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Gov. Greg Abbott's moment: Key triumphs emerging from 2025 Texas legislative session
Gov. Greg Abbott's moment: Key triumphs emerging from 2025 Texas legislative session

Yahoo

time25-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Gov. Greg Abbott's moment: Key triumphs emerging from 2025 Texas legislative session

Gov. Greg Abbott, now in the second half of his third term, is barreling toward the June 2 closing of the 2025 legislative session with his most impressive list of victories of his long political career. This session has turned on its head the long-running truism that Texas is a weak-governor state. A Republican who was first elected in 2014 and twice comfortably reelected after that, Abbott was able to push to, and perhaps even stretch past, the constitutional limits of his executive office with his responses to the COVID-19 emergency of 2020 and an unprecedented surge of unauthorized immigration beginning early in 2021. But the legislative sessions, both regular and special, of 2023 demonstrated that executive muscle alone was insufficient for Abbott to fully implement his vision for Texas. Most notably, for all of his cajoling and arm-twisting, the governor was not able to cobble together a majority in the Texas House to enact a plan to offset the cost of private K-12 education. Abbott's critics labeled such a system "school vouchers." The governor and his supporters called it "school choice." Regardless of what it was called, the issue laid the groundwork for the legislative success that Abbott has enjoyed since lawmakers convened in Austin beginning Jan. 14. Because Democratic opposition to his school choice aim was deep-rooted and immovable, the governor proved he was not afraid to shed Republican blood to get his way. Abbott targeted several Republican House members, many of them dependable allies over a broad swath of conservative priorities but who voted against school vouchers, in the 2024 GOP primaries. Most of them went down to defeat. Others opted not to seek reelection. When the Legislature convened early this year, back-of-the-envelope math suggested school choice would pass, especially since the new House speaker, Dustin Burrows, was open to such proposal. And for some Republican members from rural districts who were still kind of squishy, all they had to do was look at what Abbott (and the millions in campaign funding he spent in the primary) was able to do with their now-departed colleagues. More: As heat turns up in Texas Legislature, here's how a senior Houston lawmaker keeps the House cool While Abbott earlier this month signed his coveted school choice legislation into law, the voucher program is not the only item in his 2025 win column. Less than two weeks after the voucher signing ceremony, Abbott made a show of signing legislation to further protect publicly traded corporations from lawsuits and shield corporate officers from most shareholder claims brought in the state's new business courts, except in extreme circumstances. Abbott has also promised more property tax cuts, generous pay increases for public school teachers and to expand judges' discretion to deny bail for suspects charged with such violent crimes as murder, aggravated sexual assault, aggravated kidnapping and other serious offenses. All are tantalizingly close to the finish line. Abbott is also poised to continue his streak of victories, unchecked, even after the session ends. But it won't be limited to taking victory laps as he signs his priority bills into law. Because so much legislation tends to hit the governor's desk in the waning days of the session, and having until June 22 to sign or veto bills, Abbott can kill any of the measures he doesn't like without fear that the Legislature will override him. That's because the session will have ended, and only he has the power to call lawmakers back to work for a special session. Lawmakers filed two measures this session to trim the governor's veto power. One passed the Senate but appears stuck in the muck in the House; the other never got off the ground. More: Why dysfunction is necessary for the Texas Legislature to actually function Perhaps the biggest measure of Abbott's success this year will come after all the bills are either signed or vetoed. And that's because the finger on the campaign money-raising pause button comes off. Abbott, who has made clear that he intends to run for an unprecedented fourth four-year term in 2026, is one of the nation's most prodigious fundraisers, excepting major-party nominees for president. By way of example, Abbott was not on any ballot in 2024 and yet he still managed to rake in $50 million into his well-stocked campaign account. So, when that pause button was pressed in January, he was sitting on a bankroll of $70 million. There's no reason to believe that his donors have grown tired of funding his political future. And because money is the main propellant of any campaign, Abbott will start the 2026 cycle in earnest with a strong wind at his back. This article originally appeared on Austin American-Statesman: Gov. Greg Abbott is sealing key victories in Texas legislative session

What is SALT? Making sense of the spicy tax fight that's nearly sank the GOP's ‘big beautiful bill'
What is SALT? Making sense of the spicy tax fight that's nearly sank the GOP's ‘big beautiful bill'

Yahoo

time22-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

What is SALT? Making sense of the spicy tax fight that's nearly sank the GOP's ‘big beautiful bill'

