Latest news with #TheDetail
Newsroom
a day ago
- Politics
- Newsroom
Where to draw the line on terror
The Government is eyeing an overhaul of the country's terrorism legislation, which is necessary, it says, to keep New Zealanders safe in a rapidly evolving world and keep pace with modern threats. However, critics are warning the move could come at a steep price, specifically a loss of civil liberties. The proposed changes, still in the closed-door consultation phase with a handpicked selection of groups and experts, would give police and intelligence agencies broader powers to intervene earlier, redefine what constitutes a 'terrorist act' and expand preventative detention powers, all in the name of public safety. Today, The Detail speaks with Newsroom national affairs editor Sam Sachdeva and University of Waikato terrorism and firearms expert Alexander Gillespie about the potential changes to the Terrorism Suppression Act and how the Government will balance risk without resorting to overreach. 'What this is really about is are our current terror laws fit for purpose, and where do we draw the line between dealing with the very real threat that is posed by terrorist groups and terrorists, while still preserving the fundamental political freedoms and rights and liberties that all New Zealanders hold dear,' Sachdeva tells The Detail. He says critics, worried that those freedoms and rights are now at risk, are fired up. 'Look, they are. We have seen the Council for Civil Liberties, [and] the Free Speech Union has now come out as well, expressing some concern about this. 'So, it's early stages, but it seems like it's something that could quite easily animate or light a fire under a lot of these rights groups who are concerned.' The terror law, enacted in 2002 following the September 11 terror attacks, allows governments to formally designate people or groups as terrorist entities, freezing their assets and making it illegal to financially support, recruit for, or participate in a designated terrorist entity. Minor changes were made after the March 15 terror attack in 2019 and the New Lynn Countdown Supermarket attack in 2021. Sachdeva says among the new potential changes are making membership of a terrorist entity a criminal offence, creating new offences to capture public expressions of support for a terrorist act or designated entities – including showing insignia – and modernising definitions for terms like 'material support' to capture new online forms of support. Extending the renewal period for terrorist designations to five years, from three at present, is also being considered. The Government says there will be safeguards and judicial oversight. The proposed changes are expected to go before Parliament later this year. Professor of International Law Al Gillespie, speaking to The Detail from Vienna, where he is working on gun reforms, says the threat of a terror attack has long lingered in New Zealand, and while the likelihood of another attack will never be zero, the risk can be lowered. 'Part of reducing that risk is making sure the law is as good as it can be. That the balance between civil liberties and risk is correct. And that we have proportionate penalties for those who are willing to advocate the use of violence against civilians to change policy. 'I support looking at it … I think it's foreseeable that the tensions in our society are going to be around for the foreseeable future. And to make sure they are fit for purpose, because when I look back at recent times, our laws weren't fit for purpose, and now we need to be thinking, 'What more can we do?'' While the debate on security versus liberty and protection versus principle will undoubtedly continue, one thing is certain – in the fight against terror, New Zealand is searching for a line, but it will not be easy to draw. Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here. You can also stay up-to-date by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter.
