Latest news with #Russification
Russia Today
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Russia Today
EU state's parliament expels MP for speaking Russian
A Latvian MP has been kicked out of a parliamentary session and could face further punishment for speaking Russian in violation of the legislature's new rules, the head of the assembly has said. The incident occurred on Thursday during discussions in the Saeima on a declaration to 'eradicate the consequences' of the alleged 'Russification' of Latvia, which authorities in Riga claim took place under Soviet rule from 1940 to 1991. Since the escalation of the Ukraine conflict in 2022, Latvia and its Baltic neighbors, Estonia and Lithuania, have intensified their efforts against alleged Russian influence. Riga has implemented travel restrictions targeting Russian citizens, banned vehicles with license plates from the country, and introduced a mandatory Latvian language test for long-term residents of Russian origin. Thousands who failed or refused the exam have been deported. The Kremlin has denounced the measures as 'blatant discrimination against Russians.' Aleksey Roslikov of the For Stability! party spoke out in parliament against the declaration being included on the agenda. The party represents the interests of Russian-speakers in the EU country, who make up 24.5% of its population, according to a 2021 census. The lawmaker criticized the growing marginalization of Russian speakers in Latvia, saying: 'What is next? A law prohibiting Russian names for children because they sound Russian?' Roslikov delivered his speech in Latvian, but concluded it with a phrase in Russian, proclaiming: 'There are more of us, and Russian is our language.' The MP then displayed an obscene gesture to the audience. The MP's behavior outraged many of his colleagues, who instantly voted to expel him from the session of the parliament. The move was supported by 69 out 100 members of the legislature. The speaker of the Saeima, Daiga Mierina, said that Roslikov had shown 'disrespect' to his fellow lawmakers and could face further punishment, including a ban on attending up to six more parliament sessions and a warning. In late May, the Saeima voted in new regulations, according to which the MPs should only communicate in the parliament in the official – Latvian – language. Roslikov later told the media he had no regrets, calling his outburst appropriate when someone is denied the right to speak their own language. Former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev shared the video from the Saeima on his page on X and praised the Latvian MP for standing up for the Russian language. On the eve of Russian Language Day, which is marked on June 6, 'decent people accessibly explained everything to the die-hard Russophobes in their native, Russian language,' Medvedev, who currently serves as deputy chair of Russia's Security Council, wrote.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Controversial Russian literature prize sparks debate on separating culture from war crimes
Launched to promote Russian literature on the global stage during Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the new Dar ('Gift') literary prize is already mired in controversy — and not just for its troubling timing. After Ukrainian author Maria Galina declined the award for her wartime chronicle of Odesa, attention shifted to shortlisted Russian author Denis Beznosov over his past affiliation with the Russian State Children's Library — an institution that hosted multiple 'cultural' events for abducted Ukrainian children during his time there. Since the full-scale war began, Ukrainian officials have documented the abduction of nearly 20,000 children by Russian forces. While in Russian territory, these Ukrainian children are subjected to systematic Russification, a deliberate effort to erase their heritage. Beznosov has rejected the allegations that he was directly involved in any events with abducted Ukrainian children despite his senior role at the Russian State Children's Library through the first year of the full-scale war, sparking a heated debate within Russia's exiled cultural sphere over the broader issue of societal complicity during wartime. Founded in 2025 by exiled Russian author Mikhail Shishkin, the Dar literary prize aims to spotlight Russian-language writers and foster a space where 'literature in Russian takes its rightful place in the world, being responsible to humanity, and not to dictatorships.' Shishkin has lived in Switzerland since 1995 and has long been an outspoken critic of Russian President Vladimir Putin. At the same time, he has repeatedly called for separating Russian culture from the Russian state. Writing in an op-ed titled 'Don't Blame Dostoevsky' for the Atlantic in 2022, Shishkin expressed the hope that a Ukrainian writer 'will speak up for (19th century Russian poet Alexander) Pushkin' whose statues were being dismantled across Ukraine. While the Dar literary prize was launched by its organizers with the intent to signal that the Russian government does not hold exclusive claim to Russian culture, the initiative has faced criticism for promoting Russian language and culture 'regardless of their place of residence and citizenship,' as it states on its website. 