Latest news with #SaddamHussein
Shafaq News
2 days ago
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Stateless in their homeland: The unending exile of Iraq's Feyli Kurds
Shafaq News/ In the quiet alleys of eastern Baghdad, Amira Abdul-Amir Ali moves through her days under the weight of silence. Her footsteps echo with decades of exclusion—an exile not from geography, but from legal existence. Born in 1960 and raised in Iraq, she remains, at 64, a citizen of nowhere. No official record affirms her Iraqi identity. Her life is suspended in a bureaucratic void—without recognition, rights, or recourse. Amira's story mirrors that of tens of thousands of Feyli Kurds, a Shiite Kurdish minority deeply woven into Iraq's social and economic fabric. For generations, they ran businesses, held public posts, and called Iraq home. But shifting political tides erased that belonging. Displacement by Decree The persecution of the Feyli Kurds was deliberate and protracted. In the early 1970s, the Baath regime under President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr initiated mass deportations, accusing Feylis of 'Iranian allegiance.' Under Saddam Hussein, the campaign intensified, peaking in 1980 with one of Iraq's most egregious state-led displacements. Citizenship papers vanished overnight. Families were rounded up and forced into Iran. Homes, shops, and savings were confiscated. Over 500,000 Feyli Kurds were expelled, according to estimates. Thousands of young men disappeared, likely executed or buried in unmarked graves. Baghdad's Feyli professionals and merchants were among the hardest hit. The Iraqi Ministry of Human Rights reports that more than 1.3 million people went missing nationwide between 1980 and 1990. Feyli Kurds bore a disproportionate share of that toll. Recognition Without Relief In 2010, Iraq's High Criminal Court classified the deportations and disappearances as genocide. A year later, Parliament echoed that recognition. Yet these acknowledgments, while historic, brought little in practice. Pledges to restore citizenship, return property, and compensate victims remain largely unfulfilled. Many survivors returned to Iraq after the 2003 fall of Saddam Hussein—hopeful, but soon entangled in a labyrinth of paperwork. Reinstating citizenship required documents lost during exile or raids, and the state offered scant support in recovering them. A Name Without a Nation Amira's life exemplifies this bureaucratic limbo. Deported with her family in 1980, she spent decades in Iran. There, she married an Iraqi prisoner of war in a religious ceremony—valid by custom, but unregistered by Iraqi authorities. After returning to Iraq post-2003, her husband failed to submit her nationality paperwork. When he died, Amira was left alone, legally invisible. She holds no national ID, cannot access public healthcare or education, and is excluded from Iraq's food ration system. 'All I ask is to be treated like everyone else,' she told Shafaq News. 'To restore just a piece of my lost dignity.' Her entire legal identity today fits in a worn file folder—an unregistered marriage contract, a few aging residency papers—none sufficient to restore her rights. Bureaucracy and Gender Iraqi law allows reinstatement of Feyli citizenship in principle, but implementation is sluggish and inconsistent. For women, the hurdles are even greater. Iraq's civil registry system still leans heavily on male guardianship. Without a husband or male relative to file her case, Amira has effectively vanished from official records. Her experience reveals how gender compounds legal exclusion. Years in exile, outdated rules, and systemic corruption create a maze most cannot navigate. Her case is just one of hundreds stuck in this legal paralysis. Human Rights Watch has noted that Iraq's transitional justice efforts are undermined by fragmented politics and selective enforcement. Legal structures exist, but urgency and willpower are lacking. Genocide as Daily Reality The 2010 genocide ruling was a milestone—but more than a decade later, material justice remains absent. Property has not been restored. Compensation has not reached most victims. And citizenship remains elusive for many. Some Feyli Kurds have reintegrated. But others—like Amira—live in legal shadows. For them, 'genocide' is not merely a past crime—it is a daily condition. 'I live as though I have no right to anything… no home, no document, no voice,' Amira said. 'Orphaned by both parents—I just want to be treated as an Iraqi. That's all.' A Humanitarian Path Forward Amira continues to appeal to Iraqi leaders—especially Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and Interior Minister Abdul-Amir al-Shammari—seeking a humanitarian solution. Iraqi law does include provisions for exceptional cases, particularly involving mixed marriages and displaced persons, but they are rarely and inconsistently applied. Human rights advocates stress the need for urgent administrative reform: simplify application procedures, recognize informal marriages in exile, and allow women to reclaim citizenship without male intermediaries. The United Nations defines legal identity as a foundational right—one that enables access to education, healthcare, political participation, and economic life. Without it, individuals are effectively erased from public existence.
