Latest news with #Ukrainianmilitary
Russia Today
a day ago
- Politics
- Russia Today
NATO member names key reason for ‘bad relations' with Ukraine
Ukraine's poor treatment of ethnic Hungarians is the root cause of tense relations between Budapest and Kiev, Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto has said. According to various estimates, 100,000 to 150,000 ethnic Hungarians live in Ukraine's western Zakarpattia Region. Over the past decade, Kiev has adopted laws restricting the use of non-Ukrainian languages in education and public life. These policies have drawn criticism from Budapest and prompted accusations of discrimination. In an interview with RIA Novosti published on Monday, Szijjarto said tensions with Ukraine go beyond the conflict with Russia. 'Right now we have very bad bilateral relations with Ukraine, which have nothing to do with the ongoing war,' he said. 'These bad relations emerged about ten years ago when the Ukrainian government began violating the rights of national minorities.' 'We hope one day Ukraine will have an administration that respects minorities and restores their rights.' Hungarian officials have also protested the forced conscription of ethnic Hungarians into the Ukrainian military, along with alleged cases of violence by draft officers. Earlier this month, Prime Minister Viktor Orban blamed the Ukrainian army for the death of Jozsef Sebestyen, a 45-year-old ethnic Hungarian who had been drafted. The Ukrainian military stated that Sebestyen died of a medical condition and showed no signs of violence. Nevertheless, Hungary has requested that the EU impose sanctions on three Ukrainian officials involved in mobilization efforts. A Hungarian church in Zakarpattia was also set on fire earlier this year, prompting condemnation from Hungary. Orban has opposed Ukraine's efforts to join NATO and the EU, arguing that these moves risk triggering a full-scale war with Russia. He has also refused to send weapons to Kiev and continues to advocate for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Ukraine has denied the allegations of discrimination but maintains that a comprehensive treaty with Budapest is not possible without Hungarian support for its NATO membership bid.
Daily Mail
4 days ago
- Business
- Daily Mail
Elon Musk 'ordered his Starlink satellites in Ukraine to be shut down' as defenders launched attack on Putin troops
Elon Musk allegedly ordered Starlink to cut internet services in parts of Ukraine as its troops mounted a crucial counteroffensive just months after the Russian invasion began. Musk gave an order that led to a communications blackout, causing the attack to fail, as Ukrainian troops attempted to regain Kherson in September 2022, according to Reuters, who spoke with three people familiar with the command. The order severely diminished Kyiv 's trust in Starlink, the satellite internet service Musk provided early in the war to help Ukraine's military maintain connection in the battlefield. Staff at the American tech firm are said to have deactivated at least 100 Starlink terminals after receiving instructions from the billionaire, who told a senior engineer at California offices of SpaceX, the Musk venture that controls Starlink, to cut coverage. It shocked Starlink employees because it allowed Musk to 'take the outcome of a war into his own hands', one of the sources familiar with the command said. The blackout also affected other areas seized by Russia, including some of Donetsk. Although Ukraine reclaimed Kherson in November 2022, Musk's order directly contributed to their failure when they launched their earlier mission. Ukrainian troops suddenly faced a communications blackout, causing soldiers to panic. Drones surveilling Russian forces went dark, and long-range artillery units, reliant on Starlink to aim their fire, struggled to hit targets, according to a Ukrainian military official, an advisor to the armed forces, and two others who experienced Starlink failure near the front lines. Troops therefore failed to surround a Russian position in the town of Beryslav, east of Kherson. The encirclement stalled entirely, said the military official in an interview. 'It failed.' It is the first known instance of the billionaire actively shutting off Starlink coverage over a battlefield during the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The decision to cut the network is thought to have come from Musk's fears that advances by Ukraine might have provoked a Russian nuclear retaliation. A spokesman for SpaceX, the aerospace company that owns Starlink, told Reuters the account of the incident is 'inaccurate'. The Ukrainian ministry of defence has been approached for comment. The account contravenes Musk's narrative of how he has handled Starlink services during the war. In March, in a post on X, the American wrote: 'We would never do such a thing.' 