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CBC
3 days ago
- Politics
- CBC
Birth records will be key in Alberta's new ban on female trans athletes, regulations show
Alberta has revealed how its new ban, prohibiting transgender athletes from competing in amateur female sports divisions, will be enforced. The supporting regulations for the Fairness and Safety in Sport Act, released this week, signal a major shift in how gender in sport will be governed in Alberta when the legislation comes into force this September. The regulations detail how an athlete's gender will be proven, documented and potentially challenged. It also establishes a formal complaints process that would allow Albertans to question who has the right to compete as a female. Under the new policy, schools, universities and sports clubs will be required to bar transgender women and girls from competition, and — in the event of a complaint — investigate an athlete's sex by examining their birth records. The regulations will also require schools and sporting organizations to report any eligibility complaints — and the results of each challenge — to the government. From baseball and boxing to ringette and gymnastics, the act deems transgender women ineligible to compete in nearly 90 sports organizations in Alberta. The act — which applies to athletes 12 years and older — also supports the expansion and creation of "mixed gender" divisions, where numbers warrant. Alberta's United Conservative Party government says the changes will protect the integrity of female athletic competitions by ensuring women and girls have the opportunity to compete in "biological female-only divisions." The rules "will level the playing field," and prevent athletes who were born female from harm, Andrew Boitchenko, Minister of Tourism and Sport, said in a statement. Critics have described the pending ban as a discriminatory attack on transgender competitors. A question of quitting Mark Kosak, CEO of Alberta Colleges Athletic Conference, said the legislation will end up pushing athletes out of Alberta. The ACAC is one of the close to 90 organizations impacted by the changes. "I think they'll leave, they'll go to another conference or another province, they'll go somewhere where this restriction doesn't apply and they don't have this concern and that's unfortunate," he said. "What I can almost predict is that a transgender athlete will feel somewhat threatened to stay in Alberta." The province has suggested leagues create co-ed divisions, but Kosak said that would be too costly and require more facilities, coaches and officials. Alberta sports organizations will need to create and implement eligibility policies by Sept. 1. Leagues and educational institutions will be required to track each athlete's gender at birth. Linda Blade, a coach and former president of Athletics Alberta, has been a vocal supporter of the new ban. She said the legislation will provide much-needed clarity to sport administrators across the province. She hopes other jurisdictions will follow suit and adopt regulations that keep female-born athletes in a league of their own. She said the policy is not meant as an attack on trans people, but is designed to protect women and girls and their right to compete. "It's not anti trans, it's not anti-anything. It's pro-women." Gender challenges At the time of registration, an athlete or their guardian will be required to confirm in writing that the athlete qualifies under the law to play in a female league, according to the regulations. If that claim is not believed, a formal challenge can be made in writing to the board for the sports division. The athlete, or their guardian, will then be asked to provide the board with a birth registration document detailing their assigned sex at birth. A birth registration document includes the person's sex at birth. Unlike a birth certificate, the sex listed on a birth registration document cannot be changed. Under the rules, boards of those nearly impacted organizations are required to report any challenges regarding eligibility to the Minister of Tourism and Sport within three business days. Boards must also report the results of the challenge within 30 days. It is expected that challenges will be resolved within a 30 business-day period, the province said. Athletes can continue to compete while an investigation is ongoing. If their birth records show they are not eligible, they will be immediately prohibited from competition. The province says boards will be empowered to impose "reasonable sanctions" against anyone who launches a challenge in "bad faith." Such sanctions may include written warnings or code of conduct violations, according to the province. Debate over the inclusion of transgender athletes in female sports has been a highly charged issue in recent years. Florence Ashley, an assistant professor in the Faculty of Law at the University of Alberta, said the regulations are purposefully vague. Ashley said the lack of details on how challenges will be managed opens the door for changes to be made quietly and "on the fly." The new rules demonstrate a dangerous shortsightedness, Ashley said. Ashley said the government has relied on the "politics of fear" to engineer a "moral panic" over fairness in sport and a false premise that trans women have a competitive advantage. Transgender women will be "harmed immensely" by the policy, along with female athletes who are not trans, Ashley said. Instead of fairness in athletics, the ban will foster discrimination, harassment, fear and false challenges, Ashley said. "Even if that's not the intent, that will be the effect." Allison Hadley, a trans woman who competes as an amateur athlete, said the ban will be harmful to people in a broad range of demographics, including children and youth. Hadley, born and raised in Edmonton, played rugby for nine years before competing in cross-country skiing. She stopped competing last year due to the pending ban. She fears she will never return to the sport. "There's a lot of extra steps for trans people in everyday life as-is, so this is just another one that's designed to get us to quit," she said.
