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Why EU's ties with China are likely to remain tense
Why EU's ties with China are likely to remain tense

Arab News

time12 hours ago

  • Business
  • Arab News

Why EU's ties with China are likely to remain tense

Relations between the EU and China last reached a mini-high during Donald Trump's disruptive first presidency, when Beijing and Brussels agreed a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment. However, bilateral ties have not warmed during Trump's second term in the White House, despite the US president threatening to instigate several new trade wars with his tariff policies. Certainly, the mood between the EU and China is generally constructive and both sides are keen to showcase some achievements in relations during this landmark year, which marks the 50th anniversary of bilateral ties. This includes during their upcoming annual summit on July 24, when European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Antonio Costa will hold talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. Both sides stress that they have no insuperable conflicts of interest, and instead share common economic and political interests that are deepening. Underneath this high diplomacy, however, growing challenges are chilling relations, including the issue of the war in Ukraine. Take the example of rare earths. This is a topic on which von der Leyen and Costa will this week urge China to end restrictions that require EU-based exporters to secure licenses from Beijing, which controls more than 90 percent of the global processing capacity for these key metals. During the G7 Summit in June, von der Leyen accused China of 'coercion' and 'blackmail' over the measures, asserting that 'no single country should control 80-90 percent of the market for essential raw materials and downstream products like magnets.' On the economic front, China's trade surplus with the EU hit a record high in May, and now stands at about €400 billion ($465 billion). One of the steps the EU has taken in response is to levy tariffs of up to 35 percent on Chinese electric vehicles, citing unfair subsidies. Beijing retaliated with inquiries into the European dairy and brandy sectors. In the face of these proliferating challenges, von der Leyen, Costa, and other top EU officials are trying to build a broader, bloc-wide stance on China. This reflects the fact that Brussels has struggled at times to find common purpose across all 27 EU member states on the issue, especially those such as Hungary that are more sympathetic to Beijing. Worse still, leading EU officials have become increasingly concerned in recent years about whether the nature of China's external interventions in Europe represent a strategy of divide-and-rule in an attempt to undermine the continent's collective interests. The former EU foreign affairs chief, Joseph Borrell, even asserted that Beijing was a 'systemic rival that seeks to promote an alternative model of governance' to that of Europe. Von der Leyen said more recently that 'China has an entirely different system' with 'unique instruments at its disposal to play outside the rules.' Brussels has sought to unite the bloc around a stronger policy toward China. Andrew Hammond The backstory to this is that Europe is becoming an increasingly important foreign policy focal point for Beijing, economically and politically. The rising superpower had generally enjoyed growing influence across much of the region, at least until the COVID-19 pandemic. In the past five years, however, since the pandemic and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, relations have become chillier. This has affected issues such as climate cooperation, with doubts reported about whether Beijing and Brussels will sign a joint climate action pledge during their upcoming summit, despite the precedent of previous important collaboration in this area. Brussels has therefore sought to unite the bloc around a stronger policy toward China, with von der Leyen taking the lead on the issue, even though the role of European Commission president does not include any formal foreign policy mandate. While the EU still deeply values its relationship with China, the direction of travel for policy on Beijing appears to be moving in a more hawkish direction. Even on issues in which breakthroughs have been made with China over the past five years, such as the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment in 2020, ratification of this key economic deal has stalled for years in the European Parliament as a result of deteriorating relations. A central challenge for von der Leyen, however, remains the splits within the 27-member bloc regarding views on Beijing. It is too simplistic to characterize this as an East-West dichotomy within the region, not least because Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban is perhaps China's biggest cheerleader in the EU. There are nonetheless differences in outlook, primarily between hawkish Eastern European nations such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Lithuania, versus Western counterparts such as France and Spain that do much more bilateral business with China. The positions of those Western European nations can be particularly problematic for Brussels, given that both Paris and Madrid want extensive economic engagement with China to continue. The longstanding, deep business ties between Paris and Beijing are widely documented, so it is no surprise that President Emmanuel Macron is sometimes more equivocal than von der Leyen on the issue of China. During a joint visit with her to Beijing in 2023, the French president raised eyebrows in Europe by taking a large business delegation with him. He also utilized the language of economic reciprocity, rather than the European Commission president's preferred choice of 'derisking,' and did not appear to put significant pressure on China regarding its support for Russia in Ukraine. This challenging context underlines why the upcoming summit might underdeliver on even the low expectations that surround it. Overall EU relations with China are likely to remain chilly for the foreseeable future, and could yet go into a deep freeze during von der Leyen's second term as European Commission president. • Andrew Hammond is an associate at LSE IDEAS at the London School of Economics.