'To be extremely clear, no matter how much I disagree with the Ukraine policy, Starlink will never turn off its terminals,' he added. Musk did not respond to requests from Reuters for comment. Starlink continues to provide service to Ukraine, and its military relies on it for some connectivity. President Volodymyr Zelenskiy publicly expressed gratitude to Musk for Starlink earlier this year. It also provides customers with internet access in remote and unreliable locations across the world. Zelensky uses the network to transmit broadcasts to the nation and it is also used to allow Ukrainians to speak to relatives. Musk has previously boasted of Starlink's importance to Kyiv. 'My Starlink system is the backbone of the Ukrainian army,' he wrote on X in March. 'Their entire front line would collapse if I turned it off. It is the world's largest satellite operator with 8,000 in orbit and gives Musk enormous geopolitical power with political leaders, governments and militaries worldwide. Some Western militaries, including Britain's armed forces, are using Starlink. Britain began using it for 'welfare purposes', including for personal communications for troops, in 2022. The Ministry of Defence said it has fewer than 1,000 Starlink terminals and doesn't employ them for sensitive military communications. Spain's navy is also using Starlink, but only for recreation and leisure of troops. Musk was previously accused of switching off the network in Ukraine, in the biography of billionaire author Walter Isaacson. Musk believed a planned Ukrainian attack on Russian vessels in the Crimean port of Sevastopol could prompt nuclear retaliation, Isaacson wrote. The American billionaire denied a shutdown and Isaacson later admitted his account was inaccurate. As of April 2025, Kyiv has more than 50,000 Starlink terminals circling the globe. The accusations also raise questions about the unchecked influence of Musk, an unelected billionaire, on global politics. Baroness Lane-Fox of Soho said Musk's 'current global dominance exemplifies the dangers of concentrated power in unregulated domains', in a debate in the House of Lords earlier this year. Meanwhile, Polish foreign minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, wrote on X that 'if SpaceX proves to be an unreliable provider we will be forced to look for other suppliers'. Poland pays for much of Ukraine's Starlink connectivity alongside the US and Germany. SpaceX is the first company to establish an extensive network of communication satellites in low-Earth orbit, a region of space that is closer to the planet than areas where satellites have historically resided.
The Guardian
7 days ago
- Politics
- The Guardian
North Korea's military is being transformed on the battlefields of Ukraine – so why is Seoul silent?
When North Korea fired multiple ballistic missiles from its eastern coast in May, South Korea's response was swift. Within hours, Seoul joined Washington and Tokyo in condemning the launch as a 'serious threat' to regional peace and security. But just weeks earlier, when a North Korean KN-23 missile – designed to strike South Korean targets – hit a residential building in Kyiv, killing 12 civilians, Seoul said nothing. That silence fits a broader pattern. There was no response when Russia reportedly deployed a surface-to-air missile system to protect Pyongyang, nor when Ukrainian intelligence revealed that Russian instructors were training North Korean drone pilots on home soil, even as Kim Jong-un voiced 'unconditional support' for Moscow's war. Relations between the North and South, technically still at war, remain tense and the muted response has raised questions from analysts over whether Seoul fully grasps the consequences of what many see as North Korea's most significant military transformation in decades – one shaped in real warfare, on the battlefields of Ukraine. 'We definitely should be alarmed,' says Chun In-bum, a former South Korean special forces commander. 'But it's just the nature of people to avoid catastrophe or be indifferent to the terrors of reality.' According to Ukraine's military intelligence agency, North Korea supplies 40% of all munitions used by Russia in its war against Kyiv. It has dramatically increased arms production at home, with Moscow paying Pyongyang directly. In autumn last year, Pyongyang dispatched an estimated 12,000 troops to fight in Russia's Kursk region. That deployment has since expanded significantly. An additional 6,000 soldiers are now joined by 1,000 military engineers, hundreds of railway engineers, bridge-building specialists, logistics personnel, electricians, military police, and even interpreters, focused largely on rebuilding the battle-scarred Kursk region, according to Ukrainian officials. This military partnership with Moscow has been invaluable for Kim Jong-un's regime, Maj Gen Vadym Skibitskyi, deputy head of Ukraine's military intelligence agency, the HUR, told the Guardian. 