Toronto Star
6 days ago
- Politics
- Toronto Star
Alberta has something to learn from some unexpected opponents to provincial separatism
If there's one piece of advice I find myself giving more and more these days, it's that progress is not linear — it's spiralic. In each generation, we find ourselves revisiting issues we thought were long-ago resolved. The lesson to draw from this is not that things are hopeless and we can never 'win.' Instead, we should draw strength from our cyclical struggles — we aren't in this alone, and it's not all on our shoulders. We step into a long interconnected chain of those who came before, and those who will come after, all of us working for a better world. It can be useful to revisit similar moments of struggle to put current events into context. The United Conservative Party's sly flirtation with fringe separatist factions within Alberta is not rooted in the same historical, cultural, and political conditions of Québec — but Indigenous resistance to these movements has in fact remained stable and consistent. Take these two quotes, nearly 30 years and thousands of kilometres apart. 'Our Treaties are sacred covenants and are to last forever. Alberta did not exist when our ancestors agreed to share the land with the Crown. The province has no authority to supersede or interfere with our Treaties, even indirectly by passing the buck to a 'citizen' referendum.' Chief Sheldon Sunshine, Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation & Chief Billy-Joe Tuccaro, Mikisew Cree First Nation, 2025. 'A unilateral declaration of independence by the government of Québec would undemocratically change or terminate our relationship with the government, Parliament, and people of Canada. [It] would attack our fundamental right as a people to determine our own political future; it would constitute fundamental breach and repudiation of the terms of the James Bay and Northern Agreement of 1975; and it would be in violation of fundamental principles of democracy, consent and human rights.' Matthew Coon Come, former Grand Chief of the Crees of Eeyou Istchee, 1996. Let me take you back to 1995. Québec had just a few months previously elected the Parti Québécois, whose mandate was to hold a referendum on independence during its first year in office. This was the culmination of centuries of sustained effort that began to peak during the Quiet Revolution in the 1960s before coming to a head in 1980 with Québec's first unsuccessful referendum on the matter. True to their promise, October 30th saw Québeckers turn out in historic numbers to vote. The rest of Canada held its collective breath. But just a week before and unbeknownst to most Canadians, an equally momentous mobilization played out in the vast northern portion of the province as the Cree nation held a referendum of its own. At no point during any of the political organizing around separation, were the opinions sought, or rights considered, of the eleven Indigenous nations that have Québec's borders scrawled across their territories. A reckless move when just 20 years before, Québec's massive James Bay hydro project was ground to a halt by the determination of a relatively small population of Indigenous people. That mobilization resulted in the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement, considered Canada's first modern treaty. Encompassing 1,061,900 square kilometres of land — 68.8 per cent of the entire province — the agreement was made between the federal and provincial governments, and the Cree, Inuit and Naskapi nations. ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW But how to reach the Cree citizens? October is the middle of the hunting season in Eeyou Istchee — Cree territory in northern Québec. From September until spring, the communities emptied out, and families trekked across land to spots unconnected by any road or telephone service. The conditions were less than ideal to launch a response to Québec's bid to pull itself out of Confederation. John Henry Wapachee and Robbie Dick knew they had to pull out all the stops. They chartered three helicopters to visit more than 100 bush camps to reach families on the land and spread the word. Other Cree travelled hundreds of kilometres through wintery conditions back to their fly-in communities, to gather at polling stations, schools and meeting halls. Cree living outside Eeyou Istchee made their way to stations set up in Montréal, Val d'Or, Ottawa, North Bay, and Senneterre. The question posed? 