Latest news with #SubhasChandraBose
Time of India
2 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Independence Day 2025 essay and speech in English for kids and students
Independence Day 2025: India will celebrate its 79th Independence Day on 15th August 2025. This day holds a special place in every Indian's heart. It reminds us of the bravery and sacrifices made by our freedom fighters to make India free from British rule. Independence Day is not just a national holiday; it is a proud moment for every citizen of India, especially for students and children who participate in school functions, speeches, and essay competitions. Short Essay on Independence Day 2025 (150 Words) Independence Day is celebrated every year on 15th August in India. On this day in 1947, India gained freedom from British rule after many years of struggle. Great leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, Bhagat Singh, and Jawaharlal Nehru fought bravely for our freedom. This day is celebrated with great joy and pride all over the country. The Prime Minister of India hoists the national flag at the Red Fort and gives a speech. People sing patriotic songs, fly kites, and watch cultural programmes. Schools also organise flag hoisting, dance performances, and essay or speech competitions. Independence Day reminds us of the sacrifices made for our country. We must respect our freedom and work together to make India a better place. Jai Hind! Long Essay on Independence Day 2025 (300+ Words) Why Do We Celebrate Independence Day? Independence Day is celebrated on 15th August every year to remember the day when India became a free nation in 1947. Before that, India was ruled by the British for over 200 years. Our freedom did not come easily—it was earned through the struggles, protests, and sacrifices of many great leaders and countless brave citizens. Freedom Fighters Who Made Us Proud Several leaders played important roles in the Indian freedom movement. Mahatma Gandhi led the nation with his path of non-violence. Bhagat Singh sacrificed his life at a young age. Subhas Chandra Bose inspired people with his strong voice: 'Give me blood, and I shall give you freedom.' Jawaharlal Nehru, who later became the first Prime Minister of India, also played a key role in the movement. How is Independence Day Celebrated? Independence Day is a national holiday in India. On this day: The Prime Minister hoists the national flag at the Red Fort, Delhi. The Indian Army, Navy, and Air Force take part in the grand parade. Cultural performances are organised in schools and colleges. Students take part in essay writing, speech competitions, and patriotic songs. Many people also watch the event live on TV or online. Importance of Independence Day for Students For students and kids, Independence Day is a time to learn about the history of our country and the value of freedom. It helps them understand the importance of unity, peace, and respect for the nation. Participating in school events and listening to Independence Day speeches makes them feel proud to be Indian. Independence Day 2025 Speech in English for Students (Easy and Short) Good morning to everyone present here. My name is [Your Name], and today I feel very proud to stand here and speak about Independence Day. We all know that India got freedom on 15th August 1947 after a long struggle. Our great leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, and Bhagat Singh gave up everything to see India free. On this day, we remember their sacrifices and celebrate with joy. Our Prime Minister hoists the flag at the Red Fort, and we sing the national anthem. In our school, we also hoist the flag, perform dances, and speak about our country. Let us all promise to be good citizens, study hard, and make India proud. Thank you and Jai Hind! Interesting Facts About Indian Independence Day The first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, gave his famous speech 'Tryst with Destiny' on the night of 14th August 1947. The Indian flag has three colours: saffron for courage, white for peace, and green for growth, with the Ashoka Chakra in the middle. India shares its Independence Day (15th August) with South Korea and Bahrain. Independence Day 2025 is a chance for all of us to remember how lucky we are to be free. The freedom we enjoy today is the result of years of sacrifice and bravery. As students and future citizens, we must value our independence and do our best to make India a strong, united, and developed nation. Let's take a pledge to serve our country with honesty and love. Happy Independence Day 2025! Jai Hind!
