Latest news with #SouthVietnamese
Toronto Star
3 days ago
- Toronto Star
Everyone must see this photo — thousands of lives depend on it
Her name is Ward Al-Sheikh Khalil. She's the silhouette of a 5-year-old girl who was recorded in the early hours of Monday morning as she escaped through the flames of Israel's latest slaughter. An air strike destroyed the school in Gaza City where Ward had sheltered with other Palestinian families who had been forced from their homes. Ward survived. Her mother, and all but one of her siblings, did not, according to reports from Gaza. Sometimes it takes an image, or one story, to grab hold, and to shock the world into caring. Alan Kurdi was the 2-year-old Syrian boy whose body washed up on the sandy shores of a Turkish beach in September 2015. The rubber boat carrying his family to Greece capsized, like so many other boats transporting desperately fleeing refugees had before. That image of the little boy's lifeless body brought the plight of the humanitarian crisis to the world. The attention was too late, too little and short-lived. But his death saved lives. South Vietnamese forces follow after terrified children, including 9-year-old Kim Phuc, center, as they run down Route 1 near Trang Bang after an aerial napalm attack on suspected Viet Cong hiding places, June 8, 1972. Nick Ut AP Kim Phuc was perhaps the most famous image to break through. The 1972 iconic photo of children fleeing a deadly napalm attack, with Phuc in the foreground, became a defining photo of the Vietnam War and helped finally bring an end to the fighting. It too came too late. But her terrible suffering saved lives. Images now are everywhere, for everything, and this saturation means they do not hold the same power as they did a decade ago and certainly not as they did five decades ago. There have been hundreds, if not thousands of photos and videos and testimonials from Gaza, as heartbreaking as this one. Those in power will condemn the atrocity and promise action that never comes. Saying 'it's complicated' has become synonymous with 'look away.' But take a moment and don't look away. Watch this video of Ward — and try to absorb that horror. The footage is on CBC, BBC, CBS and other media outlets that fact-check to the best standards that are possible in a war that Israel has censored. Foreign journalists are barred from entering Gaza and the brave Palestinian journalists who are on the ground have been targeted by Israel and harassed by Hamas. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW On Oct. 25, 2023, Canadian journalist and novelist Omar El Akkad wrote this sentence on X: 'One day, when it's safe, when there's no personal downside to calling a thing what it is, when it's too late to hold anyone accountable, everyone will have always been against this.' Beneath was a video of the destruction with the words: 'This is Gaza.' He wrote that before more than 50,000 Palestinians were killed, almost a third of them children. He turned that 'tweet' into a book that is a searing indictment of the West's 'institutional gutlessness.' It's not 'complicated.' And it's too late. But let the image of Ward grab hold and save what lives we still can.
Herald Malaysia
4 days ago
- Politics
- Herald Malaysia
Faith helps Vietnam's Catholics overcome war scars, hardship
Catechumens join the offertory procession during a Mass for baptism of Catholic converts in Phu Cam Cathedral in Hue, Vietnam on May 24. (Photo: Archdiocese of Hue) HANOI: Irenaeus Ho lost his right leg during the Vietnam War, but he never misses out on Sunday Mass at his small parish Church in Quang Tri he was a teenager, Ho was a South Vietnamese soldier and fought against northern communist forces until he was seriously injured in a battle at Khe Sanh in 1968.'In those days, we didn't dare dream of having a church here,' Ho told UCA the war ended in 1975 and the communists took over all of Vietnam, soldiers and civil servants like Ho who worked under the Western-backed South were detained, sent to re-education camps and forced to clear land Catholics were forced to relocate to other areas as a form of punishment after being labeled as traitors and anti-communist. Churches and Church-run properties were confiscated nationwide.'This land was destroyed by war, and religion was under tight control for decades,' Ho Ba Long sub-parish in Khe Sanh was once dubbed 'hell on earth' during the war. When the fighting intensified, most of the local Catholic population fled south or were detained, sent to re-education camps, or crossed the border into Laos.A Catholic father of four and now in his seventies, Ho was among many Catholics forcibly resettled in Ba Long decades ago. There was no Church, no priest and no religious activity due to an unofficial but effective ban on recalled that Catholic families lived under surveillance, endured discrimination, and faced restrictions on their religious practices.'Back then, we had to walk 70 kilometers through forests to attend Mass in Dong Ha and stay the night just to join the Sunday liturgy,' he recalled. 