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The Print
13-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Varna not decided by birth, Shudra not derogatory—'The Hindu Manifesto', launched by RSS chief Bhagwat
'Varna refers to the classification of individuals or groups based on the different forms of dharma—that is, the duties, responsibilities and roles in life that they either embrace or are inducted into,' reads the book. 'The crucial point is that an individual's acceptance of varna demonstrates that it is not determined by birth, the term 'varna' itself implies that it is independent of birth.' In Hinduism, Varna refers to the four traditional social classes—Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. The book—The Hindu Manifesto—argues people's varna is not birth-based and tries to explain why. New Delhi: Varna is not birth-based and Shudra is not a derogatory term, according to a book authored by Swami Vigyananand, and launched by Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat last month. The author also argues in the book that the word 'Shudra' is not a derogatory or demeaning term 'even though modern sociologists often associate it with the so-called lower stratum in Bharat'. He cites the example of the Ashvinikumaras, considered the physicians of the gods and the presiding deities of Ayurvedic medicine, and how they were also referred as shudras, 'indicating that it is a respected term rather than a negative one. The Dignity of a Human Being Is Paramount'. In a chapter titled 'Non-discriminatory Social System', the author argues that in Hindu Dharma and society, neither the scriptures nor ancestors discriminated against people based on 'varna, jati, jnati, skin colour, race, gender, language or region'. Vigyananand, also the initiator of the World Hindu Congress, also cites the example of Lord Rama, Krishna and Kali to highlight the point that 'traditionally, Hindu deities were crafted from black granite, black hard stone or other materials such as sandstone'. The author then goes on to state that the term jāti refers to the 'recognition of common features among different objects. Although each object is distinct, they share a common feature that links them, and this essential common feature is known as jati'. In fact, during the book launch, Bhagwat also stressed the fact that the caste system went against the core tenets of Hinduism. The RSS has been quite vocal on ending caste differences in society. Earlier this year, Bhagwat called upon the Hindu community to strive for social harmony by embracing the principle of 'one temple, one well, and one cremation ground' for all. Explaining 'Varna', the book states that different jatis, specialised professional and occupational groups based on shared attributes, align with larger professional groupings known as varnas. 'This reflects the organisational structure of (the) Hindu society, where specialised communities (jati) integrate into broader profession categories or groupings (varnas).' Also Read: Caste census is a bad idea whose time has come. Much worse lies ahead A society without division The author further argues that Hindu ancestors envisioned a society without division or discrimination based on varna, jati, jnati, skin colour, or race. 'In contemporary and future societies, evolution and progress are also measured by the absence of discrimination based on varna, jati, jnati, skin colour, race, gender, language, or region. While distinctions and divisions may have existed in the past among human societies based on various factors, Hindu ancestors envisioned a society without division or discrimination,' he states. The book also writes, 'In all the varnas, there are no special signs or distinct markers. Everyone originates from Bhagwan Brahma; thus, everyone is considered a Brahmin.' The author goes on to argue the 'absence of a special sign or distinct marker for each varna suggests that varna is not inherently based on biological birth. Instead, it underscores the equality of all individuals in their essential nature, believed to originate from the same source. This highlights the fundamental equality of all people'. He further claims that at 'birth, individuals are not predestined to belong to a particular varna or professional grouping', refuting the idea varna is determined solely by birth. Vigyananand states that many scholars argue that Brahmins are merely a jati or varna, rather than a professional or occupational grouping or community. However, he cites an example from the Apad Dharma Parva within the Shanti Parva of the Mahabharata, which deals with the ethical and moral considerations when facing adversity or crisis. He then states 'the reference above demonstrates that when Brahmins lose their means of livelihood, they adhere to Kshatriya and Vaishya dharma (profession) as well'. 'This indicates that professions are interchangeable and also supports the idea that Brahmins can be considered an occupational jati. Several specialised Brahmin occupational jatis come together to form a larger professional community, constituting the Brahmin varna,' he said. In the book, Vigyananand says jāti refers to shared characteristics including work and experience and is not a hereditary concept. 