Time of India
24-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Independence Day 2025 speech: Best long and short Swatantrata Diwas speeches in English for students
Independence Day speech ideas: Independence Day in India is more than a national holiday—it's a heartfelt tribute to the legacy of sacrifice, unity, and patriotism that earned the country its freedom on 15 August 1947. For every Indian, this day marks a pivotal moment in history when colonial shackles were broken, and a new dawn of sovereignty was ushered in. As we are all set to celebrate the 79th Independence Day, special programs are organised in schools and colleges across the country. This is the best time to express your thoughts for the country by giving an Independence Day speech. During the 15 August speech, you need to practice the facts mentioned in your Independence Day English speech. Theme of Independence Day 2025 The Government of India often announces a unique theme each year to guide the nationwide celebrations. For this year, the official theme is yet to be declared. National Celebrations and Events From the grand parade at the Red Fort in New Delhi to flag hoisting ceremonies across schools and institutions, the tricolour flies high with pride and glory. Speeches, patriotic songs, parades, cultural performances, and tributes to freedom fighters are key elements of the day. The Journey to Freedom: A Historical Glimpse From 1857 Revolt to 1947 Independence India's fight for freedom formally began with the First War of Independence in 1857, a valiant uprising against British rule. Over the next 90 years, countless protests, movements, and non-cooperation acts shaped the resistance. Role of Freedom Fighters in India's Liberation Heroes like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, Bhagat Singh, Rani Laxmi Bai, and Sardar Patel dedicated their lives to freeing India. Their strategies—ranging from non-violence to armed revolution—paved the way for independence. Role of Students in Independence Day Celebrations Patriotic Activities in Schools and Colleges Independence Day offers students a chance to actively participate in activities like: Flag hoisting Singing patriotic songs Enacting skits on freedom fighters Delivering speeches and essays Speech Competitions and Cultural Programs Speech competitions are among the most engaging ways students express their understanding of the nation's journey, values, and future. Long Independence Day Speech for Students (Updated for 2025) Good morning to everyone present here. Respected teachers, principal, and my dear friends, Today, I feel honoured to stand before you on the occasion of our nation's 79th Independence Day. On this proud day, we remember and salute the sacrifices made by millions of freedom fighters who brought independence to our land on 15th August 1947. Their dedication, courage, and love for the country should forever inspire us. India was under British rule for nearly two centuries. Our freedom fighters faced inhuman conditions, imprisonment, torture, and even death so that future generations could breathe in free air. From Gandhiji's Dandi March to Subhas Chandra Bose's Azad Hind Fauj, every movement etched new energy into the struggle for independence. Today, India is not just free, but it is growing, thriving, and leading globally in sectors like space technology, defense, agriculture, digital innovation, and education. As students and future leaders, we must cherish this freedom and contribute toward building a stronger India. Let us remember that with freedom comes responsibility. We must promise to uphold peace, respect others, support the underprivileged, and always prioritise our nation's interest. Jai Hind! Jai Bharat! Vande Mataram! Short Independence Day Speech for Students Good morning and Happy Independence Day to all. Today we celebrate 79 years of freedom from British rule. On this day in 1947, India emerged as a sovereign nation after a long struggle filled with sacrifices. Let us take a moment to remember Gandhiji, Nehruji, Bhagat Singh, and countless unnamed heroes. Their bravery has made it possible for us to live in a free nation. Let us vow to become responsible citizens, support each other, and work hard to fulfil our duties to our motherland. Thank you, Jai Hind! Independence Day Speech for Kids Good morning, teachers and friends. Today is 15th August, our Independence Day. It is a very important day for all of us. On this day in 1947, India got its freedom from British rule. Our great leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose worked hard for our country. Let us respect them and make India proud by being good students and responsible citizens. Happy Independence Day! Jai Hind! Independence Day Speech for Primary Students Hi everyone and Happy Independence Day! I am proud to be an Indian. Today we remember all the freedom fighters who made India free. Let's always love our country, follow rules, help each other, and make India a better place. Bharat Mata ki Jai! Key Points to Include in Independence Day Speeches Date and significance of 15 August Struggles