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New Statesman
a day ago
- Politics
- New Statesman
The British left is coming for the Government
Photo byWhisper it as yet, but after five long years of confusion and disarray, the British left is rallying. Local political organisations are coalescing, from Chiswick to Liverpool to Newcastle. The Green Party leadership contest has become a straight fight between an energetic, 'eco-populist' left candidate, and the party's more cautious establishment. The prize is clear: local elections due next May across England's major cities, including London councils. After that, who knows. Could Labour's urban fiefdoms fall victim to the rout northern councils saw in the local elections last month? It won't be easy. Bitterly, almost viscerally unpopular as Labour may be, it is the self-styled insurgents of Nigel Farage's Reform that have been the overwhelming beneficiaries of the Starmer slump. Farage himself has been happy to pilfer from the left – a long-time Thatcherite now turned improbable friend of the welfare state. But the Reform squeeze isn't only on Starmer's Labour, who, after talking up their fiscal discipline at huge political cost are now u-turning on its most unpopular consequences. It's also a squeeze on all those on England's left who fondly imagine that the popularity of their traditional policies, from nationalisation to more welfare spending, is enough to win them votes. Instead, they're now seeing those same demands nabbed by opportunists from the radical right, precisely because they are popular. A new programme for 21st-century England will be needed, focused relentlessly on the everyday cost of living and wealth inequality. But new organisations are also needed. Peter Mandelson once spoke of a Labour left buried in a 'sealed tomb' by New Labour. This proved to be optimistic, as the Corbyn surge of the 2010s proved. And fearful of a second Corbyn-style resurrection, Starmer's operation has driven a stake through the left's heart, stuffed its mouth with garlic, placed it in a lead-lined coffin, sealed the tomb, and stationed a grim-faced 24-hour armed guard outside, gripping their pistols and blazing torches. The monster will not now escape. As a political force, the Labour left is finished. The tactic of entryism – entering the Labour party and changing it – is finished too. Instead, the party's steely-eyed Van Helsings should have been looking elsewhere. From the shadows, far away from Westminster, a terrifying new apparition is approaching. Disguised by the size of Labour's majority, the 2024 election saw the non-Labour left win its biggest parliamentary representation in British history, on its biggest vote ever. Four million voters returned nine left MPs, spread between the Greens and five independents, including Jeremy Corbyn in Islington. At the height of its success, in the late 1940s, the Communist Party won two MPs and 94,000 votes. Since the foundation of the Labour Party itself, the non-Labour left has never seen anything like this support. Against a seemingly monolithic Labour majority, this may have mattered little. Britain's perverse voting system found Keir Starmer foisted into Downing Street with a landslide majority, but with half a million fewer votes than Jeremy Corbyn lost by in 2019. As a result, the party has been left with more marginal seats than ever before in its history. Fifty-one of its seats were won with a margin of less than 5 per cent. Accurately described after the election by polling expert James Kaganasooriam as a 'sandcastle majority', the turning political tide has now washed away Labour's 2024 support. The main beneficiaries, for now, are Reform, whose spectacular success in the local government elections saw them win control of previously Labour councils from Durham to Derbyshire. Its one-time heartlands in the North of England were already riddled and on the verge collapse, with Boris Johnson's demolition of this so-called 'Red Wall' in 2019 having already delivered the fatal blow. Johnson's failure to hold his new coalition together, coupled with Liz Truss' calamitous 44 days in office, saw many of Johnson's wins fall back into Labour hands five years later – but on the most tenuous and temporary basis. Demographic change, and a great, decades-long shift in the economy from manufacturing to services, has created new heartlands for the party, concentrated in inner cities and major urban areas across the country: a mix of underpaid, insecure younger workers, often with university degrees; more settled ethnic minority communities; and a solid layer of public sector employees, many of whom are now at or approaching retirement. Generally socially liberal, 15 years of persistent economic failure since the financial crisis have shoved this base increasingly to the economic left. And 25 years of failed military interventions have created a deep cynicism about Britain's role abroad – crystallised in the distance between Starmer's government and its voters on Israel. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Even before entering Downing Street, the horrors of Gaza, and Britain's complicity in them, had been a powerful solvent on Labour's new base of support. That undermined Labour's vote in 2024, and resulted in the arrival of the 'Gaza independents', the four pro-Palestinian MPs elected in the strongly Muslim areas of Leicester, Blackburn, Dewsbury and Birmingham. Combined with Labour's blunders and cruelties in office, from the Winter Fuel Payment to disability allowance cuts, the party's support has been hollowed out. Its voters won't vote, its activists aren't active, and the party's once-fearsome ground game is crumbling. There was a taste of what could be to come in Haringey last month when a Green Party candidate, Rurairdh Paton, was elected by a landslide in a solidly Labour and solidly working class ward. Tellingly, local campaigners report that Labour grew so desperate for campaigners that local councillors from Folkestone in Kent were drafted in to door-knock. It's the better-established Greens who can seize this opportunity in Labour strongholds. Zack Polanski's leadership bid, and the newly formed internal faction, Greens Organise, have already identified the potential for a breakthrough. Polling shows the Green's support to be younger, and poorer, than the other national parties. These are not the middle-class do-gooders of legend. The broader left, outside the Greens, needs to recognise how the world has changed. Rumours that Jeremy Corbyn was about to set up a new party have swirled around him since his expulsion from Labour, almost five years ago. National