Newsroom
2 days ago
- Newsroom
NZ's multi-billion-dollar hidden epidemic
Every four minutes, New Zealand Police are called to a family harm incident. That's up to 400 call-outs every single day. It's a staggering and disturbing figure in a country that prides itself on kindness, community, and whānau. Yet, behind too many closed doors, the silent war rages, leaving victims bruised, broken, and often voiceless. Today The Detail looks at the alarming rate of domestic violence in New Zealand, and potential solutions, speaking to Auckland University professor of law Mark Henaghan, who was on the Family Violence Death Review committee for nearly decade, and Emma Powell, CEO of Te Puna Aonui, which has launched the Government's action plan to eliminate domestic and sexual violence. 'I would probably use the words hidden epidemic, basically,' says Henaghan. 'Nearly 50 percent of our murder cases involve family violence. 'We only really detect … about 20 percent [of domestic violence incidents], so there's a whole lot … that doesn't get to the surface.' He says something needs to be done, and immediately. New Zealand's rates of domestic and family violence are among the highest in the OECD. On average, 13 females and 10 males are killed every year. Māori women are particularly at risk – more likely to be killed by a partner and less likely to seek help. The financial cost to the country, Henaghan says, is huge. 'They reckon it's worth, like to the country … between $8 to $10 billion, probably more … in terms of time off work, and how people suffer from it so they can't be productive, how children get into difficulty because all the costs of it, the medical costs, and all the rest of it, are massive. 'But they're never talked about much in any political campaign, I think it's because … we don't want to know about it. 'We do need to hear about it; we need to have our eyes wide open to the realities of it.' Powell, who is also a key member of the Executive Board for the Elimination of Family Violence and Sexual Violence, tells The Detail, 'if you look at the numbers, the rates are stubbornly high', but she says the Government is taking action to address the crisis. Late last year, it launched part two of Te Aorerekura – the National Strategy to Eliminate Family Violence and Sexual Violence – a 25-year strategy designed to achieve intergenerational change. Part one was introduced in 2021. Powell says over the next few years they're keying in on good investment and commissioning, how effective funding is, freeing up frontline workers to get them into the community and more productive places, getting into the regions, intervening earlier, focusing more on children, confronting perpetrators, and building an information sharing platform. 'I really believe that the only way forward is doing things as collectives, and that's tough, it is hard, hard stuff to do, but it's really important,' says Powell. 'I think taken together and executed really well in a community, we should start to see a real shift.' Last week, the Government announced that, as part of the action plan, more training to help staff support in family and sexual violence responses would be rolled out across frontline services, with the goal of reaching 10,000 workers in the next two years. Minister for the Prevention of Family and Sexual Violence Karen Chhour says, 'this will ensure victim-survivors receive best practice support, and will empower staff to safely recognise, refer, and respond to family and sexual violence. 'This training is an important part of our response to family and sexual violence. I am proud of our progress against the second Te Aorerekura Action Plan, it shows the benefits of a multi-agency response and the dedication of government departments to best supporting victim-survivors.' Powell says while change can be slow, a recent experience in Rotorua provides proof that it is starting to happen. 'I was spending time on the ground with a multi-agency collaboration … and I was talking to one of the leads there and she was telling me about just a story – stories that they are starting to see more and more – where 'she has left him', and we don't count that, we don't count that in government as an indicator of success. 'But they are seeing more and more that women are feeling empowered, supported, and safe to actually leave very violent and difficult situations. And so, there are lives being changed by the work that we are doing.' Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here. You can also stay up-to-date by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter.
Scoop
7 days ago
- Politics
- Scoop
A Never-Ending Visa Queue For Refugees
It could take 10 years to clear a refugee visa waiting queue - but those applicants have already been waiting for seven years, and some have families in danger. When Dawt Tha Thang arrived in New Zealand in 2010, she was with her husband and five of her children. Within weeks, she gave birth to her youngest. But her eldest daughter stayed behind in Myanmar. She had just married and was pregnant. The Thangs are Christian Chins and as a minority, have faced persecution - it is how they became refugees - but over the past several years things have become even more dangerous in Myanmar. First, in 2021 there was a military coup and the country descended into civil war. Then, this March, there was an earthquake that killed thousands. "Myanmar as a whole is a pretty awful situation, with the civil war and the earthquake and forced conscription, but this is a family that ... also comes from a persecuted minority. They have been shaken down in [the capital city] Yangon, ie the army comes round and demands money or they will be sent to jail. They're moving every second or third night to stay away from the army," says Caroline Forsyth, who is friends with the family and speaks on their behalf to The Detail. Under the Refugee Family Support Category (RFSC), the Thangs can apply to bring their daughter, son-in-law and grandchildren here to join them. And the last time applications opened, they did. That was in 2017. They have been closed since then. Right now, the queue is 4190 people long, with only a few applicants coming off that list every year. But the scale of the problem is much bigger, because it does not represent all the people who have not even had a chance to apply. In today's episode of The Detail, Jay Marlowe - professor of social work at Auckland University and co-author with the Red Cross of a report on the RFSC - explains how the category works - and does not. "It's not our position that the RFSC is not working or is absolutely broken... for me