under British rule Non-violent freedom movements Role of youth in nation-building Importance of unity and diversity Famous freedom fighters and their contributions Inspirational Quotes for Independence Day Speeches "Freedom is not worth having if it does not include the freedom to make mistakes." – Mahatma Gandhi "Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it!" – Bal Gangadhar Tilak "Faith is the bird that feels the light when the dawn is still dark." – Rabindranath Tagore "The sanctity of law can be maintained only so long as it is the expression of the will of the people." – Bhagat Singh "Let new India arise out of peasants' cottage, grasping the plow, out of huts, cobbler and sweeper." – Swami Vivekananda Tips to Deliver a Great Independence Day Speech Start with a warm greeting Speak clearly and confidently Use hand gestures to express passion Include a personal touch or story End with patriotic slogans Emotional Connect: Expressing Patriotism in Speech Make your audience feel proud. Remind them of the struggle, the sacrifices, and how far the nation has come. Stir emotions through quotes, real stories, and your own love for the nation. How Teachers Can Help Students Prepare for Speeches Assist in writing drafts Conduct practice sessions Offer constructive feedback Encourage creativity and confidence Role of Technology in Modern Independence Day Celebrations Today, students use digital tools to: Create virtual presentations Share speeches on YouTube Attend online competitions Watch documentaries on India's freedom As we mark the 79th Independence Day of India, let us remember that freedom is not a gift but a hard-earned right. We owe it to our freedom fighters and to future generations to protect this liberty. Let's dream big, act responsibly, and always keep the spirit of unity alive. Vande Mataram! Jai Hind! Bharat Mata Ki Jai! Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) Q. What is the date of Independence Day in India? A: India celebrates Independence Day on 15th August every year. Q. Why is 15 August celebrated? A: It marks the end of British rule and India's emergence as an independent nation in 1947. Q. Who was the first Prime Minister of independent India? A: Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. Q. What is a good quote to use in a speech? A: 'Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it' – Bal Gangadhar Tilak. Q. How should I start my speech on Independence Day? A: Start by greeting the audience and stating why the day is important. Q. What should kids say in their speech? A: Simple facts like the date, reason for celebration, and expressing pride in being Indian. For more informative articles on historical and upcoming events from around the world, please visit Indiatimes Events.
Scroll.in
07-07-2025
- Politics
- Scroll.in
‘Failures for having dreamed of a united India': Diplomat KM Panikkar anticipated Partition in 1941
In the spring of 1942, Panikkar received a shock. He had known for some time that the maharaja was ill, but he hadn't known the extent of it. Now, Ganga Singh informed him soberly that he had, for a long time, been living with throat cancer. His doctors had told him that he had mere months to live. It was a moment Panikkar would never forget. This was the second maharaja he had served with for such a long time. Of Sadul Singh, Bikaner's mercurial son and heir, he knew little, but it was clear that this was yet another turning point in his career. In fact, turning points were everywhere. In February 1942, Linlithgow's muttered imprecations about the direction of the guns of Singapore came true. Long held to be an impregnable citadel, the island fell to the Japanese that month. They were here now, at India's door from the south and from the northeast, holding over 62,000 Commonwealth and British troops captive. It was a stunning blow to Britain's prestige in Asia, and it led inevitably to the popular feeling that the British were not, after all, as invincible as they seemed. The authorities in New Delhi were nervous that Hindus had a 'brotherly feeling' for the Japanese. This wasn't helped by the fact that, just the previous year, in 1940, Subhas Chandra Bose had escaped house arrest in Calcutta. With the help of the Abwehr – German intelligence – he was spirited across Peshawar and Afghanistan to the Soviet Union, where he assumed a new identity as an Italian nobleman, Count Orlando Mazzotta. The 'count' was then taken to Berlin where, once safely inside the Third Reich, Bose began recruiting his fellow Indians to fight against Britain. In 1941, he founded the Free India Centre, set up a transnational radio station broadcasting pro-Axis propaganda to India and formed the Free India Legion, also known as the Tiger Legion, an all-Indian infantry force of volunteers made up of expatriates and prisoners of war, recruited from labour camps like Colditz. Its soldiers swore an oath of allegiance to Subhas Chandra Bose – and Adolf Hitler. By 1942, the Tiger Legion was a thousand men strong. To British eyes, there were threats everywhere they turned. In India, for instance, the