How the far right is politicising the return of the wolf – and again threatening its presence in Europe
How the far right is politicising the return of the wolf – and again threatening its presence in Europe

The Independent

time21 hours ago

  • Politics
  • The Independent

How the far right is politicising the return of the wolf – and again threatening its presence in Europe

In Lower Saxony, in 2022, a wolf attacked and killed Dolly, Ursula von der Leyen's favourite pony. Strategically, this was a terribly poor move on the wolf's part. The president of the European Commission is a passionate equestrian. Citing 'numerous reports of wolf attacks on animals' and an unsubstantiated 'increased risk to local people', von der Leyen requested an in-depth analysis into the wolf's status in Europe. On the basis of that analysis, the European Commission voted last year to downgrade the wolf's level of protection, and on Monday that directive formally entered into force. With it began a whole new chapter in our relationship with the wolf. Wolves have been undergoing a remarkable resurgence. By the mid-20th century they had been pushed almost to extinction in Europe, but a combination of EU conservation measures and the abandonment of agricultural land means that today there are more than 23,000 across the continent, a species of least concern. In a biodiversity crisis, it is heartening to see nature's capacity to heal if we let it. For my book Lone Wolf I followed one of the pioneers. Slavc was a wolf born in the south of Slovenia in 2010, but at 18 months old he left his pack behind and set off on a 1,000-mile journey across the Alps. He crossed Slovenia and Austria, and four months later came to Italy, to the foothills north of Verona, where he bumped into a female wolf on a walkabout of her own. Astonishingly, perhaps the only two wild wolves for several thousand square miles had somehow found each other. When they bred, they became the first wolf pack back in these mountains for more than a century. Today, there are at least 17 packs in the region. Before setting out, Slavc had been fitted with a GPS collar. It gave researchers a unique chance to observe the path of a large carnivore through the heart of Europe; and it gave me an idea. More than a decade later I embarked, on foot, on the same path Slavc had travelled. I wanted to see how those living alongside the wolf once more were coping with its presence. I found shepherds and farmers working with dogs and electric fences, showing coexistence with carnivores is possible. But I also found that wherever the wolf has returned, the fear and hatred has come back, too. Alpine farmers live hard lives in hard places. Climate change; the rocketing costs of energy and feed; young people leaving for the cities: now they are being asked to tolerate the wolf. I could understand their anger. The wolf has become a convenient scapegoat for a range of complex problems, and one that can be addressed with a shotgun. Wolves kill at least 65,500 livestock annually in the EU (by comparison, dogs off the leash in the UK kill an estimated 15,000 sheep a year). Yet those herders taking measures to protect their flocks are often treated as traitors by their neighbours. Far-right, anti-EU parties, such as Austria's FPŐ, have been enflaming tensions in the countryside, refusing to countenance any solution except shooting them. The framing is that wolves are supported by an urban elite with no idea of how the land works. It has been a successful strategy. A 2022 German study found that wolf attacks led to far-right gains of between one and two percentage points in subsequent municipal elections. Only 2 per cent of European voters work in farming, but their voice is loud and they symbolise a much wider discontent about the green transition. It is a discontent the far-right are all too happy to encourage. Two years ago, when I walked Slavc's path, a change in law still seemed fanciful. That it has happened so quickly is indicative of how politics is shifting, and how politicised the wolf remains. Countries including Spain, Germany and France have already indicated or enacted changes in law, and other countries will follow suit. 'If we could count on logic and rationality and scientific rigour, this decision is not dangerous,' said Luigi Boitani, Italy's pre-eminent wolf expert. But as I saw in a long walk across Europe, that is rarely how we reason. Despite their numbers, wolves remain in 'unfavourable or inadequate conservation status' in all but one of Europe's biogeographical regions. A Swedish decision to reduce the country's wolf population from 300 to 170 risks pushing them into an 'extinction vortex'. A coalition of environmental groups are taking the European Commission to court over the decision, in a move backed by hundreds of conservationists. In the meantime, this summer is set to be the bloodiest for wolves for half a century. Whether it harms their numbers, and whether it assuages the anger in the countryside, remains to be seen.

Is von der Leyen ready for bruising budget battles?
Is von der Leyen ready for bruising budget battles?

Euronews

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Euronews

Is von der Leyen ready for bruising budget battles?