'The prize is structured in such a way that, on behalf of dissenting voices, it continues to transmit the official Russian narrative about a borderless Russian culture.' Critics argue that this approach overlooks the Kremlin's long-standing use of the Russian language as a tool to suppress Ukrainian and other national identities throughout the region, especially during wartime. 'The prize is structured in such a way that, on behalf of dissenting voices, it continues to transmit the official Russian narrative about a borderless Russian culture,' Ukrainian cultural commentator Bohdana Neborak told the Kyiv Independent. The one-line biographies omit the authors' nationalities, making it difficult to differentiate them beyond their shared use of the Russian language — the implication, intentional or not, is that they all might as well be Russian. 'It seeks ways of reconciliation within a dialogue that takes place in a single language but across different countries — thus creating a unified space similar to what is promoted by Russian propaganda. Such a dialogue is impossible, regardless of the goals stated by the prize,' Neborak added. Ukrainian author Galina, who is among those in the country's cultural sphere to have distanced themselves from writing in Russian since the full-scale war, was initially named the winner of the Dar literary prize for her book on the war's impact in Odesa, but declined it. In an open letter published on the award's website, she argued that Russian-language literature is not in need of such institutional backing abroad, citing its long-standing role as a successful tool of soft power abroad for Russia. 'Perhaps, when all the funding flows from Russia are finally cut off, Russian literature will eventually take its rightful place among other world literatures,' Galina said. 'And even that — only after it is cleansed of the crimes of the state.' Speaking to the Kyiv Independent, Galina acknowledged Shishkin's overall pro-Ukraine stance since Russia's invasion of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. While she mentioned the sincerity of his intentions in granting the award, Galina also cautioned that the realities of the ongoing full-scale war cast the award in a different light. 'Any attempts to sew the Russophone space are doomed now,' she said. Shishkin did not reply to the Kyiv Independent's request for comment. Amid renewed debate over whether Russian culture can be meaningfully disentangled from the crimes of the Russian state, the Dar literary prize's greatest controversy stemmed from allegations that shortlisted author Beznosov may have been complicit in the state's forcible deportation of Ukrainian children. Beznosov served as the deputy director of the Russian State Children's Library until November 2022, according to his LinkedIn account. However, he wrote in a post on his Facebook on May 29 that he left his position in September 2022 because 'the events of 2022' made it impossible for him to continue his work. During the first year of the full-scale war, the Russian State Children's Library participated in a number of events involving Ukrainian children displaced by the Russian authorities from Ukraine's occupied territories. Photo albums uploaded to the organization's Flickr page — including one from late March of 2022 titled 'Meeting with children who were evacuated from Donbas' at a camp retreat — document the events, which were also covered by local media. 'People involved in crimes against humanity, in the deportation of Ukrainian children from occupied territories, or in the genocide of the Ukrainian people have no place near the Dar literary prize.' Additional albums uploaded to the Russian State Children's Library's Flickr account document the Kitovras Festival, which took place in August 2022 in Vladimir, a city located to the east of Moscow. During the festival, there was an event for abducted Ukrainian children at a local library. Beznosov is photographed at the event, as is Russian children's book author Andrei Usachev, who has been a vocal supporter of Putin and the war against Ukraine. In his Facebook post, Beznosov claimed that he had curated the children's program at the local park that year but denied any involvement in organizing the event for abducted Ukrainian children. He added that he was present at the event because he was 'asked to announce the participating writers' in the capacity of his role at the Russian State Children's Library. 'I had no involvement with the (event with abducted Ukrainian children in Vladimir), have never been to Donbas, and did not compile any guidelines for promoting the Russian language or other similar recommendations. I never received or saw any such materials,' he wrote. Beznosov did not respond to the Kyiv Independent's request for comment. Given the controversy surrounding Beznosov was sparked by his nomination for the Dar literary prize, Shishkin wrote on Facebook that 'to what extent Denis Beznosov participated in these crimes — and whether he participated at all — must be determined by (the Ukrainian authorities), not a literary prize.''People involved in crimes against humanity, in the deportation of Ukrainian children from occupied territories, or in the genocide of the Ukrainian people have no place near the Dar literary prize.' Read also: Because of Russia, my child understood fear early Beznosov's professional background came under renewed scrutiny after Galina Rymbu, a Russian writer based in Ukraine, publicly alleged his complicity in the genocide of Ukrainians during his tenure at the Russian State Children's Library. In her posts, Rymbu highlighted that a closer examination of the events held by the library revealed that they were part of a larger, deliberate campaign to Russify abducted Ukrainian children. 