situation seemed to be spiralling out of control. Constitutionally speaking, the reforms commissioner HV Hodson was of the opinion that 'time is not on the side of constitutional sanity'. Indian political leaders were on the same page as Hodson. In December 1941, the Bardoli session of the Congress Working Committee expressed support for the 'peoples who are the subject of aggression and are fighting for their freedom', while contending that 'only a free and independent India can be in a position to undertake the defence of the country on a national basis'. On 1 January 1942, Sapru appealed to Churchill to break the constitutional deadlock in India by some 'bold stroke' of 'farsighted statesmanship'. What the Congress wanted, he said, was simple: to view India not as a colony but on a constitutional position equal to other dominions of the commonwealth. He called for the Indianisation of the Viceroy's Executive Council to form an interim national government. Churchill, even though his back was to the wall, refused to consider this. He cabled his colleagues at the India Office, warning them of the danger of raising key constitutional questions when the enemy was at its doorstep. On 24 January 1942, Clement Attlee wrote to Leo Amery, wondering whether it was worth considering if 'someone should not be charged with a mission to try and bring the political leaders together'. In Attlee's opinion, one of the better alternatives favouring Whitehall was to send out an official of high standing to negotiate some kind of settlement. This was what Lord Durham had done in Canada. The only question was: who would this official be? While the Raj and Whitehall debated, it had to contend with the undoubted fact that the United States was a very much interested participant at this time. In early 1942 then, Churchill was an unhappy man. His government was rapidly becoming unpopular, with constant blackouts, heavy rationing and incessant news of defeats in the Far East. He knew he would have to give way to Roosevelt on something at least, but the US president was being peculiarly adamant about concessions in India. In February 1942, FDR told Harriman to deliver a 'highly sensitive' personal message to Churchill, asking when and what kind of action was being taken. It was a squeeze and Churchill knew it, but he was in no position to revolt. Britain was currently extremely weak. In March, Malaya and Burma had fallen to the Japanese. There was no way that he could push back against Roosevelt, especially not when the United States was itself in the war. As a result, when he had word that Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and his wife, the vivacious Madame Soong, intended to visit India that February, he was thrilled. He wrote immediately to the Chinese leader in the fond hope that he would adhere to British policy over India. But this was a gross underestimation of who the generalissimo was and why he was coming to India in the first place. Chiang Kai-shek was born in a hilly town called Xikou, in the province of Zhejiang near Shanghai in 1887. His father, a small-town salt merchant, had died when he was eight and his widowed mother had struggled to bring up her two children, Chiang and his sister. Chiang was not a particularly prepossessing character, with a penchant for brothels and hard liquor. His neighbours avoided him and his relatives were ashamed of him. Stung by their visible revulsion, Chiang determined to make a success of himself and chose a military career. It was the perfect path to have chosen, for China in the 1920s was a mix of scheming politics and brutish strongarm tactics. By allying himself with Sun Yat-sen, and via Sun's wife, marrying May-ling Soong, one of the most beautiful, independent women in China, he was at the peak of his powers in the 1940s. Visiting India was not quite as outlandish as it might have seemed. Nationalist China and India had been in touch since the end of the First World War, a relationship driven by cooperation in the anti-imperialist struggle. The British were aware of the dangers of this bonhomie and through the 1920s, bilateral visits were often blocked diplomatically. That hadn't stopped China from closely tracking the course of the Indian nationalist movement over the years. Now, as the war reached new heights, it was hoped that a common strategy could be found, one that would continue in the post-war period. How this would play out in reality is another story, but when Japan attacked China in the summer of 1937, the Congress had not only expressed public support for the latter but had also sent a medical mission of five doctors post-haste. Nehru himself went to China in August 1939, only to rush back when war was officially declared. But he returned convinced of the need for deeper political cooperation between India and China. In the early years of the 1940s, Chiang and Nehru kept in touch. When Nehru was in jail in 1940, Madame Soong asked Sir Stafford Cripps, then the British ambassador to Moscow, when he would be released from prison. So this visit by the generalissimo in February 1942 was at least