengthening its role as a central organization, which drives economic, political, and security integration across the continent. Some key assets would be: The AU leads efforts to achieve the most advanced political, economic, and social integration possible across Africa. This could involve expanding the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), creating stronger institutions for political cooperation, and undertaking bold initiatives such as a common African currency and central bank. The AU must become a more active player in maintaining peace and security across the continent, with a greater capacity to intervene and mediate in conflicts, deploy peacekeeping forces, and prevent instability. It must enhance cooperation on security and conflict resolution. The African Standby Force (ASF) could become, in practice, a powerful and effective entity to respond to regional crises. The AU is requested to undertake significant reforms for the sake of improving its ability to make decisions, implement policies, and enforce agreements. The question is whether it could develop and establish a centralized authority in key decision-making bodies or strengthen its own capacity to hold member states to account. The organization ought to be able to develop regional and continental infrastructure projects (railways, roads, energy networks, internet networks, etc.) to encourage inter-regional trade and investment across the continent. The effective implementation of initiatives, such as Agenda 2063, is a unique opportunity for the AU and the continent in order to, one day, realize the vision of Africa's transformation. In this optimistic scenario, the AU becomes a globally respected organization that strengthens Africa's influence on the international stage. The Pan-African organization may be a key player on the global stage, representing the continent in major international fora. It has the capacity to have its political voice become stronger. Africa's growing diplomatic personality can allow it to conclude peace agreements and negotiate on issues such as climate change, trade, and international security as a continent in a more confirmed way. The AU should defend Africa's unique position on global issues, advocating for greater African representation in international institutions such as the UN Security Council and the World Bank, and push for fairer global trade and investment practices. It thus becomes an indispensable partner in achieving global goals such as the Sustainable Development Goals. Scenario 2: The AU and the business as usual The general public's feelings and apprehension reflect a sort of disdain, or at least inattention, towards the pan-African organization, its effectiveness, and its image. Despite its ritual summits, activities at different levels, and in different fields, the AU is far from enlisting the ordinary African citizen's attention. The latter perceive it as an organization unable to overcome internal divisions and external challenges. Political disunity, economic fragmentation, security challenges, degradation of democracy and rule of law, and increased external intervention are among the biggest threats that the AU should urgently handle. The lack of consensus among the African member states is weakening the process aimed at achieving political integration. Countries could increasingly continue to prioritize their own national interests to the detriment of collective African goals, which would undermine the AU's influence on the continent and on the international stage. The right way would be that national governments pursue their bilateral cooperation as a means of doubling efforts to strengthen continental and regional integration. Despite efforts such as the establishment of the AfCFTA, trade barriers and national economic interests still persist and even add to non-compliance with agreements. Regional economic groups such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the East African Community (EAC), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) could become more influential. Yet it depends on the AU acting as a secondary actor in economic integration instead of leading the way and initiating courageous integration policies. Several foreign powers, such as the United States, China, India, the UAE, etc., have asserted their interests and adopted their own economic projects in infrastructure, energy, and trade in African countries. Yet, the AU has no say on those projects. The coma state of the Maghreb Arab Union has left the whole North Africa region without a formal and active regional cooperation as a community. This region is the least integrated on the continent, in terms of trade and cooperation, but the AU has never had a clear position on the issue, at least publicly. To compensate for this failure in this region, Morocco, Egypt, and Tunisia joined Jordan to sign the Agadir Agreement for a free trade area. Yet, the Agadir agreement is not working as planned. The last crisis between Morocco on one hand and Tunisia and Egypt on the other shows how hard it is for developing countries to comply with economic and trade constraints. On security issues, the AU may continue to struggle to address current and emerging challenges, such as in the Great Lakes region, Mali, Somalia, the Sahel, and others. External powers, such as the United States, Russia, or China, may increase their presence and step in to fill the security vacuum, further complicating the AU's role in peacekeeping and conflict resolution. The situation in Mali is a significant case, as the new country leadership chose to end the French military operation Barkhane 'to fight terrorist groups,' which was supported by other European countries and the MINUSMA force. They called instead on the Russian Wagner forces for security assistance to fight Islamist terrorists and the secessionist movement in the north of the country, in the border region with Algeria. Hence, unless due attention and great political will are provided to tackle internal challenges, the AU may face greater external challenges from global powers, such as the European Union, the United States, China, and Russia, which may bypass the AU in favor of bilateral agreements with