'These camps (where children are brought) impose propaganda, cultural, educational, literary, and military-patriotic programming designed to erase Ukrainian identity and instill 'great Russian culture and language,' with the aim of convincing children they are now 'Russian,'' Rymbu explained in her initial post. 'Not just the deportation itself, but also these 're-education' camps and the propaganda and 'cultural' activities conducted in them are classified as acts of genocide by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe resolution.' Given the context of the full-scale war, the organization of events with abducted Ukrainian children would have been impossible without direct communication between the Russian State Children's Library and the Russian security services, Rymbu wrote. Photographs from the retreat with Ukrainian children posted in March 2022 on the Russian State Children's Library's Flickr page show a vehicle belonging to the Russian Ministry of Civil Defense, Emergencies, and Disaster Relief on the grounds. Rymbu also shared in her post a link to the grant application for 'The First Book Goes to the Children,' the Russian State Children's Library's program associated with 'cultural' events involving abducted Ukrainian children. The application is publicly available on the Russian Presidential Fund for Cultural Initiatives' website. It is presented as a project dedicated to preserving the 'all-Russian cultural identity' and 'counteracting the phenomenon of cancel culture.' The Russian State Children's Library proposes in the grant application that the "great Russian culture" can be a form of "psychological support" for Ukrainian children who 'relocated' to Russian territory. "The involvement of highly qualified specialists in children's reading engagement and child psychologists will help children and teenagers not only connect with great Russian culture through books but also comprehend the foundations of Russia's spiritual and moral code," the proposal reads. 'Anyone even remotely connected to Russia's occupation practices should be considered persona non grata.' Following Rymbu's investigative posts, several Russian artists in exile have rallied behind Beznosov, with Russian poet Dmitry Kuzmin even hinting at 'provocations orchestrated by Russian security services' behind the issue rather than engaging with the gravity of the allegations levied against Beznosov. Mikhail Edelstein, a Russian literary scholar who is listed on the expert council of Dar's website, even went as far to call Rymbu's posts 'disgusting manipulation and clout-chasing.' According to Russian author Sergei Lebedev, the absence of a clear anti-war, pro-Ukraine position among some members of the Russian literature community in exile reflects a deeper unwillingness to fully confront the scale of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. 'The key problem is that for many Russian cultural figures, Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine started in 2022, not in 2014,' Lebedev told the Kyiv Independent. 'And between 2014 and 2022 lies a gray zone of silence and moral compromises that most participants obviously don't want to look into. However, Lebedev argues that it's important to confront those in Russian society who were complicit with Russia's war against Ukraine, regardless of the scale. 'Anyone even remotely connected to Russia's occupation practices should be considered persona non grata,' Lebedev wrote on social media. Hi, this is Kate Tsurkan, thank you for reading this article. The Kyiv Independent doesn't have a wealthy owner or a paywall. Instead, we rely on readers like you to keep our journalism funded. We're now aiming to grow our community to 20,000 members — if you liked this article, consider joining our community today. We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Yahoo
3 days ago
- General
- Yahoo
At least 631 children have been killed in Ukraine as result of Russia's full-scale invasion
As a result of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, 631 children have been killed and more than 1,975 injured, according to data as of 4 June 2025. Source: Office of the Prosecutor General Details: According to juvenile prosecutors, the largest number of children were affected in: Donetsk Oblast – 646, Kharkiv Oblast – 495, Kherson Oblast – 214, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast – 242, Kyiv Oblast – 146, Zaporizhzhia Oblast – 185, Mykolaiv Oblast – 120, Sumy Oblast – 142. According to the Interior Ministry, at least 2,244 children are missing. Russia has deported or forcibly moved 19,546 kids. Over 1,6 million children remain on the occupied territories of Ukraine, where they undergo forced Russification, militarisation and indoctrination via propaganda. Background: President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that during talks in Istanbul on 2 June, the Russian delegation effectively acknowledged that Russia had abducted Ukrainian children, but refused to give exact numbers. In May, a group of US senators introduced a resolution demanding the return of all Ukrainian children abducted by Russia. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!