superficially no big surprise. Sir Maurice Hallett, then the governor of the United Provinces, wrote disgustedly that Chiang Kai-shek was here to 'meander through India, with Nehru sticking to him like a burr'. Still, the Raj rolled out the red carpet for him. He was taken to review Indian troops in a Rolls-Royce from which a Union Jack 'fluttered from the radiator cap, like a raccoon tail on a college boy's Ford'. The generalissimo and his wife were given palatial villas for their stay and waited on by liveried servants. He was even made an Honorary Knight of the Bath, Military Division. While he partook of these delights, Chiang was here because, as he told the viceroy during the formal banquet thrown in his honour, 'To have one look at things is a hundred times more satisfactory than hearsay.' So, he was here to see how the munition factories, from which arms were moving to China across the Burma Road, were functioning and how they were being defended. He was here to talk of the new road being built from Assam into China, and he was here to assess India's general readiness for war. Politically, there was also no harm in taking the temperature of relations between the Congress and the Raj. With the Japanese reaching Malacca, Borneo and the doorstep of Burma (it would fall in a matter of weeks), Chiang was understandably worried. He was also reporting to Roosevelt. The American involvement in the war, post Pearl Harbour, was considerable, especially in the realms of backchannel diplomacy. Through FDR, the generalissimo's main aim was to put pressure on the empire to accept the Congress Party's demands for Indian self-determination. They were at a quid pro quo: Chiang needed Roosevelt's help for arms and money. FDR, who was in favour of British talks with India, was influenced by Chiang's suggestion that the United States and China could cooperate in putting pressure on Britain to resolve 'the Indian Question'. The US president liked the sound of this, though it must be noted that FDR had never been to the subcontinent. His India policy was at best inconsistent and at worst weak and ineffective. In both cases, it was driven largely by the generalissimo and his own resistance to European colonialism. Still, Roosevelt thought about Chiang's suggestion and wrote to Madame Soong that one possible solution could be the dividing of India into two parts. While the US president pondered the fate of India, Whitehall was depressed. The recent lethal combination of political and military reversals had forced Churchill to agree despondently to the dispatch of a political mission to India. Here, he found unexpected resistance from his viceroy. His nerves frayed by the fall of Singapore and Burma, Linlithgow insisted that any such visit 'in existing circumstances could be disastrous'. But his pleas fell on deaf ears. On 9 February 1942, Sir Stafford Cripps was announced as the man who would lead Britain's next mission to India. In the face of this torrent of events, each occurring within days of the other, Panikkar had to think fast. In 1941, he had written a note for the ailing Ganga Singh that compared the policy proposals of the Congress and the Muslim League and concluded that the League posed a far more serious threat to the princely states.13 This note was written in the aftermath of the Lahore Resolution. In it, Panikkar took the view that, with the League in favour of the creation of Muslim-majority states, the situation was worse than before. It would be possible, for instance, for the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) to ally itself with Afghanistan to attack Kashmir. This was only a hypothesis, of course, but its consequences would be catastrophic, fracturing the transport and communications system and rendering the rupee valueless. Jinnah might not have fully endorsed Pakistan, Panikkar wrote forthrightly, but the omens were dire. Therefore, he believed the princes had no choice but to embrace the necessity of a central government. Panikkar's political thoughts in the early 1940s are interesting, if deeply fatalistic. The archival correspondence of the national movement suggests that, in general, nobody was in favour of Partition before 1946. Even then, it was always seen as a decision born from having been left with no choice. Yet, as early as 1941, Panikkar appears to have not only accepted that Pakistan would be a reality but also that it was the only reality worth considering. In a letter to his old friend Syed Mahmud from his Aligarh days, Panikkar wrote, 'I have for a long time now, been a Pakistanist. Without the separation of Pakistan, a central government will not be possible in India. The fear of Hindu majority at the centre, whatever safeguards you may create and wherever pacts you may work out, will drive the Muslims to unreasonable madness.' He continued, 'I have no terrors about even the exchange of population. But the 'two eyes theory' and a central government cannot work together. So let us, dear Mahmud, foreswear our past. Consider ourselves failures for having dreamed of a united India.' This was clearly not a