negotiations to establish a new party, organised between different chunks of the post-Corbyn left, have come to little. A combination of political caution, and disagreements over a new party's potential direction and leadership have so far scuppered agreement. Perhaps wisely, Corbyn himself has been wary of jumping the gun. The history of left-wing breakaways from Labour, from the Independent Labour Party in the 1930s, to Scottish Labour in the 1970s, to Respect in the 2000s, has not been a happy one. Only George Galloway has, to date, made anything like a success of it, and then only via an increasingly eccentric one-man triangulation between the economic left and 'socially conservative' right. Whatever else he may be, Jeremy Corbyn is not George Galloway. And declaring a new party will not magically reproduce his 2015 breakthrough. Cooperation across the non-Labour left is the order of the day. On the ground, this cooperation is already starting to happen. In Lancashire, Greens have banded together with the newly formed Preston Independents to become the official opposition on the County Council. Greens and Independents are working closely in Islington. Local organisations are being pulled together by prominent independent left candidates, like former mayor Jamie Driscoll in Tyneside, Faiza Shaheen in Chingford, and former ANC MP Andrew Feinstein, who came second place in Keir Starmer's own constituency of Holborn and St Pancras at the 2024 election. Green Party members in all those constituencies are working alongside the independent left. Local alliances can become a national force. Across the channel, France's New Popular Front, an alliance between forces of the traditional left, the left populist France Insoumise, and the French Greens, was pulled together in weeks on a radical programme that catapulted the alliance to top of the polls in the snap elections – and pushed Marine Le Pen's National Rally to third place. France Insoumise MP Danielle Obono spoke at the London Green Party's conference last month on the practical experience of unity. There's a desire to learn from what worked – and what did not. The next general election isn't due until 2029. But a string of local council victories next year would pave the way for an unprecedented challenge to Labour – not from the right, as the party has always had to fight, but from its radical flank. And this new movement could take parts of Labour with them: from the tone of his Guardian op-ed on Wednesday, John McDonnell already regards his party as half-lost. Far from the coming in from the cold, what was once the Labour left has a different goal: burning the house down and building something completely new. [See also: Child poverty is rallying the Labour left] Related
The National
2 days ago
- Politics
- The National
The 1 thing I agree with Nigel Farage on
NIGEL Farage gets one big thing right. No, it isn't his pledge to reintroduce the Winter Fuel Payment or to scrap the two-child cap; just look at how he'd exclude immigrants in the latter instance to see how opportunistic his announcement was this week. It's something more fundamental and something that many of his opponents struggle to comprehend. It is his belief, or his professed belief, in politics. Keir Starmer doesn't believe in politics; he believes in opinion polls, focus groups and, most of all, he believes whatever Morgan McSweeney tells him to believe. A particularly embarrassing moment for the Prime Minister came this week when he was challenged on his lack of appeal compared with Farage and asked whether had anything to do with his propensity to reach for talking points and avoid questions. Starmer responded by reaching for a talking point and avoiding the question. A few years ago, Starmer believed that a woman could have a penis, now he doesn't. He once believed that Labour should spend £28 billion a year on renewables, then he didn't. He once held up Jeremy Corbyn as a 'friend', then they were simply 'colleagues'. I could go on. Keir Starmer's press conference was a masterclass in disastrous hubris. He repeatedly tried to attack Nigel Farage, but ended up being rounded on by many of the journalists present. He wants everyone to take him seriously but he's become a national laughing stock. — James Melville 🚜 (@JamesMelville) May 30, 2025 When I say that Farage believes in politics, I don't mean that he is even all that consistent. Are we really meant to believe that a Thatcherite former City boy cares all that deeply about families on benefits, or has he identified yet another stick with which to beat the Government? But there are certain topics on which the public knows beyond any doubt that Farage has a stance and has held the same stance for decades. He didn't like immigration when we were in the EU, he still doesn't like it five years on. He is, almost always for the worse, willing to bang the same drum, even if he gets torn apart for it by his opponents. READ MORE: Nigel Farage sees route to power in squeezing Labour from the left At a press conference in Westminster on Tuesday the Reform UK leader batted away suggestions he was a 'populist'. He said: 'I've nearly always spent my career pushing arguments for minority positions and trying to make them into majority positions.' Farage, never modest, thinks he's rather good at this. I do, too, if the last decade of UK politics is anything to go by. What's more, if that had come out of the mouth of just about anyone else, I'd have found it mighty refreshing. That doesn't mean that I want Farage's 'minority positions' to successfully be turned into 'majority positions' but that I wish there were more politicians willing to counter him on those terms. Starmer (below), like a child cheating on their homework, prefers to find out what everyone else has said and follow that. The SNP have started down this road, too. Their insistence that a referendum should only be sought when support for independence reaches 60% is not making an argument; it is not politics, but policy by opinion polling in the most straight-forward way. We need fewer politicians fretting over what plays well with focus groups or trying to spin narratives. They must decide what they are actually all about. They need to reflect on why they're in this game at all. Until they do, people will turn to Farage not just for what he is saying but because they can see, most of the time, that he actually believes it. Compare with the Prime Minister, who would take a straw poll if he was asked whether it was raining out. You can get the Worst of Westminster delivered straight to your email inbox every Friday at 6pm for FREE by clicking here.