'Do you consent, as a people, that the Government of Quebec separate the James Bay Crees and Cree traditional territory from Canada in the event of a Yes vote in the Quebec referendum?' The answer was 96.3 per cent against. Eeyou Istchee would not be following Québec if it managed to become independent and good luck to whomever had to redraw that map. This Cree referendum made international news at the time, though in my research I haven't come across much evidence that the Parti Québécois acknowledged the outcome or that it swayed the final vote — and it very well may have had no impact on the vote itself. Nonetheless, Cree opposition to secession would have severely impacted the ability of Québec to follow through with independence had they been successful. The Cree weren't the only ones to speak out. Farther north in Nunavik, Inuit held a separate referendum, voting 96 per cent against Quebec separation. A Parliamentary research paper published in 1996 found that provincially, 95 per cent of Indigenous people who participated in the Québec referendum voted no. Chiefs in Québec and the Assembly of First Nations Grand Chief Ovide Mercredi were also very vocal in their resistance to 'the forcible inclusion of aboriginal people in a new, independent state, arguing that it would be contrary to international law.' ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW Nor has sentiment shifted. In 2014, the Parti Québécois once again sought a mandate to bring a third sovereignty referendum forward. Grand Chief Michael Delisle of Kahnawake responded plainly: 'We'd never be part of Quebec or cede out of Canada because we don't believe we are Canadians to begin with. Our ties are to the land.' Just two weeks ago in front of the Legislature in Edmonton, Treaty First Nations in Alberta voiced similar sentiments. Those who gathered were united in opposition to talks of separation, which Confederacy of Treaty 6 First Nations Grand Chief Greg Desjarlais characterized as a 'violation of Treaty, natural law and the land itself.' Those few Albertan separatists who flat-out ignore Indigenous treaty rights seem to think that Indigenous nations are their natural allies — after all, don't we all chafe under the oppression of the federal government? The answer is provincial governments have a host of wrongs to answer for. I would remind Albertans that Alberta's Sterilization Act was in effect from 1928 to 1972 and specifically targeted Indigenous women. any of the institutions that have been repeatedly found by Canadian inquiries, inquests, reports and commissions to be motivated by systemic racism against Indigenous Peoples are provincial — not federal. But that's not even the point. Most disturbing to me is the recent resurgence of harmful stereotypes about Indigenous Peoples in public discourse as a method of ignoring treaty rights. Racist and dehumanizing comments once more flood social media claiming Indigenous people are freeloaders who contribute nothing, pay no taxes, get everything for free, or were flat out conquered and thus can have no rights worth discussing. I've spent the last ten years writing against these stereotypes and trying to debunk myths, only to see the same tired narratives being operationalized to justify a new wave of colonial land theft. Our communities are exhausted trying to assert Indigenous humanity — and if our dehumanization is necessary to this separatist movement, then let's bring that into the light and be honest about it. The real issue, the one that First Nations and Métis within the province have been very clear in articulating, is what it has always been: our lands are not yours to take. Alberta is covered by five treaties: 4, 6, 7, 8, and 10 (though treaties 4 and 10 have no First Nations communities within this province's borders). Portions of Alberta are also within the Métis Nation's Homelands. It isn't some sort of loyalty to Parliament that holds Indigenous nations to these constitutionally recognized agreements — but as Chief Delisle put it nearly a decade ago, Indigenous Peoples are tied to the land. Alberta does not have the ability nor the right to alter that relationship through secession — the only right Alberta has to its existence at all is because of that relationship. If Albertans are serious about working together with Indigenous Peoples to improve the treaty relationship, it cannot happen under the threat of separation. Whatever political points the UCP hopes to gain by encouraging a doomed movement, even as it issues statements denying involvement, the damage being done to relationality in this province cannot be worth it. Albertans need to reaffirm their commitment to being treaty peoples by educating themselves and shutting down this kind of foolishness. In the end, no matter what happens, the answer from Indigenous Nations to separation on terms other than our own? It remains a resounding 'no.'