point of view to which he had come easily. Panikkar was by now on the cusp of fifty. He had spent most of his life working for the princes to unite them with provincial India, for a federal cause that was now lost, for a dream of India that to him at least had now shattered. There was no room any more for emotion. From where he stood, joining hands with the Congress was the only practical way forward for the Chamber of Princes. At least the Congress would offer a strong central government along with greater administrative efficiency, strong political institutions and a more modern legal system. Smaller states with no resources for such reforms would have to join with each other or larger states. VP Menon and Sardar Patel would call the process 'integration'. Panikkar called it 'cooperative groups'. As he watched India move towards a transfer of power, his clear-eyed nationalism was evolving. Tradition was important, but so was the development that could originate from modernising traditions, such as the industrial policy of Mysore or the abolition of untouchability from Travancore. Syed Mahmud, who was then a senior Congress leader, read Panikkar's note and passed it on to Rajaji for his perusal. Soon Panikkar received a note from Rajaji himself, congratulating him on the depth and foresight of his views, and asking him to take those views to their natural conclusion. Should democratic regimes also be introduced in the states? Wouldn't they guarantee the same rights and duties enjoyed elsewhere across the country? These were the questions with which Panikkar was wrestling when Ganga Singh's health worsened considerably. The cancer was moving fast through his body, and though there was only a dim chance of a full recovery, the maharaja's health was hampered by his love affair with his personal physician, Dr Sivakamu. 'This lady,' Panikkar said spitefully in his memoir, 'was as skilled in surgery as she was in the … intricate art of serving a king.' To the king's detriment and Panikkar's despair, Bikaner chose to ignore the ministrations of his brilliant German physician Richard Jizchak Weingarten, then the head of the Bikaner State Hospital. This resulted in what Panikkar described as a 'medical crossfire', a messy mix of sorcery, ayurveda, allopathy and priestly incantations. This despite the fact that, as Weingarten himself wrote later, Bikaner led the way when it came to modern medical innovation, favouring Western medical approaches over practices of indigenous medicine. As Ganga Singh's health declined even further, the Cripps Mission landed in New Delhi. Stafford Cripps had just returned from an unsuccessful mission to Moscow. A patrician vegetarian with a penchant for nudism and knitting, he was at the time 'a prominent public figure without a public role', But he was a popular choice as the leader of this new mission to India. The viceroy disagreed emphatically, calling him Stafford 'Crapps' behind his back and rather childishly keeping him in Karachi on enforced quarantine before allowing him passage to New Delhi. Cripps was no fool. He was aware that his political standing hinged on the success of these negotiations. The Hindustan Times had already warned ominously, 'Everything depends on how quickly Sir Stafford Cripps gets through his task in this country.' He already had the reputation of being pro-Congress, but as he told Churchill anxiously, 'The outlook so far as the internal situation goes is exceedingly bad.' It didn't help matters that he picked a fight with the reforms commissioner straightaway over everything from the communal problem to the princely states. Hodson was wary of Cripps and his agenda from the start, a fact not helped by Cripps's tactless statement that the cabinet was ready to give India whatever it wanted except defence, a fact that neither the British nor the Indians enjoyed hearing. Cripps also wanted to 'redraw' the federal units first. To Hodson's horrified mind, there was 'the germ of the historic conflict' that was to come in 1946–1947. More importantly, a key figure on the scene who was complicating matters still further was FDR's latest emissary – Colonel Louis Johnson. The colonel was an unhappy choice, for there was literally nobody in India who liked him. His own brethren thought he was 'coarse, bombastic and ignorant.' Amery thought he was a 'real mischief maker' and Hodson thought he was an 'indiscreet, ill-informed busybody'. Despite Johnson's irritating presence, Cripps kept up a public relations barrage. His manner was informal and cheery, a striking contrast to the more aloof viceregal style. He met over forty individuals and delegations, using a mix of consultations, negotiations and midnight meetings. He undoubtedly worked very hard, but he was up against a war that was advancing steadily toward India and communal rifts that were too deep to bridge. Cripps knew that if the Congress was to wait until the war was over, the balance of power might shift in their favour even further than it could already claim. But the Congress was in no mood for conditional promises. They didn't want a 'post-dated cheque on a failing bank.' There had been too many of those in the last two decades. They rejected his offer outright. Nehru, with whom Cripps had been friendly in the 1930s, was coldly suspicious. 