BBC News
6 days ago
- General
- BBC News
Russian occupation in Ukraine: Silent acts of resistance and fear
A fifth of Ukrainian territory is now under Russian control, and for Ukrainians living under occupation there seems little chance that any future deal to end the war will change Ukrainians in different Russian-controlled cities have told the BBC of the pressures they face, from being forced to accept a Russian passport to the risks of carrying out small acts of resistance. We are not using their real names for their own safety, and will call them Mavka, Pavlo and potential dangers are the same, whether in Mariupol or Melitopol, seized by Russia in the full-scale invasion in 2022, or in Crimea which was annexed eight years chose to stay in Melitopol when the Russians invaded her city on 25 February 2022, "because it is unfair that someone can just come to my home and take it out".She has lived there since birth, midway between the Crimean peninsula and the regional capital recent months she has noticed a ramping up of not only a strict policy of "Russification" in the city, but of an increased militarisation of all spheres of life, including in has shared pictures of a billboard promoting conscription to young locals, a school notebook with Putin's portrait on it, and photos and a video of pupils wearing Russian military uniforms instead of the school outfits - boys and girls - and performing military education tasks. Some 200km (125 miles) along the coast of the sea of Azov, and much closer to the Russian border, the city of Mariupol feels as if it has been "cut off" from the outside world, according to key port and hub of Ukraine's steel industry was captured after a devastating siege and bombardment that lasted almost three months in citizenship is now obligatory if you want to work or study or have an urgent medical help, Pavlo says."If someone's child, let's say, refuses to sing the Russian anthem at school in the morning, the FSB [Russia's security service] will visit their parents, they will be 'pencilled in' and then anything can happen." Pavlo survived the siege despite being shot six times, including to his that he has recuperated, he feels he cannot leave because of elderly relatives."Most of those who stayed in Mariupol or returned, did so to help their elderly parents or their sick grandparents, or because of their flat," he tells me over the phone after midnight so no-one will biggest preoccupation in Mariupol is holding on to your home, as most of the property damaged in the Russian bombardment has been demolished, and the cost of living and unemployment has surged."I'd say 95% of all talk in the city is about property: how to claim it back, how to sell it. You'll hear people talk about it while queuing to buy some bread, on your way to a chemist, in the food market, everywhere," he says. Crimea has been under occupation since Vladimir Putin annexed the peninsula in 2014, when Russia's war in Ukraine decided to remain, also to care for an elderly relative but also because she did not want to leave "her beautiful home".All signs of Ukrainian identity have been banned in public, and Iryna says she cannot speak Ukrainian in public any more, "as you never know who can tell the authorities on you".Children at nursery school in Crimea are told to sing the Russian anthem every morning, even the very youngest. All the teachers are Russian, most of them wives of soldiers who have moved in from occasionally puts on her traditional, embroidered vyshyvanka top when she has video calls with friends elsewhere on the peninsula."It helps us to keep our spirits high, reminding us about our happy life before the occupation". But the risks are high, even for wearing a vyshyvanka. "They might not shoot you straight away, but you can simply disappear afterwards, silently," she speaks of a Ukrainian friend being questioned by police because Russian neighbours, who came to Crimea in 2014, told police he had illegal weapons. "Of course he didn't. Luckily they let him go in the end, but it's so frightening."Iryna complains that she cannot go out on her own even for coffee "because solders can put a gun at you and say something abusive or order you to please them". Resistance in Ukraine's occupied cities is dangerous, and it often comes in small acts of defiance aimed at reminding residents that they are not Melitopol, Mavka talks of being part of a secret female resistance movement called Zla Mavka (Angry Mavka) "to let people know that Ukrainians don't agree with the occupation, we didn't call for it, and we will never tolerate it".The network is made up of women and girls in "pretty much all occupied cities", according to Iryna, although she cannot reveal its size or scale because of the potential dangers for its describes her role in running the network's social media accounts, which document life under occupation and acts like placing Ukrainian symbols or leaflets in public places "to remind other Ukrainians that they are not alone", or even riskier practices. "Sometimes we also put a laxative in alcohol and baked goods for the Russian soldiers, as a 'welcome pack'," she for that kind of act, which the BBC is unable to verify, would be occupation authorities treat the Ukrainian language or anything related to Ukraine as extremist, says are well aware of what happened to journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna, 27, who disappeared while investigating allegations of torture prisons in eastern Ukraine in 2023. Russian authorities told her family she had died in custody in September 2024. Her body was returned earlier this month, with several organs removed and clear signs of torture. Silent disappearance is what Mavka fears most: "When suddenly nobody can find out where you are or what's happened to you."Her network has developed a set of tasks for new joiners to pass to avoid infiltration, and so far they have managed to avoid cyber now they are waiting and watching: "We cannot take up arms and fight back against the occupier right now, but we want at least to show that pro-Ukrainian population is here, and it will also be here".She and others in Melitopol are following closely what is happening in Kyiv, "because it is important for us to know whether Kyiv is ready to fight for us. Even small steps matter"."We have a rollercoaster of moods here. Many are worried documents might get signed that, God forbid, leave us under Russian occupation for even longer. Because we know what Russia will do here." The worry for Mavka and people close to her is that if Kyiv does agree a ceasefire it could mean Russia pursuing the same policy as in Crimea, erasing Ukrainian identity and repressing the population."They've been already replacing locals with their people. But people here are still hopeful, we will continue our resistance, we'll just have to be more creative".Unlike Mavka, Pavlo believes the war must end, even if it means losing his ability to return to Ukraine."Human life is of the greatest value… but there are certain conditions for a ceasefire and not everyone might agree with them as it raises a question, why have all those people died then during the past three years? Would they feel abandoned and betrayed?"Pavlo is wary of talking, even via an encrypted line, but adds: "I don't envy anyone involved in this decision-making process. It won't be simple, black and fears for Crimea's next generation who have grown up in an atmosphere of violence and, she says, copy their fathers who have returned from Russia's war against shows me her bandaged cat, and says a child on her street shot it with a rubber bullet."For them it was fun. These kids are not taught to build peace, they are taught to fight. It breaks my heart."