Global News
6 days ago
- Politics
- Global News
Separatist Alberta Republican Party cries foul after byelection debate is cancelled
The separatist Republican Party of Alberta is crying foul over a cancelled debate in a central Alberta byelection, suggesting the governing United Conservative Party is dodging democracy. The local Olds and District Chamber of Commerce said it had invited candidates from both those parties and the NDP, but only Republican Party of Alberta leader Cameron Davies committed in time, so the chamber was forced to call it off. Davies said it's up to the UCP to explain to voters why they don't want to debate. 'When you have nothing to offer Albertans at the ballot box, maybe that's their idea — avoid accountability and dodge democracy,' said Davies. He added he is still hoping a forum can be arranged before voters go to the polls on June 23, and that he's heard interest from two organizations to do so. Story continues below advertisement Davies said the biggest issue he's hearing on the doorsteps is Alberta's place in Canada, and voters' discomfort with Premier Danielle Smith's party giving Liberal Prime Minister Mark Carney a chance to bring the province a better deal. '(The UCP) should be up front and honest about where they stand, and I think avoiding whether or not they're in favour of independence — that's not going to satisfy Albertans that want to see Alberta end this toxic, abusive relationship with Ottawa,' said Davies. Tweet This Click to share quote on Twitter: "(The UCP) should be up front and honest about where they stand, and I think avoiding whether or not they're in favour of independence — that's not going to satisfy Albertans that want to see Alberta end this toxic, abusive relationship with Ottawa," said Davies. 'It doesn't take a petition for a provincial government to hold a referendum. The whole notion of a petition is nothing more than passing the buck and the UCP is trying to sit on the fence, instead of saying, 'Let's let Albertans have a say,'' he said. 2:28 Growing number of Albertans want to separate from Canada Smith has repeatedly said she wants to see Alberta remain in Canada, but recently passed legislation to lower the threshold for citizens to spark a referendum on seceding from Canada. Story continues below advertisement The UCP said they're holding a town hall in Three Hills with their candidate, Tara Sawyer, and Smith on the same night the chamber wanted to hold their debate. Get daily National news Get the day's top news, political, economic, and current affairs headlines, delivered to your inbox once a day. Sign up for daily National newsletter Sign Up By providing your email address, you have read and agree to Global News' Terms and Conditions and Privacy Policy 'We offered other dates, but they weren't able to move it, which we understand,' spokesman Dave Prisco said in an email. 'We held another town hall last week in Olds with hundreds of people in attendance, free to ask questions on any topic. We'll keep meeting with people, listening, and earning their support throughout the campaign,' he said. Doug Rieberger, president of the Olds and District Chamber of Commerce, said with Sawyer unavailable, and the chamber not getting a response from the NDP until after its deadline, they made the decision to cancel their event. 'Due to the short timeline of the campaign and availability of facilities, the chamber will be unable to reschedule,' said Rieberger. Bev Toews, the NDP's candidate in the riding, said in a statement it's a shame that the UCP refuses to debate. 'As always, they take this riding for granted. They assume people will blindly vote for them,' said Toews. 'I am the only candidate in this race that loves Canada and wants to fight to save it. The UCP candidate is too scared to say even that. Story continues below advertisement Smith appointed Sawyer, a farmer and former chair of the Grain Growers of Canada, to run for the UCP without a competitive nomination process, citing the need to pick a candidate quickly. Davies, a longtime conservative activist and organizer, has become a key figure in Alberta's renewed separatist movement following the latest federal election. He said there are 'several' UCP MLAs who are in favour of Alberta independence but they're being silenced within their own party. 'There's speculation that's why they chose to avoid having their own internal nomination process,' said Davies. 'They made a very clear and conscious decision to have an Ottawa-first candidate hand-picked for the riding of Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills.' Tweet This Click to share quote on Twitter: "They made a very clear and conscious decision to have an Ottawa-first candidate hand-picked for the riding of Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills." 1:59 New Alberta MLAs gather for one-day session, Nathan Cooper returns as Speaker The seat became vacant last month when Nathan Cooper, the former legislature Speaker and a longtime United Conservative member in the legislature, resigned to become Alberta's representative in Washington, D.C. Story continues below advertisement It's one of three vacant ridings, along with Edmonton-Strathcona and Edmonton-Ellerslie, that will have a byelection on the same day in less than three weeks. But in the rural riding of Olds-Didsbury-Three Hills, western separatist sentiment has bubbled to the surface before. In 1982, Gordon Kesler won what was Olds-Didsbury with 42 per cent of the vote in a byelection under the Western Canada Concept banner. Davies said there are differences now, including that his party has much less runway ahead of that vote than the Western Canada Concept did more than decades ago. 'We've been around for all of two months now,' said Davies.