'He was a lawyer who stated his case powerfully and expected it to prevail … He … left no room for manoeuvre.' Yet Cripps, to be fair to him, negotiated well beyond his mandate. His final offer to the Congress was one of Indian-staffed administration, with only home affairs and defence remaining in British hands. Such a concession had never been authorised by London. But fatally, what Cripps did promise was the likelihood of Pakistan. At a press conference in Delhi on 29 March 1942, in answer to a question as to whether there was anything to stop two provinces from different parts of India from clubbing together 'to form separate union', Cripps replied, 'That would be impractical. Two contiguous provinces may form a separate union.' In the same breath, he also said that it would not be impossible to have a 'rearrangement of boundaries between the two unions and an exchange of populations to get the larger majority of each'. It was the first time that the prospect of autonomous provinces outside India had been publicly mentioned by the British in an official capacity. Cripps affirmed to the press that, as a dominion, India would be equal in every respect to the United Kingdom and other dominions of the Crown and would be free to remain in or separate itself from the equal partnership of the British Commonwealth. There would be a post-war Constituent Assembly, subject to the right of any province not to accede. This provision entrenched the right of predominantly Muslim provinces to not be coerced into an Indian union. Simply put, it meant that the door to Pakistan was now open. Hodson was appalled and Linlithgow was furious. 'Having gone so far, why boggle at the word independence with all its appeal to India?' he snarled at Amery. And so, by the time Cripps left India, his mission had failed on a grand scale, marking a fatal split between the viceroy and the Congress, and between the Congress and the League. 'The less interested we appear now to be in Indian politics the better,' Linlithgow wrote bitterly. It was, as the historian Patrick French has written, a moment of great political and mental alienation. What of the princely states in this entire imbroglio? Their position was also left unresolved. They would be free to stand out but encouraged to stay in. But technically, the central question being debated was the issue of sovereignty. The Cripps proposals envisioned several different political successors to the British Raj, including the princely states and some provinces, all of which would continue to exist as relatively autonomous entities. Even though the mission had failed, the princes favoured Cripps's plan precisely because Cripps allowed them to stay aloof from any constitutional structure. At a meeting with the Chamber of Princes on 28 March 1942, Cripps told them, 'So far as the paramountcy treaties are concerned, these would remain unaltered unless any state desired to get rid of the paramountcy in order to be able to accommodate itself the better to new conditions … We should stand by our treaties with the states unless they asked us to revoke them.' He patiently went over his draft, point by point, with the Jam Sahib and with Bikaner, assuring them that they had the right to opt out of the constitution-making body 'if the constitution did not suit them'. It was precisely the kind of assurance that Patel and Menon would be firm in not making when the time came. When the War Cabinet and the viceroy heard that Cripps had promised this to the princes, they were collectively furious. The political secretary, Kenneth Fitze, was instructed firmly to inform the chamber that there would be no 'unilateral denunciation of the treaties'. Deeply worried now, the princes decided that it might not harm them to conduct a little public relations at this stage. At Bikaner's behest, Panikkar was deployed for this new mission due to his persuasiveness and his intelligence. His first move was to publish a quick but crucial essay in the influential American journal Foreign Affairs. 'The Princes and India's Future' is both smartly written and smartly positioned. It makes no real point beyond the need to protect princely autonomy based on their treaty rights with the British Empire and their independent existence before the empire was established. In modern terms, it would qualify as a puff piece, plugging the importance of princely states in negotiations for a free India. Panikkar's choice of publication was shrewd. It was a good way to reestablish the image of the princes, away from their eccentric, cartoonish portrayals and towards a perception of them as socially progressive, intelligent forces. But what followed from this was an invitation that would keep Panikkar away from India for the rest of that year. He was asked to participate as a delegate in the eighth annual conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR) at Mont Tremblant, Canada.