Yahoo
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- Yahoo
Sky Doc on Flight 149 British Airways Passengers, Crew Held Hostage by Saddam Hussein Gets Trailer
Flight 149: Hostage of War is the title of a new Sky feature documentary that recounts 'one of the most extraordinary – and until recently, officially denied – chapters of the Gulf War,' the Comcast-owned company said on Friday in unveiling a trailer for the original film that will debut in the U.K. and Ireland in June. 'On Aug. 2, 1990, just after Saddam [Hussein]'s forces storm Kuwait, a civilian flight unwittingly touches down in the middle of the warzone,' reads a synopsis for the doc. 'The passengers and crew find themselves trapped, held as hostages by Saddam Hussein, becoming pawns in a rapidly escalating international crisis that will reshape the Middle East.' More from The Hollywood Reporter Charli XCX Pitches "It Girl" 'Final Destination' Film Starring Rachel Sennott, Jenna Ortega: "Just Hot People Getting Killed" Matthew Goode Talks Becoming Netflix's New Leading Man in 'Dept. Q' - And Why He Won't Be in 'Downton Abbey 3' Breaking Down 'Bridgerton's' Most Over-the-Top Wig Creations Calling the doc 'an unflinching exploration of a geopolitical scandal,' Sky also highlighted the stakes. 'For over three decades, the British government denied any prior knowledge of the invasion before the plane's ill-fated landing. Now, new information has come to light to challenge the official narrative, and the surviving hostages are taking the British government and BA [British Airways] to court to seek justice and the truth.' Premiering on June 11 on Sky Documentaries and Sky streaming service Now, Flight 149: Hostage of War promises to combine 'powerful firsthand testimonies from the key players, including the surviving hostages, Kuwaiti resistance fighters, investigative journalist Stephen Davis, and political insiders.' When plans for the doc were first unveiled, Sky highlighted that more than 385 men, women and children were on board of the flight. 'Saddam Hussein broadcasts to the world that the passengers of the plane are now his 'guests' and are not allowed to leave,' it noted back then. 'They are held as human shields in military and chemical plants across Iraq in a rapidly escalating international crisis. Over the next five months, a tense hostage story unfolds with the world watching. It coincides with a pivotal moment in geopolitical history that will change the West's relationship with the Middle East forever. The hostages become pawns caught up with a ruthless dictator, a plane full of spies, a British government cover-up, and unexpected involvement from Richard Branson.' The trailer for the feature doc, produced by Drum Studios, gives a first taste of what to expect in Flight 149: Hostage of War and includes footage of the likes of then-U.K. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher next to then-U.S. President George H. W. Bush, a shot of Saddam Hussein, as well as a range of former hostages. Watch the trailer below. Best of The Hollywood Reporter 'The Studio': 30 Famous Faces Who Play (a Version of) Themselves in the Hollywood-Based Series 22 of the Most Shocking Character Deaths in Television History A 'Star Wars' Timeline: All the Movies and TV Shows in the Franchise
The National
3 days ago
- Lifestyle
- The National
Writings on Cairo's notorious communal taxis showcase Egyptian humour and religious piety
The writings on the back of Cairo's notorious communal taxis have long offered a rich insight into the humour Egyptians are renowned for along with their religious piety. Lately, they have also been shining a light on the mood of the city, a sprawling and chaotic metropolis of 25 million people. In some ways, the writings – which are either painted on or on stickers – are an unlikely window of free expression in a country long accustomed to rigid restrictions on free speech, where social media is about the only place where Egyptians can speak their minds with relative freedom. It is not that what is written on the back of these minibuses is inflammatory or particularly seditious – it is often simply the names of the driver's children or a short Quranic verse or a prayer – but that they offer a glimpse of the mood among the city's overwhelmingly poor majority. With so many minibuses in Cairo – at least 50,000 by one count – the messages they display are widely seen as they dart and weave through the streets at all hours of the day and night. In some cases, there is an image of Saddam Hussein, Che Guevara or Bob Marley. In other cases, there are words of deep gratitude to mothers. Very common too are supplications for the protection of the minibus from envy, such as: "Don't be vexed, it's God's will" or "God will keep it safe!". "It's like a thawab [reward] that will help me on Judgment Day," said Mohammed Hassan, whose minibus bears a sticker that says "Don't forget to say Allah out loud!" "I work the route between Abdel Moneim Riad Square and Maadi and I stop at so many lights, so you can imagine how many thawabs I earn every time someone reads the sticker," he said, referring to the roughly 17km distance between the central Cairo square and the leafy suburb to the south. Some of the writings on the minibuses – they are the most popular mode of transport in the city and are known in Egypt's Arabic vernacular as microbasat – speak of, but more often just hint at, the struggle of Cairo's poor majority as they deal with double-digit inflation, expanding taxes and higher utility bills. "I am neither a doctor nor an engineer, but I know something about car engines," says one that speaks of pride in what a minibus driver does for