It was a lacklustre victory for Ursula von der Leyen in the European Parliament. Many of those who supported her in the no-confidence vote did so without enthusiasm and to avoid a crisis. The Commission president's challenge now is to advance her agenda with a fragile majority and against an energized opposition. And with bruising battles ahead over the next long-term budget and a looming trade war with the US the pressure is only mounting. Can von der Leyen deliver? Questions for our guests this week: Cynthia Ní Mhurchú, Irish member of the European Parliament for the Renew Europe Group, Philipp Lausberg, senior analyst at the European Policy Centre and Klaus Welle, chairman of the Academic Council at the Wilfried Martens Centre. On the surface, it was a good day for Ursula von der Leyen. A solid majority of members of the European Parliament expressed their trust in her. To achieve this result, however, the German Christian Democrat had to expend considerable political capital to buy concessions from the Socialists and Democrats to keep them on board. It worked this time, but her center-left allies made it clear that, from now on, they expect her to stick to agreed policies, for example on climate. A policy that has put von der Leyen increasingly at odds with her own EPP led by her nemesis Manfred Weber. Brussels watchers predict lively discussions on the fate of the 2040 emission targets as well as laborious budget negotiations in the months to come. The question is: how messy will it get? The second topic: The surge in migration flows from Libya that Greece is currently experiencing could easily evolve into the EU's crisis of the summer. Last week, on the island of Crete alone, almost 500 migrants arrived per day. Athens announced stricter measures, suspending asylum requests for three months. The government's goal is to discourage people in Libya from beginning the dangerous journey across the sea. But for that you need the cooperation of the Libyans. That's what an EU delegation was trying to accomplish when they were kicked out of the country by a local warlord over protocol issues. That begs the question: how serious a partner is Libya for Europe and how to deal with a failed state? Finally, the panel discussed the relationship between the EU and China that caught in a cycle of disgruntlement - and it doesn't appear to be getting any better. Restricted market access, trade imbalances or China's support of Russia in its war against Ukraine: pick your favorite dispute. That's the backdrop against the upcoming EU-China summit in Beijing next week. But as Donald Trump's shadow is looming large, some suggest Brussels should work toward a reset of relations with the Chinese. Initially, the summit was planned to run for two days in Brussels, now it's only one day in Beijing. Xi Jinping refused to come to Brussels and he will most likely not participate in the summit. Also, no joint statement is planned. What needs to be done to overcome years of frustration and scepticism?

Meta Rejects EU AI Code Over Legal Uncertainty
Meta Rejects EU AI Code Over Legal Uncertainty

Yahoo

timea day ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Meta Rejects EU AI Code Over Legal Uncertainty

Meta (NASDAQ:META) Platforms announced it will not sign the European Commission's new voluntary Code of Practice for general purpose AI. Joel Kaplan, Meta's head of global affairs, said the proposals introduce more legal uncertainty than clear guidance. Warning! GuruFocus has detected 5 Warning Sign with META. The Code asks developers to publish transparency reports, keep detailed documentation on model features and honor broad copyright guarantees. Kaplan warned these requirements go well beyond the AI Act's original scope and may scare off investment in leading research. Earlier this month about forty five industry groups asked Ursula von der Leyen to delay the AI Act's rollout for two years. They fear strict rules will push talent and capital out of Europe and into more lenient markets. Unveiled last week by independent experts, the Code serves as a voluntary primer for companies preparing for mandatory EU rules coming next month. Under the Act's risk assessment framework, systems deemed high risk face the tightest controls. Meta's refusal highlights a growing rift between regulators focused on public safety and companies worried about stifling innovation. With enforcement looming, the debate over AI governance in Europe is only just beginning. This article first appeared on GuruFocus.

Meta Rejects EU AI Code Over Legal Uncertainty
Meta Rejects EU AI Code Over Legal Uncertainty

Yahoo

timea day ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Meta Rejects EU AI Code Over Legal Uncertainty

Meta (NASDAQ:META) Platforms announced it will not sign the European Commission's new voluntary Code of Practice for general purpose AI. Joel Kaplan, Meta's head of global affairs, said the proposals introduce more legal uncertainty than clear guidance. Warning! GuruFocus has detected 5 Warning Sign with META. The Code asks developers to publish transparency reports, keep detailed documentation on model features and honor broad copyright guarantees. Kaplan warned these requirements go well beyond the AI Act's original scope and may scare off investment in leading research. Earlier this month about forty five industry groups asked Ursula von der Leyen to delay the AI Act's rollout for two years. They fear strict rules will push talent and capital out of Europe and into more lenient markets. Unveiled last week by independent experts, the Code serves as a voluntary primer for companies preparing for mandatory EU rules coming next month. Under the Act's risk assessment framework, systems deemed high risk face the tightest controls. Meta's refusal highlights a growing rift between regulators focused on public safety and companies worried about stifling innovation. With enforcement looming, the debate over AI governance in Europe is only just beginning. This article first appeared on GuruFocus. Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data

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