CBC
03-06-2025
- Business
- CBC
Why Alberta politics may be getting more polarized — and why that matters
EDITOR'S NOTE: CBC News commissioned this public opinion research to be conducted immediately following the federal election and leading into the second anniversary of the United Conservative Party's provincial election win in May 2023. As with all polls, this one provides a snapshot in time. This analysis is one in a series of articles from this research. More stories will follow. If Albertans feel a divergence of political attitudes — a shift from the centre, toward more ideological extremes — in the province, they aren't wrong, according to a recent poll commissioned by CBC Calgary. "I think we are so polarized," lamented Calgary's Jillian Reimer as she and her two boys sipped drinks outside a coffee shop recently. "I would like to have more conversations. I think there's very little that's actually black and white and so much more that's nuanced," she told a CBC News journalist asking Calgary residents about their impressions of Premier Danielle Smith. Reimer applauds Smith's defense of the energy industry, but not her actions on health care. The Calgary woman laughed when told she is part of a shrinking group of people who rate Smith somewhere in the middle. From the mainstreaming of "F--k Trudeau" bumper stickers and flags to the heated tone of social media debate, our political discourse can often feel more barbed and split. While a 2023 political science study found "only mixed evidence that Canadians are diverging ideologically and becoming more polarized," data from CBC News' recent poll suggests an increase in political polarization among Albertans, pointing toward possibly more contentious times ahead for the prairie province. Why we should care about polarization Polarization isn't necessarily a bad thing, according to a data scientist who analyzed the poll results for CBC News. "It's important to identify where the fault lines in society are," said John Santos. He believes that, if we know where the cracks are in our politics, we can try to meaningfully grapple with divergent views and democratically sort out our differences. "We need to deal with those in a way where people's concerns are heard and they feel like they have a voice and a say in the democratic process," Santos told CBC News. Experts say addressing these political fractures can blunt the entrenchment that polarization can trigger. Political scientists differentiate between ideological polarization — the divergence over policy on issues from the health-care system to taxes — and so-called affective polarization, the emotional dislike or distrust that people feel for the other side. "We worry about the effect of polarization," said University of Calgary political scientist Lisa Young, "because it's hard to have a functioning democracy when you see your opponents not as … coming from a different perspective or being misguided, but as being evil." Albertans' flight to the extremes of ideology The poll does not measure how Albertans feel about their political opponents, but the data does suggest an increase in political polarization on values and worldviews. Over the last seven years, CBC News has polled voters about their ideology, asking them to place themselves on the left-right spectrum, with zero being extremely left-wing or progressive and 10 being intensely right-wing or conservative. Consistent with previous polling, the latest representative survey found that Albertans, for the most part, see themselves as political centrists with a slight right skew: on average, they rated themselves at 5.8 out of 10 on this scale. But while the average is only up slightly, fewer individuals in the recent survey identified their worldview as centrist, when compared to previous surveys in recent years. Most of the intensification happened on the right side of the political spectrum, with an expanding number of Albertans rating themselves an eight, nine or 10. The left side of the spectrum, by contrast, appears relatively stable. In addition to ideology, Albertans appear to be polarizing on political values. Polarization on value questions Since 2018, the number of Albertans who think we'd have fewer problems if there was more emphasis on traditional family values has remained steady, with almost two-thirds of people agreeing with that sentiment. Yet, the number of Albertans who strongly agree with the importance of family values has notably grown, from 35 to 40 per cent, over the last seven years. Additionally, the number of Albertans who strongly agree that social programs make people less willing to look after themselves has grown to 21 per cent in the recent poll, up from 15 per cent when CBC News first asked the same question five years ago. "There is a clear fault line in Alberta today, and I think this mirrors a lot of what we're seeing across the advanced industrial West," said Santos. "What gets difficult," he added, "is when people are unwilling to compromise, when disagreeing leads to being disagreeable." There is also evidence of increasing polarization over Alberta's place in Canada — and Albertans' attachment to the country and province. The lastest poll also