'North Korea's armed forces got new ammunition [from Russia]. Its soldiers gained experience of modern conflict. No other army in the region – Japan, South Korea and other countries – [has] participated in a modern war between two huge regular armies.' The ideological commitment of their forces became clear when Ukraine captured two wounded North Korean prisoners in January. 'We were shocked by them. They were bio-robots. They tried to kill themselves by biting their own veins,' Skibitskyi says. When one was asked if he wanted to return home, he replied: 'Yes, because I will be treated like a hero. I fought in a modern war.' North Korean troops are learning about combined arms warfare and the operation of strike and reconnaissance drones, electronic warfare systems, and other technologies previously unfamiliar to them. Moscow has transferred advanced weaponry and has helped upgrade the accuracy of North Korea's KN-23 ballistic missiles, which have since targeted Ukrainian urban centres, including Kharkiv. In June, the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, issued a pointed warning identifying South Korea directly: 'This must be addressed now, not when thousands of upgraded Shahed drones and ballistic missiles begin to threaten Seoul and Tokyo.' However, a mix of strategic, economic and political factors are discouraging more visible action from South Korea, says Dr Yang Uk, a defence expert at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul. Acknowledging North Korea's military experience as a direct threat to Seoul would create pressure for a more robust domestic response, including potential weapons transfers to Ukraine that remain deeply unpopular in South Korea. 'Defence officials are particularly wary after December's events,' Yang said, referring to the failed declaration of martial law by South Korean's then president, Yoon Suk Yeol. 'They're really afraid of political attack and prefer to stay unseen by the public and press.' Yang warns that Russia is working to integrate North Korea into its long-term defence supply chain – a partnership that could reshape Asia's military balance long after the war ends. Some analysts see Seoul's silence as an extension of its longstanding 'strategic ambiguity': a reluctance to engage in foreign conflicts or unnecessarily alienate key powers, particularly those that might retain influence over Pyongyang. Economic factors weigh heavily too. Prewar, Russia was one of South Korea's top trading partners. Amid Donald Trump's tariff threats, the new Lee Jae Myung government's focus on economic recovery and 'pragmatic diplomacy' leaves little appetite for confrontation. Domestic politics also play a role. Lee's Democratic party supports engagement with the North, reflecting how South Korea's left-right divide centres more on North Korea policy than on western progressive values. Voices on the left argue South Korea owes Ukraine nothing. Some of Seoul's inertia may be bureaucratic. Chun points to procurement and planning processes that can take years, even as threats evolve within months. 'We are dealing with a level 10 super Godzilla,' he said. 'But the bureaucracy only sees a tiger.' North Koreans are already employing what they have learned in battle, he warns. 'This should be a real wake-up call.' Skibitskyi echoes that concern, suggesting South Korea's military doctrine is outdated and modelled on a pre-drone era. When asked by the Guardian whether it viewed North Korea's deployments and combat experience in Ukraine as a security concern, South Korea's defence ministry avoided addressing the implications directly. 'The participation of North Korean military personnel in the war in Ukraine constitutes a flagrant violation of the UN charter and relevant UN security council resolutions,' a spokesperson said. 'The Republic of Korea strongly condemns such inhumane and unlawful acts in concert with the international community.' Whether Seoul's cautious approach reflects calculated long-term strategy or institutional paralysis remains unclear. But for Chun, the warning signs are impossible to ignore. 'This is like a speeding train coming towards you,' he said. 'You better move aside or start making preparations – while you still have time.'