Yahoo
20-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
US senators introduce bipartisan resolution demanding return of abducted Ukrainian children
Washington, D.C. — In a rare display of bipartisan unity, a group of U.S. senators has introduced a resolution calling for the return of thousands of Ukrainian children abducted by Russia, urging that no peace agreement to end the war in Ukraine be finalized until all minors are safely repatriated. The resolution condemns what it describes as Russia's systematic abduction, forced transfer, and illegal deportation of Ukrainian children. It states that "Russia's abduction and Russification of Ukrainian children demonstrate Russia's intent to erase the Ukrainian nation and identity." The effort is being led by a group of six senators, including Republicans Charles E. Grassley, Roger Wicker, Joni Ernst, and Rick Scott, and Democrats Amy Klobuchar, Dick Durbin and John Fetterman. The resolution underscores that the invasion of Ukraine has increased the vulnerability of children to multiple threats, noting that the "invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation has significantly increased the risks of children being exposed to human trafficking and exploitation, child labor, sexual violence, hunger, injury, trauma, deprivation of education and shelter, and death." According to Ukrainian authorities, as of April 16, more than 19,500 children have been confirmed as unlawfully deported or forcibly transferred to Russia, Belarus, or areas of Ukraine under Russian occupation. So far, only 1,274 have been returned to Ukrainian-controlled territories. Read also: Because of Russia, my child understood fear early The resolution frames the abduction of children as a violation of international humanitarian law and the Genocide Convention, citing Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and Article II(e) of the Genocide Convention, which prohibits the forcible transfer of children from one group to another. The U.S. State Department's 2024 Trafficking in Persons Report has also documented Russia's recruitment of child soldiers and described the country as a global epicenter for state-sponsored human trafficking. Razom for Ukraine, a U.S.-based nonprofit supporting Ukraine, has endorsed the resolution. The organization stated, "This is an important step in President Donald Trump's March 19 promise to ensure Ukrainian children abducted by Russia are returned to their families. By kidnapping over 19,546 children from Ukraine, Russia is simultaneously erasing these children's identities as Ukrainians while holding them hostage. The United States must say clearly that children are not bargaining chips and must be returned immediately." Ambassador John Herbst, senior director of the Atlantic Council's Eurasia Center and former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, said that "Ukraine's kidnapped kids are counting on Congress and President Trump to insist that Moscow free them. Full stop." "According to available data, Russia has abducted more than 19,400 Ukrainian children since 2022 — an outrageous crime. Freeing Ukraine's children should be a prerequisite to any negotiations, and I thank President Trump for expressing his desire to help free Ukraine's children." Mykola Kuleba, CEO and founder of Save Ukraine and former ombudsman for children in Ukraine, emphasized the urgency of returning the children. "As a nonprofit leader working to rescue and reunite these children with their families, I'm grateful for every voice raised on their behalf. We deeply appreciate leaders urging action to ensure that these children are safely returned with urgency," he said. The resolution also references earlier remarks by former President Donald Trump, who has claimed he could persuade Russian President Vladimir Putin to release the abducted children. "President Trump help make sure those children were returned home," said Secretary of State Marco Rubio and then-National Security Advisor Mike Waltz at the time. In 2022, Putin signed a decree that made it easier for Russian families to adopt Ukrainian children. The Russian government revised its adoption laws to fast-track the placement of abducted children with Russian families, often after stripping them of their names, language, and national identity. The State Department's Conflict Observatory reports that at least 35,000 children have been affected by these forced transfers. Researchers say the data is vital to Ukraine's ongoing efforts to locate and repatriate abducted children. In March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Putin and Russian Children's Rights Commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova for their roles in the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children. The United States has also sanctioned at least 32 individuals and three Russian entities for their involvement in these abductions and related human rights violations. The bipartisan resolution signals that both Republican and Democratic lawmakers are united in condemning Russia's actions and in demanding the immediate return of Ukraine's children. Read also: As Russia trains abducted children for war, Ukraine fights uphill battle to bring them home We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