'Jati refers to a professional and occupational grouping characterized by common essential features, shared attributes, shared qualities, specific occupations and specialized professions.' The author argues that many translate 'prasav' as birth, which he says is incorrect. 'The correct interpretation is provided by Maharishi Vatsayan in his commentary on this Sutra—ya saamna buddhi prasootay—this refers to the common features that appear in the mind from which they are recognised, and that constitutes their jati. Jati does not refer to biological birth here. Jati exists not only in animate beings but also in inanimate objects,' the book states. Similarly, jātiya, the book argues, is rooted in a sense of brotherhood in the scriptures. The author states that in Bengali, the terms jati and jatiya have broader meanings 'often signifying both brotherhood and national identity. In Bengal, 'jatiya' was used to express a sense of brotherhood, meaning 'national' in this context'. The author then goes on to explain the word jñāti which he says indicates 'lineage' or 'family line' (kul or vansh). '(It) Represents a family line that cannot be changed-neither in the past, present nor future.' 'A person's identity is known by their jnati, meaning lineage or 'family line', which refers to the family of their birth. This 'jnati' signifies that no one can deny their birth identity, regardless of whether their lineage is ordinary or prominent. 'Jnati' indicating lineage' or 'family line (kul or vansh) represents a family line that cannot be changed-neither in the past, present nor future,' the author wrties. Jatiya, the book argues, refers to the concept where individuals from various 'jnati', signifying different families and lineages, come together to form a jati—a specialised professional and occupational grouping or community. 'The individuals within this jati develop a sense of brotherhood that unites them as part of that community. This essence of togetherness and shared identity among individuals constitutes jatiya identity,' the book states. Also Read: At CWC, Rahul says caste count 1st step towards social justice, but timing of govt announcement suspect 'Lack of understanding' Vigyananand further states that individuals from various jnati, or family lineages, come together to form or join a jati, which he says, represents a community centred on a particular profession, occupation, or grouping. The author then goes on to highlight the problem of intermixing between Jati and Jnati. 'There is a significant issue arising from the lack of understanding of the difference between 'jnati' and 'jati'. This often leads to the misinterpretation and conflation of jnati as jati,' he highlights. The book claims that over a long period in history, the word 'jatiya' gradually became 'jati' and was often used in its place. He cites the example of Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, who in his final message to the nation while addressing Hindu society before his death, used 'Hindu jati' instead of 'jatiya'. The book also gives a number of examples from the Mahabharata and the Ramayana to state there is no room for any form of untouchability even based on birth or social status in the Hindu society. The book cites the example of how Lord Rama shared a strong friendship with King Guha, the Nishad Raj. 'In current societal norms, individuals who engage in the practice of untouchability and those often discussed in public discourse and academia in the context of untouchability within (the) Hindu society need to understand that untouchability was never historically accepted in the Hindu society. The friendship between Shri Rama and Guha serves as an example, indicating that there is no room for any form of untouchability, even based on birth or social status, in Hindu society,' it says. Within the Non-discriminatory Social System chapter, there is a strap stating, 'In Hindu Society, the Shudras are a respected community, and they also have their own states.' The author then cites an example from the Bhumi Parva within the Bhishma Parva of the Mahabharata and states that in the Mandaga Janpada (state) of Shudraa, where there is no centralised authority such as a king or a ruler, punitive measures enforced by a governing body become unnecessary. 'This absence signifies a profound level of self-governance and mutual respect among individuals,' he said. (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: Mohan Bhagwat's speech isn't working on Hindu fundamentalist mobs on the ground
Time of India
09-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Only 11 ministers give opinion, cabinet defers decision on caste census as others seek more time