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
The Reform revolution is about to strike Labour's Welsh heartlands
Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer's attack on Nigel Farage to shore up Labour's standing in its traditional working-class heartlands has appeared to fall on deaf ears, with the party losing to Reform UK in a local by-election in the ward of Lliedi in Llanelli, Carmarthenshire. An impressive victory in the south-west of Wales, Reform UK won 43 per cent of the vote share in Lliedi – with Labour's plunging to just 23 per cent, a drop of 35 percentage points. There wasn't much good news for the Tories, with theirs dropping into single digits, registering just seven per cent. The new councillor, Michelle Beer, is the wife of Gareth Beer – the Reform UK candidate who came within 1,505 votes of unseating the sitting Labour MP for Llanelli, Dame Nia Griffith, at last year's general election. The result in Lliedi follows Reform's gain at Labour's expense last month in a local by-election for the Bridgend ward of Pyle, Kenfig Hill and Cefn Cribwr in south Wales. But why is the governing party losing its grip on these Welsh heartlands? There are a variety of factors at play – one being Welsh Labour's spectacular mismanagement of the National Health Service (with healthcare being a devolved responsibility). According to a recent report produced by a group of independent experts, there is a 'high risk' of increasing patient harm if there is not an 'urgent improvement and turnaround' in the Welsh NHS – with emergency care and cancer treatment cited as areas which needed addressing. While Labour has sought to blame the previous Tory government for troubles with the NHS in England, it has nowhere to hide in Wales, which has had a Labour First Minister since the creation of the Welsh Assembly. However, the ongoing small-boats emergency on the English south coast cannot be overlooked, with its reverberations now impacting on local politics in the south of Wales. Llanelli recently witnessed protests over the four-star Stradey Park Hotel being pencilled in as a venue to house 207 asylum seekers, with the Home Office eventually u-turning on the matter. But the damage has been done, with established communities in Welsh towns knowing that they have been eyed up by Whitehall for the relocation of illegal Channel migrants. With Labour's 'smashing the gangs' strategy failing miserably and the Tories having lost all credibility over immigration, Reform UK are well positioned to cash in electorally on this front. Reform's spectacular surge in the recent English local elections, which saw the party gain council control in Durham and Doncaster, shows that Farage's turquoise army is more than capable of parking their tanks on Labour's red lawns. Labour is running the risk of an electoral bloodbath in Britain's traditional Left-wing heartlands – at the hands of an insurgent challenger party of the Right which is led by a man who once wanted to keep the Thatcherite flame alive. Rather than go on the attack, Starmer would be wise to undertake a serious period of reflection. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Yahoo
5 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Britain can't afford another spendthrift chancer in Downing Street
Nigel Farage believes in fairies. That was the only conclusion I could make, a year ago, after taking a look at the hopeless Christmas list of policies that made up Reform's manifesto.I half-suspected it had been doodled on the back of a fag packet after a particularly hearty afternoon at Boisdale. It was all too good to be true: lifting income tax thresholds to £20,000 while cutting NHS waiting lists to zero suggested Reform's leader takes the Bourbon approach to Trussonomics. Bond market chaos loomed, if Sir Humphrey hadn't packed a confuddled Farage off to The Red Lion first. But flush with his local election success, Farage claims he wants to get the fourth-place Tories of little consequence, today's big speech sought not only to flesh out Reform's prospectus, but to outflank Labour, punching at the chasm between Starmer's parsimonious chancellor and his austerity-phobe backbenches, appealing to those immiserated by Rachel Reeves's performative fealty to the OBR. The Red Wall – je vous ai compris!Having already committed to nationalising Britain's steel industry, the Damascene conversion of this lifelong Thatcherite to social democracy en route to Number 10 continued with a pledge to reinstate the winter fuel allowance to pensioners and to scrap the two-child benefit limit. On top of this, Farage committed to introducing a new transferable marriage tax allowance on the first £25,000 they earn – on top of his retaining his commitment to hiking the income tax threshold. Never one to downplay his ambitions, Farage couched his speech in civilisational terms. The UK's collapsing birth rate represents 