Everyone knows that too much salt can spoil a dish. This week, Republicans in the House of Representatives had to resolve a heated debate within their party over just how much SALT would spoil the 'big, beautiful bill' that they passed by the narrowest of margins early Thursday morning. SALT in this case is short for the State And Local Tax deduction, a little known but divisive provision in the tax code that had been one of the thorniest issues for the GOP as it worked to find a consensus on the sprawling legislative plan filled with trillions of dollars in tax cuts and big funding reductions to programs like Medicaid and federal food assistance. A small group of Republican House members had dug in their heels — and tested President Trump's patience — over SALT, threatening the fate of the entire bill. The self-proclaimed 'SALT caucus' ultimately voted yes on the legislation, but only after gaining some last-minute concessions from their colleagues. Like any tax policy, the details get complicated. But the main thing to know is that SALT lets people who pay a lot in state and local taxes pay less on their federal taxes. It does that by allowing them to deduct the taxes they pay to state and local governments from their taxable income when they file federally. So someone who makes $150,000 in a year, but uses the SALT to deduct $10,000 of what they paid in state and local taxes, is treated as if they actually made $140,000 when it comes to their federal tax liability. The premise of the SALT deduction is to prevent double taxation and offer relief to people who live in states and cities with particularly high income, property and sales taxes. For a long time, there was no limit on the SALT deduction, so taxpayers could deduct 100% of the state and local taxes they paid from their federal income. That made it one of the country's biggest tax breaks — resulting in as much $100 billion in lost revenue per year. Currently, though, SALT deductions are capped at $10,000 thanks to a provision in the massive tax and spending bill that Republicans passed during Trump's first term. That change, combined with an increase in the standard deduction that was included in that same bill, have dramatically decreased the number of people who take advantage of the SALT deduction. Historically, the SALT deduction has overwhelmingly helped rich Americans living in high-tax (mostly Democrat-led) states. That's because they are the ones that carry the heaviest tax burden and, unlike the vast majority of taxpayers, they make enough money that it makes sense for them to itemize their tax deductions rather than take the standard deduction. Before the cap was put in place, it was estimated that 91% of the benefit went to people with an income over $100,000 in just six states: California, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Texas and Pennsylvania. With deductions limited to $10,000, SALT is still used 'almost exclusively' by high earners, but they are getting a much, much smaller benefit than they used to. The SALT cap is set to expire at the end of this year. So if Congress does nothing, they'd effectively be handing a $100 billion annual tax break to rich Americans in the wealthiest parts of the country. Though it doesn't get a lot of attention on the national stage, SALT is a very big deal to members of Congress who represent those areas because their constituents have a huge amount of money riding on where the level gets set. SALT is the rare issue that doesn't fit the typical partisan dynamics. Republicans usually like tax cuts, but most of the party opposes it because the benefits are concentrated in rich, blue districts. Some progressive Democrats, normally loath to offer relief to the rich, like it for the same reason. Democrats from well-off parts of California, New York and New Jersey tried, and failed, to get the cap repealed. In recent weeks, some Republican House members from those same states, knowing that a full repeal is unlikely, had taken a stand to try to get it raised — with some proposals calling for lifting it to as high as $200,000 for married couples. While SALT caucus makes up a small share of the Republican caucus, the GOP's House majority is so small that even a handful of dissenters could have blocked the entire spending bill from passing . The initial draft of the tax portion of the big, beautiful bill would have bumped up the SALT cap to $30,000, with a crucial new restriction that limits the benefit to those making less than $400,000 per year. If that would have become law, it would have meant an additional $915 billion in tax revenue for the federal government over the next decade compared to a scenario where the cap was allowed to expire, according to new estimates from the Congressional Budget Office. That proposal wasn't generous enough for the SALT caucus, which suggested as recently as Tuesday that it would not support the bill if the cap wasn't raised higher. President Trump reportedly scolded them and other GOP holdouts in a closed door meeting on Tuesday morning, telling them to 'forget SALT' so the legislation could move forward. He later told the media that he's opposed to generous SALT deductions, arguing that 'the biggest beneficiaries' would be Democratic governors from 'very blue states.' Before the 'big, beautiful bill' went up for a vote on Thursday, Republicans passed an amendment that increased the maximum SALT deduction to $40,000 and moved the income limit to $500,000. That was enough to convince the SALT caucus to vote in favor of the bill, minus one member who 'inadvertently' missed the vote. The full legislation now goes to the Senate, where it could go through substantial changes to satisfy GOP moderates. It's too early to know whether Senate Republicans will try to alter SALT provisions in the bill, or if any changes they might make would cause the SALT caucus to withhold their support when it eventually comes back to the House for final approval.