'Government officials insulted and threatened us when we returned.'Priests ministered discreetly. Father Francis Xavier Le Van Cao, then pastor of Dong Ha Parish, would disguise himself as a farmer and bike to Khe Sanh to administer sacraments secretly. He dared not celebrate Mass openly, fearing local chapel, bombed in 1968, lay in ruins for years. But faith refused to die. Families gathered quietly to pray.'Those were painful years, but they strengthened our belief and deepened our unity,' Ho said. 'Rising from the ashes' Prompted mainly by Vietnam's worsening socio-economic situation following the war, the communist government adopted the Doi Moi (renovation) policy in the 1980s. From ruins to renewal After the country's 1975 reunification, Hue archdiocese — like many other dioceses in the Southeast Asian country — saw its seminaries, schools, hospitals, charities and other facilities confiscated by the government. A Church reborn Further south, covering Vietnam's largest city, Ho Chi Minh City, the Catholic Church has experienced a dramatic resurgence. Faith passed on with gratitude For younger generations, the sacrifices of their parents and grandparents are a source of deep pride. 'For the past 50 years, we have lived our faith by loving, forgiving, and entrusting everything to God — even in the darkest times,' Tran
The Age
5 days ago
- The Age
Sixty years after they died together, two soldiers awarded for gallantry
But the military downplayed other acts of astonishing courage by both Wheatley and by Swanton. Warrant Officer Swanton, when he was shot on November 13, 1965, was attempting to save the life of a wounded South Vietnamese soldier by carrying him across the paddy field, knowing he was exposing himself to enemy gunfire. It was a selfless act that led to his own death after Wheatley dragged him to cover. Yet a military officer dismissed Swanton's eligibility for a medal, declaring that 'whilst his actions could be described as 'courageous', these actions are what all service personnel are expected to perform in an attempt to preserve the life of a wounded comrade'. The appeals tribunal overturned that decision. Swanton's niece Chantal Swanton-Gallant flew from Queensland to accept the posthumous award. She and her son, Nicholas Swanton-Gallant, asked for privacy after the emotional and belated ceremony. They were joined by members of Wheatley's family after the awards investiture. Wheatley's Award for Gallantry was for two separate acts of great courage. The first was on May 28, 1965 – 60 years to the day before his Medal for Gallantry was finally awarded and presented to his son, who was just 11 when he died. Pinned down by gunfire in a shallow ditch in Quang Tri Province, Wheatley saw a terrified Vietnamese girl, aged about three, break away from her mother and run screaming down the road. Warrant Officer Second Class Wheatley, aged 28 and with four children of his own back in Australia, leapt from cover and, fully exposed to heavy gunfire, ran to the little girl, scooped her up in his arms and raced her to safety, shielding her with his own body. A recommendation for a 'Mention in Dispatches' was ignored. On August 18, 1965, Wheatley charged a Viet Cong battalion alone, running up a heavy slope under fire. His action spurred a South Vietnamese unit into action, and the Viet Cong were routed. In the same action, he saved the life of US Marine Jim Lowe, earning him one of the US military's top awards for bravery, the Silver Star. Loading Wheatley's wife, Edna, travelled with son George and other family members to Sydney for Wednesday's awards investiture. It was, perhaps, some compensation for the pain and disadvantage she suffered after her husband was killed. She was sacked from her job at a western Sydney RSL Club for 'making a fuss' and demanding that her husband's body be returned for burial in Australia. She won that battle: Wheatley's body was eventually brought home, and Australian military policy was altered to ensure Australia's war dead were thereafter returned home.