'an existential crisis for our country'; Reform will 'do everything in its power to encourage British people who are able and want kids to have them'. Yes, he admitted, it will all be a little expensive. But isn't it worth it to get Britain bonking?Farage has alighted upon a grim fiscal dilemma. Spending on the elderly is surging just as the old-age dependency ratio – the number of potential workers per pensioner – is collapsing. Without more babies, Britain's economy will become even more dependent on human quantitative easing – the mass importation of migrant workers to fill the human shortfall. That is an outcome that few Reform voters would greet with enthusiasm, even if they were staffing their care Farage's solutions are just as shallow as last year's manifesto's. Evidence suggests that the two-child limit hasn't reduced birth rates. Questions as to how this largesse would be funded cued Farage's usual waffle about scrapping migrant hotels, net zero and DEI. Sounds splendid. But will tearing down a few pride flags really fund the £50 billion plus blackhole these policies would create? Rather than break from the past, Reform would only hasten our rush towards national is a useful tribune – a lightning rod for the frustrations of voters fed up with both old parties. But on today's evidence, he has a long way to go before he has a serious plan for government. Britain can't afford another spendthrift chancer in Downing Street. If Farage really is serious about tackling our existential challenges, he needs better policies than this. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
5 days ago
- Business
- Telegraph
Britain can't afford another spendthrift chancer in Downing Street
Nigel Farage believes in fairies. That was the only conclusion I could make, a year ago, after taking a list at the hopeless Christmas list of policies that made up Reform's manifesto. I half-suspected it had been doodled on the back of a fag packet after a particularly hearty afternoon at Boisdale. It was all too good to be true: lifting income tax thresholds to £20,000 while cutting NHS waiting lists to zero suggested Reform's leader takes the Bourbon approach to Trussonomics. Bond market chaos loomed, if Sir Humphrey hadn't packed a confuddled Farage off to The Red Lion first. But flush with his local election success, Farage claims he wants to get serious. With the fourth-place Tories of little consequence, today's big speech sought not only to flesh out Reform's prospectus, but to outflank Labour, punching at the chasm between Starmer's parsimonious chancellor and his austerity-phobe backbenches, appealing to those immiserated by Rachel Reeves's performative fealty to the OBR. The Red Wall – je vous ai compris! Having already committed to nationalising Britain's steel industry, the Damascene conversion of this lifelong Thatcherite to social democracy en route to Number 10 continued with a pledge to reinstate the winter fuel allowance to pensioners and to scrap the two-child benefit limit. On top of this, Farage committed to introducing a new transferable marriage tax allowance on the first £25,000 they earn – on top of his retaining his commitment to hiking the income tax threshold. Never one to downplay his ambitions, Farage couched his speech in civilisational terms. The UK's collapsing birth rate represents 'an existential crisis for our country'; Reform will 'do everything in its power to encourage British people who are able and want kids to have them'. Yes, he admitted, it will all be a little expensive. But isn't it worth it to get Britain bonking? Farage has alighted upon a grim fiscal dilemma. Spending on the elderly is surging just as the old-age dependency ratio – the number of potential workers per pensioner – is collapsing. Without more babies, Britain's economy will become even more dependent on human quantitative easing – the mass importation of migrant workers to fill the human shortfall. That is an outcome that few Reform voters would greet with enthusiasm, even if they were staffing their care homes. Yet Farage's solutions are just as shallow as last year's manifesto's. Evidence suggests that the two-child limit hasn't reduced birth rates. Questions as to how this largesse would be funded cued Farage's usual waffle about scrapping migrant hotels, net zero and DEI. Sounds splendid. But will tearing down a few pride flags really fund the £50 billion plus blackhole these policies would create? Rather than break from the past, Reform would only hasten our rush towards national bankruptcy. Farage is a useful tribune – a lightning rod for the frustrations of voters fed up with both old parties. But on today's evidence, he has a long way to go before he has a serious plan for government. Britain can't afford another spendthrift chancer in Downing Street. If Farage really is serious about tackling our existential challenges, he needs better policies than this.