a living. "No gold or antiquities, just hard work night and day," says another, alluding to the vast wealth made by Egyptians involved in illegal gold mining or trafficking in ancient artefacts. "Oh, if only lady luck would smile on me," declares one that bemoans poverty. The humour, however, can sometimes be edgy or dark. Often, it seems to be in the same vein as the lyrics of Mahraganat music, a relatively new genre that emerged in the wake of the 2011 uprising that removed the 29-year regime of Hosni Mubarak and has since flourished in Cairo's poor districts. "Don't stare at it [the minibus] enviously, you moron!" goes the first part of an aggressive attempt at humour. "Be back in a second," says one that speaks to the delays sometimes caused when the driver stops for tea and a smoke at a nearby cafe. "They beat up on us so hard and we responded, but only with curse words," reads a self-effacing phrase on one minibus, echoing an often-repeated line from a 2000 Egyptian blockbuster movie, El Nazer Salahedldeen. "If you cannot make yourself happy, ruin the mood of everyone else," is the obnoxious counsel offered by another. "I would rather stick to prayers or verses from the Quran," said a minibus driver whose vehicle bears a sticker that reads: "Allah is the best protector". "It is the wisdom of an old man like me who has no formal education except for that from the school of life," he mused. Sometimes, the humour on the minibuses is somewhat risque, and, in some ways, speaks to the problems involved in dealing with some unruly drivers. "Not all women are ladies," declares one that professes an understanding of the human condition. Staying with the topic of women, another one uses the customary phrasing of job advertisements: "A hottie is wanted to stay with me through my shift." These kind of messages fit in with the widespread notoriety of minibus drivers. Cases of assault and sexual harassment are not uncommon on Cairo's communal taxis, prompting police in some cases to plaster flyers on the back of seats that list the names and mobile numbers of officers at local police should they be needed to report a crime. Lately, more serious messages have begun to appear on the minibuses. "God, please, make our brothers in Palestine victorious!" says one, superimposed on a map of Palestine in the green, red and black colours of the Palestinian flag. "Gaza is in our hearts," declares another. The writings on the minibuses have not always been innocuous. In the early 1980s, the government saw fit to ban them when some were deemed to betray sectarian undertones at a time of Muslim-Christian violence in Cairo. "The Lord is my shepherd; I shall not want," was a popular one used then by Christians on minibuses as well as private cars. Muslims countered with the use of the declaration of faith: "There is no God but Allah and Mohammed is his messenger."
Shafaq News
4 days ago
- Business
- Shafaq News
From Mogadishu to Madrid: Iraq's forgotten global assets
Shafaq News/ From tea plantations in Vietnam to Mediterranean villas in France, and from the outskirts of Mogadishu to the coastlines of Mozambique, a vast trove of Iraqi-owned properties and investments—valued at no less than $90 billion—has slipped into obscurity. Once key instruments of influence and diplomacy, these assets now lie buried in unarchived files, undocumented contracts, and unnamed holdings. Forgotten Assets Senior diplomatic sources who spoke with Shafaq News reveal that Iraq holds more than 50 properties and foreign investments scattered across Europe, Asia, and Africa. Acquired over decades, this portfolio spans luxury real estate, farmland, banks, office buildings, and industrial facilities. Europe houses a significant portion of Iraq's footprint, with assets in Spain, France, the UK, and Italy. Some properties are situated in prestigious locations, such as Cannes on the French Riviera, a city synonymous with elite allure. Beyond residences, the holdings include financial institutions and commercial offices strategically placed across major cities, originally intended as economic diplomacy outposts. In Asia, the focus shifts to agricultural investments. Iraq's ventures include plantations producing tea, rice, rubber, and tobacco across Malaysia, Sri Lanka, and Vietnam. Africa presents yet another dimension. Iraqi assets comprise tourist islands, agro-processing factories, and agricultural estates in Somalia, Nigeria, and Mozambique. This expansive network of international holdings traces back to policies from the 1970s and 1980s when surging oil revenues fueled Iraq's global investment ambitions. Under the Foreign Investment Law of 1981, the state secured the authority to acquire and manage overseas properties through embassies, commercial attachés, and sovereign investment vehicles. The goal was clear: establish Iraq as a player in global trade and leverage its economic presence abroad. Yet, that vision lost momentum over the years. The 1990s sanctions, the 2003 regime change, and prolonged instability severely disrupted oversight. Some assets fell into undocumented limbo, others became caught in legal grey zones, and several were absorbed into local markets under circumstances still not fully understood. Dormant Oil Plant A vivid example of this forgotten legacy emerged at the recent Arab League summit in Baghdad. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud brought to light an Iraqi-built oil refinery on the outskirts of Mogadishu that had vanished from official records. Constructed in 1978 through a formal agreement between Iraq and Somalia, the refinery disappeared from Iraq's inventories after Saddam Hussein's fall. For over two decades, its existence remained unacknowledged—absent from registries and erased from institutional memory. Somali officials informed Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani that the refinery remains structurally intact and could resume operations with technical rehabilitation. This revelation arrives as Somalia prepares to explore its offshore oil reserves, positioning the plant as a potential regional energy hub. Originally designed to refine imported crude and store petroleum products for domestic and regional use, the facility once processed over 10,000 barrels per day. Beyond its practical function, it symbolized Iraq's Cold War-era economic diplomacy—a strategic energy foothold anchoring Baghdad's influence in the Horn of Africa. In response, Baghdad swiftly organized specialized legal and technical committees to probe Iraq's overseas asset landscape, beginning with Somalia and expanding to other countries hosting similar projects. The Ministries of Oil, Foreign Affairs, and Justice joined efforts to verify ownership, review documentation, and regularize the legal and tax status of each facility. Diplomacy Meets Armed Threat These recovery efforts are not new. In 2012, Iraq initiated one of its earliest serious missions to reclaim overseas properties, sending a delegation to Mozambique to inspect a state-owned asset—reportedly a former palace on a tourist island. What was intended as a routine diplomatic inspection quickly turned precarious. According to a diplomatic source briefing Shafaq News, the delegation encountered no official representatives but instead faced armed threats. An armed group controlling the site forced the Iraqi team to abort their mission and leave the country immediately. This incident epitomizes the broader, intricate challenge Iraq faces in reclaiming its scattered global properties. Similar attempts in Sudan, Chad, and parts of Eastern Europe have met comparable resistance. In many cases, local militias, privatized entities, or reorganized state bodies invoke laws on adverse possession or post-conflict redistribution to justify retaining control over assets Iraq insists are rightfully theirs. A Complex Recovery Preliminary valuations place these foreign holdings between $80 billion and $90 billion—an amount economists view as a vital resource for diversifying Iraq's income. With the 2024 federal budget totaling approximately $152 billion and crude oil exports accounting for 93% of revenues, recovering even 10% of these assets could contribute nearly 6% of the annual budget. Such a boost would provide a critical cushion against oil market volatility. Nonetheless, reclaiming these assets remains a complex endeavor. Legal experts highlight numerous obstacles, including statutes of limitations and protective court rulings that recognize new ownership, given Iraq's prolonged absence from these jurisdictions. Years of neglect have compounded the difficulty. Complicating matters further, Iraq's Parliamentary Integrity Committee acknowledges that a significant portion of ownership records was lost, stolen, or destroyed following the 2003 invasion. During the ensuing chaos, some properties transferred quietly to individuals or front companies linked to the former regime, while others vanished into legal limbo—abandoned, seized without challenge, or entangled in unclear ownership. The situation grows more complicated in countries like Italy and Nigeria, where inheritance claims, local investment restrictions, and debates over whether assets were held directly by the Iraqi state or through now-defunct shell companies create additional hurdles. In weaker judicial systems, forged documents have surfaced, supporting false ownership claims, while legitimate Iraqi cases face bureaucratic delays, political interference, and corruption. Faced with these challenges, Iraq's Anti-Corruption Commission warns that without a centralized, publicly accessible registry of foreign holdings, future recovery attempts risk repeating past failures. To bridge this gap, the Iraqi Foreign Ministry has launched a historical mapping initiative aimed at reconstructing records of foreign assets. This project taps into embassy archives, decades-old trade agreements, and files from the United Nations oil-for-food program. Retired diplomats and senior officials who managed these holdings during the 1980s and 1990s have also been called upon to help unravel the complex ownership puzzle. Legal specialists interviewed by Shafaq News emphasize the need for Iraq to move beyond initial inquiries and behind-the-scenes discussions. They recommend initiating formal legal proceedings before the International Court of Justice, alongside negotiating bilateral treaties with host countries to reaffirm Iraq's ownership claims. Equally important, they note, is the creation of accountability mechanisms to identify and address those who have benefited from or hidden these assets over the years.
Al Jazeera
4 days ago
- Al Jazeera
Iraq's Invisible Beauty: Through Latif al-Ani's Lens
Acclaimed photographer Latif al-Ani, born in Baghdad in 1932, is known as the father of Iraqi photography. As the official photographer for presidents and the Iraqi Petroleum Company, his portfolio forms a unique visual archive of Iraq during its heyday from the 1950s to 1970s. His photos capture the abundance and complexity of a modern and cosmopolitan nation living in peace and harmony. But when Saddam Hussein rose to power, al-Ani stopped taking photos. After decades of war, al-Ani travels across Iraq with his photographs in search of the remnants of his beautiful country. Iraq's Invisible Beauty is a documentary film by Sahim Omar Kalifa and Jurgen Buedts.