Bengaluru: The cabinet Friday deferred a decision on the contentious socio-economic and educational survey (caste census) report, as several ministers sought more discussions on it in the wake of concerns raised by politically significant communities about their population the report, which the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes submitted to the govt in Feb 2024, was presented to the cabinet on April 11 this year, ministers were given a concise version. Sources say only 11 ministers gave their opinion on the report at Friday's meeting, while others sought more time. This forced chief minister Siddaramaiah to defer the matter to the next cabinet meeting, tentatively fixed for May some ministers reportedly objected to inadequacy of information in the concise version of the report, the backward classes welfare department decided to provide more details. All ministers were given the second volume of the report on Friday, which contains detailed data up to taluk and CM directed ministers, especially those in charge of districts, to study the report in detail and give their views at the next cabinet ministers say the govt's move to defer a decision on the report was expected since the cabinet is divided on its findings. Operation Sindoor PM Modi meets NSA, chiefs of armed forces amid spike in tensions with Pak India's air defence systems shoot down Pak drones in J&K, Punjab & Rajasthan Several airports in India to be closed till May 15 - check list Politically dominant Lingayat and Vokkaliga communities have objected to the report, claiming that their population figures were undercounted, while those of select communities are inflated. Deputy chief minister and Vokkaliga DK Shivakumar himself reportedly conveyed reservations about the report at the communities, including Brahmins, Vaishyas, Bunts, and Kodavas, have also objected to the report and, together with Lingayats and Vokkaligas, have urged the govt to scrap it. Several ministers representing these communities advised Siddaramaiah to keep the census in abeyance and wait for the national caste census announced by the and parliamentary affairs minister HK Patil, who briefed reporters, said the govt is ready to accommodate concerns of all communities, and these issues will be deliberated in detail in the next cabinet meeting.
The Hindu
21-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Educate, organise and agitate should be our mantra, says Karnataka CM
Chief Minister Siddaramaiah inaugurated the centenary celebrations of the All-Karnataka Yadav, Hanabar, Golla Sangha in Chikkodi on April 20. He urged the community members to remain united at all costs, and to adopt the principles of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar — educate, orgainise and agitate for their rights — to ensure all-round development. In fact, this should be the mantra for all backward classes in India to escape exploitation, to strive towards a life of self-respect and growth, he said. The lives of leaders like Dr. Ambedkar show us that education can eliminate slavery and lead a life of self-respect. It is heartening to know that the Sangha has completed a hundred years and has been instrumental in organising the society and bringing it into the mainstream. All castes have become known through their professions. Vested interests used such nomenclature to divide the society. The Golla community now has many sub-castes, including Golla caste, Kadu Golla, Adavi Golla. But all of them need to develop equally and at the same pace, he said. 'Dr. Ambedkar said that education is essential for the downtrodden, backward classes, minorities, and the underprivileged to move towards progress. He observed that there is debilitating inequality in society. The majority are deprived of literacy. By following the Manusmriti, the four-caste system of Brahmins, Vaishyas, Kshatriyas, and Shudras was introduced in society, and the Shudras were not given the opportunity for education. Only those classes who had opportunities got educated and achieved progress in society. Now that we live in a democratic welfare state, it is our responsibility to see that all communities get such opportunities and access to education, health and livelihood,' the CM said. 'Our government is striving to create an equal society. Since I took charge, I have been trying to provide equal opportunities to everyone. I have represented the economic progress of backward communities. Therefore, I am trying to ensure equal distribution of wealth for all,' he said. The CM traced the history of reservation in Karnataka. 'In 1918, Nalvadi Krishnaraja Wodeyar formed the Miller Commission to provide representation to various communities in government jobs and education. 75% reservation was given to non-Brahmin communities in jobs and education. Later, many commissions were formed for reservation facilities. If one does not get education, slavery will increase and a life of self-respect will not be possible.' Mr. Siddaramaiah shared his experience and explained to the audience the importance of education, saying that it was only because of education that he was able to become the Chief Minister of Karnataka. The CM said he had received a memorandum from the community for the formation of a separate development corporation for the Yadav community. A decision will be taken after consulting community leaders, he said.