fundamentally it's about ensuring that we protect what exists but also to recognise that it is under need of reform," he says. "It's not irreparably broken, but it does need reform." Under the RFSC there are two tiers. Tier One is for people who have come here as refugees who have no other adult family in the country, and Tier Two is for people who do have adult family - like the Thangs, who are a married couple and now have adult children - but have other adult family who they would like to reunite with as well. Tier One is prioritised, because people applying in that category do not have any support here. That category remains open for applications, but Tier Two has only opened for applications twice. The first time was in 2012, and the second was in 2017. Both times, it was only for a few days, and Forsyth and Marlowe say the system was inundated with applications. There are only 600 places a year open for the RFSC, and because Tier One is always open and those applications are prioritised, very few Tier Two applicants get through. This leaves people like the Thangs in a holding pattern, unsure of when - if ever - they will be able to reunite with their families. In their case, their daughter, son-in-law and grandchildren are hungry, they have lost family members to military violence, and the children can not go to school. They have attempted to escape to Thailand, where they'd be able to register as refugees, but haven't been able to. Last month, Labour MP Phil Twyford asked Associate Immigration Minister Casey Costello and General Manager, Refugee and Migrant Service Fiona Whiteridge, for an update on progress. Whiteridge said that "in order to clear that tier two queue, and it obviously is all dependent on how many more people applying to tier one, it would take us between eight to 10 years". Marlowe says there is clear research that reuniting people with their families has a broad range of benefits and the government should think about this category not just in terms of what it costs, but also what it might save in the long term. "Not only does it make sense to reunite families ... but it might even make dollars and cents. "Family reunification is often one of the most important, if not the most important, topic that people want to address." Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here.
Newsroom
22-07-2025
- General
- Newsroom
Broken visa process leaves broken families
When Dawt Tha Thang arrived in New Zealand in 2010, she was with her husband and five of her children. Within weeks, she gave birth to her youngest. But her eldest daughter stayed behind, in Myanmar. She'd just married and was pregnant. The Thangs are Christian Chins and as a minority, have faced persecution – it's how they became refugees – but over the past several years things have become even more dangerous in Myanmar. First, in 2021 there was a military coup and the country descended into civil war. Then, this March, there was an earthquake that killed thousands. 'Myanmar as a whole is a pretty awful situation, with the civil war and the earthquake and forced conscription, but this is a family that … also comes from a persecuted minority. They have been shaken down in [the capital city] Yangon, i.e. the army comes round and demands money or they will be sent to jail. They're moving every second or third night to stay away from the army,' says Caroline Forsyth, who is friends with the family and speaks on their behalf to The Detail. Under the Refugee Family Support Category (RFSC), the Thangs can apply to bring their daughter, son-in-law and grandchildren here to join them. And the last time applications opened, they did. That was in 2017. They've been closed since then. Right now, the queue is 4190 people long, with only a few applicants coming off that list every year. But the scale of the problem is much bigger, because it doesn't represent all the people who haven't even had a chance to apply. In today's episode of The Detail, Jay Marlowe, who is a professor of social work at Auckland University and co-author with the Red Cross of a report on the RFSC, explains how the category works – and doesn't. 'It's not our position that the RFSC is not working or is absolutely broken … for me fundamentally it's about ensuring that we protect what exists but also to recognise that it is under need of reform,' he says. 'It's not irreparably broken, but it does need reform.' Under the RFSC there are two tiers. Tier one is for people who have come here as refugees who have no other adult family in the country, and tier two is for people who do have adult family – like the Thangs, who are a married couple and now have adult children – but have other adult family who they'd like to reunite with as well. Tier one is prioritised, because people applying in that category don't have any support here. That category remains open for applications, but tier two has only opened for applications twice. The first time was in 2012, and the second was in 2017. Both times, it was only for a few days, and Forsyth and Marlowe say the system was inundated with applications. There are only 600 places a year open for the RFSC, and because tier one is always open and those applications are prioritised, very few tier two applicants get through. This leaves people like the Thangs in a holding pattern, unsure of when, if ever, they will be able to reunite with their families. In their case, their daughter, son-in-law and grandchildren are hungry, they have lost family members to military violence, and the children can't go to school. They've attempted to escape to Thailand, where they should be able to register as refugees, but haven't been able to. Last month, Labour MP Phil Twyford asked Associate Immigration Minister Casey Costello and MBIE general manager, refugee and migrant service Fiona Whiteridge, for an update on progress. Whiteridge said that 'in order to clear that tier two queue, and it obviously is all dependent on how many more people applying to tier one, it would take us between eight to 10 years.' Marlowe says there is clear research that reuniting people with their families has a broad range of benefits and the Government should think about this category not just in terms of what it costs, but also what it might save in the long term. 'Not only does it make sense to reunite families … but it might even make dollars and cents. 'Family reunification is often one of the most important, if not the most important, topic that people want to address.' Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here. You can also stay up-to-date by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter.