Sydney Morning Herald
5 days ago
- Sydney Morning Herald
Sixty years after they died together, two soldiers awarded for gallantry
But the military downplayed other acts of astonishing courage by both Wheatley and by Swanton. Warrant Officer Swanton, when he was shot on November 13, 1965, was attempting to save the life of a wounded South Vietnamese soldier by carrying him across the paddy field, knowing he was exposing himself to enemy gunfire. It was a selfless act that led to his own death after Wheatley dragged him to cover. Yet a military officer dismissed Swanton's eligibility for a medal, declaring that 'whilst his actions could be described as 'courageous', these actions are what all service personnel are expected to perform in an attempt to preserve the life of a wounded comrade'. The appeals tribunal overturned that decision. Swanton's niece Chantal Swanton-Gallant flew from Queensland to accept the posthumous award. She and her son, Nicholas Swanton-Gallant, asked for privacy after the emotional and belated ceremony. They were joined by members of Wheatley's family after the awards investiture. Wheatley's Award for Gallantry was for two separate acts of great courage. The first was on May 28, 1965 – 60 years to the day before his Medal for Gallantry was finally awarded and presented to his son, who was just 11 when he died. Pinned down by gunfire in a shallow ditch in Quang Tri Province, Wheatley saw a terrified Vietnamese girl, aged about three, break away from her mother and run screaming down the road. Warrant Officer Second Class Wheatley, aged 28 and with four children of his own back in Australia, leapt from cover and, fully exposed to heavy gunfire, ran to the little girl, scooped her up in his arms and raced her to safety, shielding her with his own body. A recommendation for a 'Mention in Dispatches' was ignored. On August 18, 1965, Wheatley charged a Viet Cong battalion alone, running up a heavy slope under fire. His action spurred a South Vietnamese unit into action, and the Viet Cong were routed. In the same action, he saved the life of US Marine Jim Lowe, earning him one of the US military's top awards for bravery, the Silver Star. Loading Wheatley's wife, Edna, travelled with son George and other family members to Sydney for Wednesday's awards investiture. It was, perhaps, some compensation for the pain and disadvantage she suffered after her husband was killed. She was sacked from her job at a western Sydney RSL Club for 'making a fuss' and demanding that her husband's body be returned for burial in Australia. She won that battle: Wheatley's body was eventually brought home, and Australian military policy was altered to ensure Australia's war dead were thereafter returned home.
Business Times
6 days ago
- Politics
- Business Times
Can the people of Vietnam and those of the diaspora patch things up?
VIETNAM is triumphantly celebrating the 50th anniversary of the fall of Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City) and reunification of Vietnam (1975 to 2025) all through this year. But the event is remembered with deep anguish by the South Vietnamese diaspora scattered in Little Saigons across the globe. The government of Vietnam describes reunification joyfully as the 'Liberation of South Vietnam', made possible after a long and hard-fought victory against the military power of the United States and its ally, the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). At the same time, many Vietnamese living outside their home country have stayed loyal to the former RVN, a state that now exists only in memory, and they remember the reunification with disappointment. The event stirs recollections of gain and loss, happiness and hopelessness, and forgiveness and resentment, and even an extraordinary partial apology from an American wartime leader. For small countries, the moment of reunification carries a timely warning to develop self-reliance and not fall into a dependency trap like the RVN did. While the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam) relied heavily on its Communist allies for crucial military and economic aid, it remained independent by preventing either Moscow or Beijing from imposing their foreign policy agenda. But it was quite a different approach that was adopted in the South. The RVN depended entirely on the United States for its survival. It was unthinkable to many South Vietnamese that their staunch ally would suspend aid (which it did in March 1973), and withdraw its military forces. Some Southerners called it a betrayal. The reunification of the traumatised country meant different things at different times. At the time of the fall of Saigon, many people in the north described it as the happiest moment in their lives. When the country was officially unified on Jul 2, 1976, ending their separation since 1954, Hanoi Radio announced that leaders of the new state of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV, established in April 1976) were elected in the 492-member National Assembly by secret ballot. To uproarious applause, assemblymen approved the former North Vietnamese flag, anthem and emblem as symbols of the country. To the new leaders of the SRV, reunification was extremely tenuous, with many believing that the United States may return to resume war, or that a regrouped South Vietnamese military would invade the country. In an atmosphere of uncertainty, the government created re-education camps to 'reform' and 'remould' South Vietnamese. It faced intense criticism for operating such camps. A few years after reunification, the re-education camps were closed, and