Congressman Details How Trump Strong-Arms Votes In House, And It Sounds Spot-On
Congressman Details How Trump Strong-Arms Votes In House, And It Sounds Spot-On

Yahoo

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Congressman Details How Trump Strong-Arms Votes In House, And It Sounds Spot-On

Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.) on Wednesday described President Donald Trump's tactics to bully Republican House members who don't vote his way. (Watch the video below.) Boyle correctly predicted the House would eventually pass Trump's so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which would slash $1 trillion from federal health and food programs while solidifying $4 trillion in tax cuts for mostly wealthier Americans. But Boyle's version of how the president reverses the votes of recalcitrant Republicans is a must to check out. 'I have seen time and time again House Republican members saying they're a 'no' at the outset, and then suddenly they get a tap on the shoulder,' Boyle told MSNBC 'All In' host Chris Hayes. 'They're dragged out of the House floor and back to their Republican members' cloak room, and they're handed a cellphone, and it's Donald Trump literally yelling at them and cursing at them.' Whether or not the president used his alleged high-volume powers of persuasion this time around, Boyle's forecast that any GOP holdouts would cave appeared to come true. 'I tend to think that that history will repeat itself, and that one way or the other, they'll be able to get the votes,' he said before the all-night session. 'I hope I'm wrong. I pray that I'm wrong. I'm going to fight like hell to make sure this awful policy doesn't become law. But I've just seen them fold too many times before to believe that they won't fold again this time.' The bill faces an uncertain future in the Senate. The Most Brutal Zingers About Trump's 'Big Beautiful Bill' During Fiery House Debate House Passes Trump's Tax And Spending Cuts 'Gross': House Republicans Ripped Over 'Incredibly Creepy' New Way To Honor Trump

Ex-GOP House candidate gets 3 years for threatening political opponent
Ex-GOP House candidate gets 3 years for threatening political opponent

Yahoo

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Ex-GOP House candidate gets 3 years for threatening political opponent

May 22 (UPI) -- A former Republican House candidate from Florida has been sentenced to three years' imprisonment for threatening to kill his political opponent. William Robert Braddock, 41, of St. Petersburg, Fla., was sentenced Wednesday by U.S. District Judge William Jung, the Justice Department said in a statement. The former Republican candidate for Florida's 13th Congressional District pleaded guilty in February. He was charged with interstate transmission of a threat to injure. Braddock was running for the Republican nomination for the 13th Congressional District in 2021. Though court documents do not name the target of his threats, information in the filings and media indicate it was Anna Paulina Luna, the frontrunner in that 2022 election. According to federal prosecutions, Braddock viewed Luna -- referred to in court documents as Victim-1, the Republican Party frontrunner -- as his only obstacle to winning the primary. He disparaged Luna for months to her peers and tried to involve himself in her life, court documents show. Then, in June 2021, during a phone call with one of Luna's acquaintances, he threatened to have her murdered. The court documents state he threatened to "call up my Russian-Ukrainian hit squad" who could make Luna "disappear." "I will be the next congressman for this district. Period. End of discussion," he said, according to federal prosecutors. "And anybody going up against me is [expletive] ignorant for doing so." He continued by calling Luna "ignorant" and because of that, "I don't have a problem taking her out, but I'm not going to do that dirty work myself, obviously." Then in November 2021, Braddock flew to Thailand and then settled in the Philippines where he remained until surrendering to Manila authorities in June 2023. In September 2024, he was indicted and deported to the United States to stand trial. Luna is currently serving her second term as the U.S. House Representative for Florida's 13 Congressional District.

Ex-GOP House candidate gets 3 years for threatening political opponent
Ex-GOP House candidate gets 3 years for threatening political opponent

UPI

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • UPI

Ex-GOP House candidate gets 3 years for threatening political opponent

William Robert Braddock, 41, of St. Petersburg, Fla., was sentenced to three years in prison on Wednesday for threatening to have his political opponent murdered. File Photo by Bonnie Cash/UPI | License Photo May 22 (UPI) -- A former Republican House candidate from Florida has been sentenced to three years' imprisonment for threatening to kill his political opponent. William Robert Braddock, 41, of St. Petersburg, Fla., was sentenced Wednesday by U.S. District Judge William Jung, the Justice Department said in a statement. The former Republican candidate for Florida's 13th Congressional District pleaded guilty in February. He was charged with interstate transmission of a threat to injure. Braddock was running for the Republican nomination for the 13th Congressional District in 2021. Though court documents do not name the target of his threats, information in the filings and media indicate it was Anna Paulina Luna, the frontrunner in that 2022 election. According to federal prosecutions, Braddock viewed Luna -- referred to in court documents as Victim-1, the Republican Party frontrunner -- as his only obstacle to winning the primary. He disparaged Luna for months to her peers and tried to involve himself in her life, court documents show. Then, in June 2021, during a phone call with one of Luna's acquaintances, he threatened to have her murdered. The court documents state he threatened to "call up my Russian-Ukrainian hit squad" who could make Luna "disappear." "I will be the next congressman for this district. Period. End of discussion," he said, according to federal prosecutors. "And anybody going up against me is [expletive] ignorant for doing so." He continued by calling Luna "ignorant" and because of that, "I don't have a problem taking her out, but I'm not going to do that dirty work myself, obviously." Then in November 2021, Braddock flew to Thailand and then settled in the Philippines where he remained until surrendering to Manila authorities in June 2023. In September 2024, he was indicted and deported to the United States to stand trial. Luna is currently serving her second term as the U.S. House Representative for Florida's 13 Congressional District.

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