Forbes
18-07-2025
- Forbes
Miniature Aircraft Carrier Fits In A Bathtub But Packs An FPV
Ursula is a small robot boat which can transport an FPV and carry out attacks from rivers and ... More coastlines Ursula is the latest addition to Ukraine's drone boat fleet. At just one meter (about three feet) long, it may look more like a toy than a serious piece of military hardware, but this robot vessel may be the world's smallest aircraft carrier, transporting an FPV drone for reconnaissance or attack missions. Ukraine has previously carried out successful attacks on Russian forces in coastal areas with FPVs launched from larger drone boats. Ursula, smaller and able to travel up further rivers and through swampy areas, could hit the Russians in a lot of new places. Tech Startups Ursula was revealed in a video released by the Association of Ukrainian Engineers, a group set up shared ideas, publicize members work and attract investors. It was developed by ToviTechNet, a previously unknown company. A multi-role vessel, Ursula can be fitted with sensors to carry out river patrols or be armed with small explosive charge for suicide attacks on enemy boats. Or, as seen in the video, it can transport a drone. The drone is not shown taking off from the boat and no details are given, so the project may be in its early stages. However similar drone boats or Uncrewed Surface Vessels (USVs) are in operation and flying drones from USVs is already standard practice. The Black Widow miniature drone boat is already in service with the Ukrainian military In particular Ukrainian military news source Militarnyi noted in January 2025 that the armed forces was receiving Black Widow 2 USVs. Also, little more than a meter long the Black Widow 2 is capable of speeds of up to 25 mph. It has a raised camera on a gimbal for reconnaissance. The battery is sufficient for several hours of operation, but with the engines turned off it can wait in lurking moder for several days. Black Widow 2 can carry a 3-kilo explosive charge, enough to destroy a small boat or damage a larger vessel. The developers say they produced it in response to demand from the Ukrainian military, who needed it for operations against the Russians on the islands on the Dnipro river. Design started in 2023, the Black Widow 2 was demonstrated in late 2024 and it was in use at the start of 2025. One boat costs just $2,400 and the company says they can make 100 per month. Black Widow 2 has not been seen configured as a drone carrier, but it is unlikely that nobody else has had the idea. Drone Aircraft Carriers Attack USV carriers struck their first targets last year, when they hit Russian offshore platforms used for observation and electronic warfare. According to Militarnyi the drone boats launched FPVs which engaged the Russian defenders. This prevented them from dealing with the USVs, which appear to have dropped underwater mines to damage the legs of the platforms as well as ramming them before exploding. HI Sutton notes that the USVs, a type not seen before, each appeared to be equipped with 4 drones. The raid appears to have been a success, leaving the platforms destroyed or on fire. Ukraine's security services have released video of USVs launching both FPV attack drones and longer-range fixed-wing drones. The FPVs have a claimed range oi around 10 miles, the fixed-wing drones around 25 miles. In January Ukraine released video showing an attacks on a Russian air defence systems by FPVs carried by drone boats. The boats appear to have been similar to the Magura USV seen previously, but may have been the same as the ones used to attack offshore platforms, Earlier this month a Ukrainian USV raid on Crimea launched FPVs which destroyed three radar a systems and a command post. Small Size, Unlimited Range While larger USVs have attacked targets out at sea or further along the coast, Ursula seems to be more intended for riverine warfare. Being able to covertly move an FPV into an attacking position and engage enemy forces miles away from the water will open up new dimensions. In future though, miniature aircraft carriers could attack targets at longer, and very much longer ranges. Existing small USVs which do not rely on battery power but draw energy from their surroundings have effectively unlimited range. A Saildrone being tested by Danish defence forces in 2025 These include the WaveGlider platform operated by the U.S. Navy, a surfboard sized vessel which generates forward motion from wave power and powers its electronics with solar cells. Back in 2011 makers Liquid Robotics sent a fleet of WaveGliders across the Pacific Ocean to demonstrate their ability to carry out months-long missions. The Russians appear to have copied the design in 2016 and others may too. The Saildrone is a wind-powered USV robust enough to sail through the eye of a hurricane and also trialed by the U.S. Navy for a variety of missions requiring extreme endurance. These vessels are not fast, but they are inexpensive and stealthy compared to traditional vessels and could cover the world's oceans – and infiltrate shorelines, rivers, deltas and swamps, ready to unleash a Spiderweb-tyle drone attack on unsuspecting adversaries. That also applies to vessels like aircraft carriers which might be vulnerable to a few pounds of explosive in the right place on deck. Just as hobbyist drones have started to dominate land warfare, USVs that look like bath toys may become surprisingly important at sea.