found growing strength of support among Albertans who think the oil-rich province would be better off if it separated from Canada. In March 2020, only 11 per cent "strongly" agreed. But in the poll this spring, that sentiment grew to 17 per cent. "I would say this is probably the most polarized that I've seen since I've been studying and tracking public opinion in Alberta," said Santos. There's also evidence of polarization when it comes to Smith's leadership, as premier. Talking with about a dozen voters in Calgary's southeast community of McKenzie Towne about Smith, it was easy to find divided opinions. Most people either loved her or were quite disappointed, aligning with the CBC News polling results that suggest roughly equal numbers of Albertans are extremely impressed with her, or not impressed at all. A small group — only 16 per cent of Albertans — had a middle-of-the-road impression of Smith. And this growing division may be a byproduct of Alberta's increasingly competitive political landscape, according to Janet Brown, who conducted the poll for CBC News. Why are we seeing increasing polarization? For decades, Progressive Conservative governments remained a constant in Alberta politics. The party's unbroken rule — 12 consecutive election wins — ran from 1971 to 2015. Brown believes the election of the New Democrats a decade ago dialled up the polarization she found in her recent random survey of 1,200 Albertans. "For a long time, Alberta was essentially a one-party state," said Brown. The surprise win of the NDP 10 years ago thrust Alberta into a competitive, two-party system. "It just makes politics a lot more divisive. It makes public dialogue more contentious," said Brown. The NDP government was a "shock to the political system," according to Young, who has studied Alberta politics for decades. "It really did send everyone to their corners, politically," she added. The NDP win in 2015 also appears to have amped up the emotions — or affective polarization — in Alberta politics, according to Young. "We see people on both sides entrenching themselves more and more," she said. This widening divide may repel middle-of-the-road Alberta voters such as Reimer, who prides herself on being a centrist. " Hopefully, we can grow that middle group," she said. "I think that would be better for our society, as a whole, if we could have more people in the middle, not just full black and white on one side or the other." The CBC News random survey of 1,200 Albertans was conducted using a hybrid method between May 7 to 21, 2025, by Edmonton-based Trend Research under the direction of Janet Brown Opinion Research. The sample is representative of regional, age and gender factors. The margin of error is +/- 2.8 percentage points, 19 times out of 20. For subsets, the margin of error is larger. The survey used a hybrid methodology that involved contacting survey respondents by telephone and giving them the option of completing the survey at that time, at another more convenient time, or receiving an email link and completing the survey online. Trend Research contacted people using a random list of numbers, consisting of 40 per cent landlines and 60 per cent cellphone numbers. Telephone numbers were dialed up to five times at five different times of day before another telephone number was added to the sample. The response rate among valid numbers (i.e., residential and personal) was 12.8 per cent.
Globe and Mail
30-05-2025
- Business
- Globe and Mail
Letters to the editor, May 30: ‘If the price of my house stabilizes or even falls, I'll be delighted'
Re 'Throne Speech pledge to find public-service savings alarms labour leaders' (May 28): Mark Carney was elected as Prime Minister in large part because of the perception he has the skills and experience to lead Canada through the difficult economic times ahead. Before the ink was even dry on the throne speech, some labour leaders have expressed concerns over his proposal to find savings in the public service. He hopes to balance the operating budget by cutting waste, capping the public service, ending duplication and deploying technology, all in an effort to improve productivity. There are no proposals for massive layoffs or indiscriminate firings, as we have witnessed with DOGE and Elon Musk to the south. All I can say is give Mark Carney some slack to come up with a successful overall economic strategy before condemning individual policies. Michael Gilman Toronto Re 'Canadian Medical Association to file legal challenge over Alberta law limiting access to treatment for transgender youth' (May 28): This is not the first time the Alberta government has interfered with the doctor-patient relationship. Several years ago, it directed what could or could not be prescribed to another vulnerable group: drug users. Had the Canadian Medical Association stepped in at that point, perhaps the United Conservative Party would have stopped there. But now: Which vulnerable group is next? Robyn Kalda Toronto Re 'To make housing more affordable, drop the tax hammer on real estate investors' (Report on Business, May 27): The housing crisis should have been seen as an example of expecting too much from the housing market. Markets