New Indian Express
24-06-2025
- New Indian Express
Two arrested in Rs 3.24 crore highway heist in Kerala's Cheppad; gang leaders absconding
ALAPPUZHA: A Special Investigation Team led by Kayamkulam DySP N Babukuttan has arrested two individuals in connection with the highway heist in which approximately Rs 3.24 crore was looted from a parcel van at Ramapuram near Cheppad on NH 66, on June 13. The arrested have been identified as Subhas Chandra Bose, 32, a resident of Jayamani Compound, Veerapandi, Tiruppur, and Thirukumar, 37, of Muthayyan Kovil Layout, Velliyankadu, Tiruppur. The stolen money was sent via parcel service by a gold merchant in Coimbatore to Appas Ramachandra Sait, a gold dealer based in Kollam. It was being transported through the No. 1 Parcel Service. A seven-member gang intercepted the van during the early hours of July 13 and looted the cash. According to investigators, all members of the gang are natives of Tiruppur. The masterminds behind the robbery have been identified as Satheesh and Durai Aras, both of whom are currently absconding. Police said Durai is affiliated with a political party, while Satheesh is a textile merchant operating in Kumbakonam. Both are accused in several previous cases, including robbery and fraud. A team from Kayamkulam police, including Inspectors Nazimudheen J. and Shafi K, and Sub-Inspector Bijith Lal, is currently stationed in Tiruppur to trace the remaining suspects. 'Subhas Chandra Bose was directly involved in the robbery, while Thirukumar arranged a fake RC book for the gang,' said DySP Babukuttan. Both were produced before the Kayamkulam Magistrate Court and remanded in judicial custody. The gang had followed the parcel van from Coimbatore and intercepted it at Kayamkulam using two vehicles. After the robbery, they escaped through the Kayamkulam-Punalur Road toward Aryankavu and later into Tamil Nadu. Police traced the vehicles using CCTV footage. Upon reaching Coimbatore, the gang changed the number plates of the vehicles and fled to Tiruppur, police said.
The Hindu
02-06-2025
- Health
- The Hindu
IMA State unit opposes integrated allopathy, traditional medicine course
After the Indian Medical Association (IMA) at the Centre, the State unit too has expressed its strong objection to the Union government's proposal to introduce an integrated course, which mixes Bachelor of Medicine, Bachelor of Surgery (MBBS) and Bachelor of Ayurvedic Medicine and Surgery (BAMS), at JIPMER in Puducherry. In a press note dated June 2, Monday, the IMA A.P. president G. Nanda Kishore and general secretary M. Subhas Chandra Bose said ''mixopathy'' takes away the right of the patient to choose the care of their choice. Terming the move to mix allopathic and traditional form of medicine 'ill-advised' and a 'misadventure', the IMA said this system would only produce hybrid doctors who would be nothing more than qualified quacks. The IMA pointed India could achieve great strides in the medical field from 1947 till date due to increasing access of the public to vaccines and modern maternal and child health care and advancements in treatment of various diseases, including cancer. The health care in the country would be set back by centuries if the government goes ahead with its decision, the IMA said. China also experimented mixing modern medicine with the traditional one and 'failed miserably'. Mixing two systems, which are incompatible, will only lead to a catastrophe, the IMA warned. 'Having failed to convince the government, the IMA has no option but to take people into confidence,' the IMA members wrote, urging the public to oppose the move unanimously.