Forbes
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Forbes
What The War In Ukraine Reveals About The Future Of Space Warfare
Satellite imagery reveals the aftermath of a Ukrainian strike on a Russian airbase, with multiple ... More bombers destroyed. Nearly every war between major powers reveals enduring lessons for future strategists. World War II taught us that airpower had become the new high ground—and that the nuclear bomb was decisive. Vietnam taught us, painfully, that the will of the people matters at least as much as firepower. Unfortunately, we had to relearn that lesson in the conflicts that followed 9/11. Today, the Russia-Ukraine war is teaching us a critical lesson of the digital age, one we're still not discussing enough: the major operational and strategic impact that can be made leveraging highly proliferated and networked, commercially available technology. In Ukraine, low-cost, high-impact drones are enabling Ukraine not only to defend itself but to strike deep into Russian territory (and Russia into Ukraine) in ways that would have been unimaginable just a few years ago. The true force multiplier isn't just the drones themselves — it's the network effect. Drones, sensors, and software working in concert enable real-time targeting, intelligence gathering, and high-volume precision strike capability. These tools, put to use by a fierce yet an only recently constituted military, are outmatching even an adversary like Russia, whose traditional and formidable warfighting doctrine has relied upon mass and attrition. The obvious implications are so profound we must reimagine the application of key principles of war, or risk ceding the next critical domain: space, before the fight even begins. Three of the classic principles of war must be fundamentally rethought for space, the newest warfighting domain, and the Russia-Ukraine conflict provides a preview of how: What does this mean for space? In the space domain, our ability to scale is now existential. Winning won't depend on how exquisite each satellite is, but on how many we have in orbit and how intelligently they operate as an integrated whole. The Space Force needs far more funding and far more U.S. commercial companies building and delivering its advanced technology at scale. Proliferation on orbit is no longer just a low cost way to deliver an extra measure of resilience. When properly networked, it becomes a new form of strategic deterrence. The side with the most agile, connected, and numerous platforms will dominate. Unfortunately, the United States military missed the ability to leverage the commercial drone revolution before it left for China — a nascent industry we invented and all but abandoned years ago. Today's U.S. Air Force, with all of its impressive bunker busting power, could not have pulled off the kind of victories Ukraine has achieved against Russia. Because of our abandonment, we now face the difficult task of rebuilding critical drone manufacturing for national security, a task far more difficult to accomplish than the rapid offshoring to China we enabled that helped to create the problem. But there is reason for optimism. Quietly, the Pentagon's Space Development Agency has been doing the hard work of reversing this trend. In just six years, it has certified nine new U.S. small satellite manufacturers — with more on the way — that are already competing, building and deploying for the Space Force. We must build on that momentum and not slow down as the GAO is calling for. We must broaden and scale these efforts even further, and ensure that American technology populates all useful orbits, from low Earth to cislunar space. The Russia-Ukraine conflict has made clear that success in modern war depends on resilience, speed, and the creative use of proliferated, connected technology. If we take those lessons to heart, we will secure the new high ground for generations to come.