individual African countries, whether on security, migration, investments, or so many other issues. Scenario 3: Apprehension of paralysis and decline In this pessimistic scenario, the AU would end up losing its relevance in the eyes of the African public and governments. Parts of this fear are a combination of internal and external factors, such as poor governance, ineffective action, redundant bureaucracy, lack of financial resources, and effective leadership, in addition to internal conflicts as well as external pressures. Such a situation might lead to a decline of the AU's political relevance. In the absence of a coherent and effective security strategy, the AU's peacekeeping efforts will have no positive impact. Persistent conflicts, such as those in the Sahel, Central Africa, and the Horn of Africa, might resurge and worsen as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, while the AU is becoming increasingly irrelevant in conflict resolution. Reliance on external military and security support is increasing without being the magic solution to secure peace or fight terrorism. In the economic field, despite the rise of initiatives such as the AfCFTA, the AU may still face regional economic disparities and national protectionist policies that it cannot manage or combat. It's likely that Africa's economic potential will continue to be unexploited on the continent by African countries that are failing to escape from the poverty and debt trap. Furthermore, the AU has not, to this day, shown the ability to support member countries to effectively address social issues and ensure sustainable development. Unfortunately, Africa still suffers from rising unemployment and poverty due to climate change and other factors. A Moroccan Perspective: Win-Win Approach In all cases, the African Union continues to face multiple real and potential challenges, shaped by both internal dynamics (lack of resources, inability to impose its decisions, reforms, governance) and external forces (global partnerships, geopolitical competition). However, to achieve the distant goal of a more unified and prosperous Africa, the AU must address the challenges of political unity, economic integration, and security cooperation. And it is in this context that the role of the Kingdom of Morocco is essential and can be decisive in several respects. Morocco launched several initiatives on the continent, bilaterally or regionally. The vision of King Mohammed VI highlights such a genuine and sincere commitment to African unity. Over the last twenty-five years, he made about twenty visits to the continents to launch numerous strategic partnerships and structural projects. This underlines the fact that Morocco seeks to confer a new leadership on Africa through concrete actions and real commitment to the continent and its peoples, far from post-independence and Cold War era ideologies. Morocco reiterated its commitment to the African Union during the 46th Ordinary Session of the Executive Council of the African Union, February 2025 in Addis Ababa. It stresses that the AU body should overcome the burden of bureaucracy that weighs on the organization to help make its management mode more transparent and more connected to African realities. Morocco holds significant importance for Africa as one of its most dynamic and strategically positioned players. It has always played a pivotal role in regional stability and conflict resolution, with a leading position in UN peacekeeping missions on the continent. Since 2000, Morocco has engaged in a bold and supportive policy of South-South partnerships, highly appreciated and shared by a majority of African countries. The African Atlantic Gas Pipeline project, integrating thirteen countries on the West and North African coasts, is the perfect example of a project initiated by Morocco and Nigeria. The AU could draw inspiration from it and propose similar strategic projects that would contribute to African development and the strengthening of its leadership. Overall, Morocco is a major player in Africa's political, security, economic, and cultural affairs, due to some of the key aspects of its policy and actions, for example. Regional diplomacy and political influence: Since rejoining the African Union in 2017, Morocco has strengthened its diplomatic influence, advocating for economic integration and cooperation, as well as enhancing peace and stability, particularly in regions like the Sahel, central Africa, and the Great Lakes region. Security cooperation: Morocco plays a crucial role in counterterrorism and illicit transborder traffic and military cooperation across Africa through an effort to share intelligence and provide assistance to fight terrorism and extremism. Economic insight: Morocco is a major player in Africa's economy, with a leading position in phosphate fertilizer production and agriculture, which boosts food security, as well as support of green energy initiatives across the continent. Investment and infrastructure development: Morocco is actively involved in Africa's infrastructure growth, with investments in transportation, energy, telecommunication, and industrial sectors. Its financial institutions, like Attijariwafa Bank or Bank of Africa, play a significant role in the region as some of the leading banks. Morocco is, in fact, the first African investor in West Africa and the second on the continent. Cultural and Educational Input: Morocco has strong cultural, historical, and educational ties with many African nations, fostering regional unity and promoting African integration as well as people-to-people relations. It provides scholarships to thousands of sub-Saharan students to follow higher education studies at Moroccan universities and specialized institutes, including military and diplomatic academies. Humanitarian aid and development assistance: Morocco contributes to African development by providing support in health, education, and disaster relief to so many countries. Does this mean that African integration is difficult to achieve in the foreseeable future? The answer is yes. However, with the appropriate effort and goodwill shown by some African countries, including Morocco, one may wish for the best and be optimistic.