Newsroom
21-07-2025
- Politics
- Newsroom
Urban, Māori and disconnected – the Tāmaki Makaurau by-election
Tāmaki Makaurau isn't just any seat; it's a spiritual and political stronghold for urban Māori. Names like Sir Pita Sharples and John Tamihere echo through the halls of its political past, with fierce loyalty often split between Labour's red banner and Te Pāti Māori's fast rising tide. Now, on September 6, in what is being billed as a pivotal political contest, two prominent Māori will vie for that seat, in a by-election triggered by the sudden death of Te Pāti Māori MP Takutai Tarsh Kemp last month. On one side is Peeni Henare, the seasoned Labour warrior, once a Cabinet minister, once the seat's representative, now back seeking redemption. On the other is Oriini Kaipara, the former television journalist turned politician – a fresh face for Te Pāti Māori, with a moko kauae and a mission to amplify the voices of whānau who feel abandoned by politicians – particularly the coalition Government. Hannah Tamaki, the wife of Brian, is also standing for Vision New Zealand. National, the Greens, NZ First and ACT have all ruled out participating in the by-election. RNZ political reporter Tu Natanahira tells The Detail the seat is of one of the most strategically important Māori electorates in the country. 'First and foremost, the seat is sort of the birthplace of what was then called the Māori Party, now Te Pāti Māori,' he says. 'All of the conversations, all of the thrust for the party, much of that was discussed out West Auckland at Hoani Waititi Marae, which is also where Oriini Kaipara's selection to run in the seat was announced and decided by Te Pāti Māori members. 'The seat…. has an enormous Māori population and importantly, much of that Māori population is pan-tribal and, of course, it is urban. It's a very important seat to get because you get a sense of what urban Māori want or what urban Māori are looking for. 'Labour's Peeni Henare, of course, has had a lot of success in that seat.' Henare first won it in 2014 and held it until the last general election, when Kemp beat him by just 42 votes. Now he's back, with a promise to rebuild trust and bring Labour's values back to the Māori heartland. Kaipara, a mother of four and a grandmother, wants a focus on Māori families, who, she says, are bearing the brunt of housing shortages and a struggling health system. 'Both of the candidates are running on similar platforms, and it all comes down to the cost of living, housing, and making a better life for people living in Auckland,' Natanahira tells The Detail. 'It's going to be a really tight [race].' So, with less than seven weeks until voting closes, there's no clear favourite. Advance voting will be critical, and turnout will make or break the result. Journalist and Auckland University senior media advisor Te Rina Ruka-Triponel tells The Detail that the now-defunct Treaty Principles Bill and the Regulatory Standards Bill are among the issues that are front of mind for Māori and will 'hopefully encourage them to vote'. 'Reflecting on what's been happening, who is in charge at the moment, and how do our values align with theirs; if they don't, that's exactly why you should vote in the by-election,' she says. 'But I also want to touch on something really important… there are many reasons why Māori don't vote because they don't subscribe to the Crown, they don't believe in the Crown, and it's kind of this never-ending cycle of never having your voices heard. 'But I also want to make a point that by voting, we get our people in, and that way our voices are heard. We have got to put someone in there who is going to represent us.' Whatever happens, Tāmaki Makaurau will again become a bellwether for the Māori political mood. Is Labour still the party of the people? Or is Te Pāti Māori the face of rangatiratanga? And only the people of Tāmaki Makaurau will decide which matters most. Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here. You can also stay up-to-date by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter.