rely on supply and demand to determine price. Those who need housing must be able to pay market price. This is how markets work, so why do we expect it to provide any form of housing to those who can't afford to buy or rent? Governments should accept that it is their responsibility to provide for basic needs beyond one's capacity to pay, through regulations and by devoting resources exclusively to non-market housing. There are a great many ways to successfully integrate public and co-operative housing into neighbourhoods. The private sector would build them all, and make profit doing so, but never collect rent or profit once built. Bill Jennings Kingston Houses as investments have made prices skyrocket. Tax breaks for these owners now feel like obscenities: We should end write-offs for mortgage interest and fully tax capital gains. Investors own roughly one-quarter of houses in Canada. They have been the keenest buyers, driving prices up and up and up. I am in my 70s and, like so many boomers, entered the housing market back when houses were reasonably priced. If the price of my house stabilizes or even falls, I'll be delighted. I want the next generation to have the opportunity I had to own a house. Houses should be for living in, not juicy investments. Jack Hanna Ottawa In the 41 years that I have owned my house, by my calculations, prices in my area have increased an average of about 6.5 per cent a year, while wage growth has averaged much less. Until those curves converge or, better still, cross, I don't understand how the problem will be solved. William Love Burlington, Ont. Re 'Corporate property owners fueling housing rent increases in Toronto' (Report on Business, May 21): The vast majority of Ontario rental units are subject to rent control, with rent increases tightly regulated. Recent reports – even from our members – show that rents in some areas, including the Greater Toronto Area, have begun to decrease, showing market forces at work: Supply and demand, not individual providers, set rental prices. While valid concerns about affordability are raised, it's vital to recognize the role all rental housing providers play in meeting demand for quality homes. Focusing solely on real estate investment trusts or institutional owners overlooks the broader reality: Market dynamics drive price fluctuations, not business models. Addressing affordability requires an all-hands-on-deck approach by all levels of government. Streamlining approvals, reducing costs and supporting investment will help bring more housing to market. Blaming professional housing providers distracts from the real, collective action needed for lasting solutions. Tony Irwin President and CEO, Rental Housing Canada; Toronto Re 'Public good' (Letters, May 22): A letter-writer advises that 'we who contribute gladly to medical training should have a significant role in dictating how doctors are paid.' One could substitute any number of professions here: lawyers, veterinarians, accountants, architects, engineers, to name a few. Members of these other professions have multiple options for remuneration in their careers. They may have private practices; they may bill government; they may work in either private industry or government for a salary; they may do contract work, etc. All of this liberty, despite the public purse funding a significant percentage of their education costs. Why single out the medical profession with this type of medieval criticism? Anyone who has received a postsecondary education in this country has benefited from government underwriting a significant percentage of that education. This idea is an extremely old chestnut, long past its best-before date, and should be put to bed. K. M. Peckan MD; Waterloo, Ont. Re 'Sir John A. Macdonald statue to be uncovered at Queen's Park, sparking new tensions with First Nations' (May 28): I was disappointed to see that some opponents of uncovering the statue of Sir John A. Macdonald are warning that further vandalizing or even toppling could follow. Those genuinely seeking reconciliation should recognize that it is a two-way street. Macdonald's faults have been acknowledged, but then so have his enormous achievements, not least his role in the creation of the country we love and enjoy today. Can we not find a way to have these perspectives peacefully co-exist? A wise poet once observed that 'to err is human, to forgive divine.' Scott James Toronto While, like all of us, Sir John A. Macdonald had his flaws, he was a great man and the founder of this fine country. Let us move resolutely from self-flagellation to taking pride in our history. Biff Matthews Toronto There is no doubt that Sir John A. Macdonald drank too much and his views of Indigenous people were at odds with today's opinions. Still, he is the father of our country and deserves perpetual recognition for that. If we need a police officer there 24/7, it would be worth it to see him again. A. P. Bell Toronto Letters to the Editor should be exclusive to The Globe and Mail. Include your name, address and daytime phone number. Keep letters to 150 words or fewer. Letters may be edited for length and clarity. To submit a letter by e-mail, click here: letters@