those South Vietnamese who remained, were further integrated into the country that appeared, like China, Communist only in name. From time to time, Hanoi cracked down on dissidents who spoke out, or criticised the state in speeches, books, and articles. A NEWSLETTER FOR YOU Friday, 8.30 am Asean Business Business insights centering on South-east Asia's fast-growing economies. Sign Up Sign Up There was a two-sided belief among foreign diplomats and journalists that Hanoi took an authoritarian approach because, first, it was uncertain about the political durability of the reunified state and the loyalty of the Southerners; and second, it was worried about renewed foreign intervention. The Hanoi authorities were still concerned about the intentions of the Western powers and their Asian allies in the years ahead. A continuing Cold War freeze did not help thaw the mood in Hanoi. Far away in the West, to many South Vietnamese refugees, the reunification was a tearful moment, and an unwanted assimilation. Decades later, the Vietnamese ethnic enclaves in the United States had not put the war behind them. Military veterans of the former RVN armed forces still wore uniforms and marched at public events in Orange County, California. They sang the South Vietnamese national anthem and waved the old flag of the defunct state. Such nationalist displays still continue to the present. Their nostalgia came in waves. In their new lives as diasporic persons, South Vietnamese remembered their lost homeland through political awareness and activism, and through poetry, literature and other media. The American experience was very different. The defeat of the United States and its South-Vietnamese client-state became a familiar narrative of US ineptness to confront North Vietnamese guerrilla war tactics, as well as the war's debilitating impact on the US economy, growing opposition from an influential antiwar movement, and a vacillating US home front that was exhausted by the fighting. North Vietnam's stoic war generation also experienced the conflict differently: The very reasons for US defeat were the reasons for North Vietnamese victory. Not only did North Vietnamese military victory deliver a shock to the US political establishment, it was incomprehensible to many in America, and to the South-Vietnamese diaspora, that the reunified state of Vietnam survived, even though it was ringed by a US trade embargo and a US veto blocking World Bank and International Monetary Fund loans to rebuild its economy and infrastructure. Many expected the new state of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam to collapse under outdated Communist policies. The Vietnamese government once again displayed a never-say-die attitude, and within a decade of the end of the war, it initiated doi moi (renovation) policies to rebuild and attract foreign investment. In 1994, the Bill Clinton administration lifted the trade embargo, giving Vietnam access to global markets, investments and loans. The two countries normalised diplomatic relations the following year. Vietnam remained a Communist state that showed it was possible to bring prosperity to its people by gradually opening its economy to foreign investment. It then went on to become one of South-east Asia's fastest-growing countries. Yet, decades of peace and prosperity have not been able to completely erase the differences between the people of the north and those of the south living abroad in diasporic communities. While the South Vietnamese people sought refuge in the West where they were welcomed to start new lives and put down roots, the Northerners too received the support of a segment of Western society. For instance, the New Left in the United States – an elite, intellectual segment of society that supported North Vietnam – ardently believed that the United States should never have intervened in Vietnam, that the conflict was not a 'civil war' but a national 'resistance of righteousness' against rampant US imperialism, that Ho Chi Minh and his politburo were nationalists who were responding to the US intervention, and that the US bombardment of the North was tantamount to a war crime that killed countless innocent civilians, and destroyed schools, hospitals and agriculture and industry. The American debacle in Vietnam led President Lyndon Johnson's Secretary of Defence, Robert S McNamara, to express an extraordinary regret for the US intervention with a candour heavily criticised by America's Cold Warriors. It is worth recalling McNamara's rhetorical words, 'How did this group – 'the best and the brightest' as we eventually came to be known in an ironically pejorative way – get it wrong on Vietnam?' It was McNamara who had overseen the intensive bombing of North Vietnam from 1965 to 1967. But in retrospect he offered a partial apology. The United States has never apologised for its war in Vietnam, in which an estimated 2.1 million to 3.8 million Vietnamese soldiers and civilians were killed during the American intervention and in the related conflicts before and after. The conflict also took the lives of more than 58,000 American soldiers between 1960 and 1975. Both Americans and Vietnamese have put the war behind them. American visitors to Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City are delighted at the friendship and hospitality extended to them by the Vietnamese, who are widely praised for having moved past the war into a new reconciliation. Time will tell whether the people of Vietnam, and those of the diaspora, can eventually patch things up. The writer is editor-in-chief, Rising Asia Journal (
