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The German army and its ghosts
The German army and its ghosts

LeMonde

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • LeMonde

The German army and its ghosts

When he attended the commemorations of the Allied landing in Normandy on June 6, 2024, Brigadier General Andreas Steinhaus felt "something special, as a German soldier, to be invited to that place." He has always considered himself part of the Allies. Born in 1968 in West Germany, he celebrated D-Day as a child with the feeling of being "on the right side." Then he joined the army at 19 to "defend freedom," before fighting in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Iraq and Sudan alongside other Europeans and Americans. On June 5, 2024, however, he took the time to visit the grave of his great-uncle, who had served in the Wehrmacht, the Nazi Germany forces. He is buried a few kilometers from the coast in the German cemetery at La Cambe, alongside 21,000 soldiers of the Third Reich killed during the Battle of Normandy. "One day, I was at his grave, the next, I was with the American soldiers," he recounted from his office in Saarlouis, a town in Saarland, where his parachute brigade is stationed. "The notion of homeland is not geographical," he said, highlighting the complexity of the history he inherited. Stories like his are common in the Bundeswehr, the name of the army in Germany. There are those whose relatives served in the Wehrmacht – "the other army," as one of them called it. Others had parents in the East German army before being integrated overnight into the Bundeswehr when reunification took place in 1990 and the Nationale Volksarmee (East Germany's armed forces) was dissolved. Some of their ancestors successively wore the uniform under the German Empire, the Weimar Republic and then the Third Reich.

The battle by Chile torture site dwellers to remain
The battle by Chile torture site dwellers to remain

Yahoo

time19-05-2025

  • Yahoo

The battle by Chile torture site dwellers to remain

With its pristine swimming pool, manicured lawns and lush forest backdrop, Villa Baviera, a German-themed settlement of 122 souls in southern Chile, looks like the perfect holiday getaway. But Colonia Dignidad, as it was previously known, is a byword for horror, as the former home of a brutal cult that was used for torturing and killing dissidents under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Twenty years after the cult leader, former Wehrmacht soldier Paul Schaefer, was jailed for the sexual abuse and torture of children at the colony, the Chilean state wants to turn it into a memorial for the victims of the country's 1973-1990 dictatorship. In June last year, President Gabriel Boric ordered that 116 hectares (287 acres) of the 4,800-hectare site, an area including the residents' homes, a hotel, a restaurant, and several food processing factories, be expropriated to make way for a center of remembrance. But some of the inhabitants, who were separated from their families as children, subjected to forced labour, and in some cases, sexually abused, say they are being victimized all over again. - 'Heavy burden' - Schaefer founded Colonia Dignidad in 1961 as an idyllic German family village -- but instead abused, drugged and indoctrinated the few hundred residents and kept them as virtual slaves. The boundaries between abuser and abused were blurred, with the children of Schaefer's sidekicks counting themselves among his victims. Anna Schnellenkamp, the 48-year-old manager of the colony's hotel and restaurant, said she "worked completely free of charge until 2005," the year of Schaefer's arrest. "So much work I broke my back." Several years ago Schnellenkamp, whose late father Kurt Schnellenkamp was jailed for five years for being an accomplice to Schaefer's abuse, finally found happiness. She got married, had a daughter and started to create new, happier memories in the colony, where everyone still communicates in German despite being conversant in Spanish. But she still views the settlement as part of her birthright. "The settlers know every detail, every building, every tree, including where they once suffered and were forced to work," she explained. - Potato shed torture cell - Around 3,200 people were killed and more than 38,000 people tortured during Chile's brutal dictatorship. An estimated 26 people disappeared in Colonia Dignidad, where a potato shed, now a national monument, was used to torture dozens of kidnapped regime opponents. But on the inside too, abuse was rife. Schaefer was captured in 2005 on charges of sexually abusing dozens of minors over nearly half a century. He died in prison five years later while in preventive custody. His arrest, and those of 20 other accomplices, marked a turning point for the colony, which had been rebranded Villa Baviera a decade previously. Suddenly, residents were free to marry, live with their children, send them to school and earn a paycheck. Some of the settlers returned to Germany. Others remained behind and built a thriving agribusiness and resort, where tourists can sample traditional German fare, such as sauerkraut. Some residents feel that Chile, which for decades turned a blind eye to the fate of the enclave's children, now wants to make them pay for the sins of their fathers. "One feels a kind of revenge against us," said Markus Blanck, one of the colony's business directors, whose father was charged as an accomplice of Schaefer's abuse but died before being sentenced. The government argues that the expropriations are in the public interest. "There is a national interest here in preserving our country's historical heritage," Justice Minister Jaime Gajardo told AFP, assuring that those expropriated would be properly compensated. - European-style memorial - While several sites of torture under the Chilean dictatorship have been turned into memorial sites, Gajardo said the memorial at Villa Baviera would be the biggest yet, similar to those created at former Nazi concentration camps in Europe. It is not yet clear whether it will take the form solely of a museum or whether visitors will also be able to roam the site, including Schaefer's house and the infamous potato shed. The clock is ticking down for Boric to make the memorial a reality before his term runs out in March 2026. His government wants to proceed quickly, for fear that the project be buried by a future right-wing government loathe to dwell on the abuses of the Pinochet era. ps/cb/st/mlm

The battle by Chile torture site dwellers to remain
The battle by Chile torture site dwellers to remain

France 24

time19-05-2025

  • Politics
  • France 24

The battle by Chile torture site dwellers to remain

But Colonia Dignidad, as it was previously known, is a byword for horror, as the former home of a brutal cult that was used for torturing and killing dissidents under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Twenty years after the cult leader, former Wehrmacht soldier Paul Schaefer, was jailed for the sexual abuse and torture of children at the colony, the Chilean state wants to turn it into a memorial for the victims of the country's 1973-1990 dictatorship. In June last year, President Gabriel Boric ordered that 116 hectares (287 acres) of the 4,800-hectare site, an area including the residents' homes, a hotel, a restaurant, and several food processing factories, be expropriated to make way for a center of remembrance. But some of the inhabitants, who were separated from their families as children, subjected to forced labour, and in some cases, sexually abused, say they are being victimized all over again. 'Heavy burden' Schaefer founded Colonia Dignidad in 1961 as an idyllic German family village -- but instead abused, drugged and indoctrinated the few hundred residents and kept them as virtual slaves. The boundaries between abuser and abused were blurred, with the children of Schaefer's sidekicks counting themselves among his victims. Anna Schnellenkamp, the 48-year-old manager of the colony's hotel and restaurant, said she "worked completely free of charge until 2005," the year of Schaefer's arrest. "So much work I broke my back." Several years ago Schnellenkamp, whose late father Kurt Schnellenkamp was jailed for five years for being an accomplice to Schaefer's abuse, finally found happiness. She got married, had a daughter and started to create new, happier memories in the colony, where everyone still communicates in German despite being conversant in Spanish. But she still views the settlement as part of her birthright. "The settlers know every detail, every building, every tree, including where they once suffered and were forced to work," she explained. Potato shed torture cell Around 3,200 people were killed and more than 38,000 people tortured during Chile's brutal dictatorship. An estimated 26 people disappeared in Colonia Dignidad, where a potato shed, now a national monument, was used to torture dozens of kidnapped regime opponents. But on the inside too, abuse was rife. Schaefer was captured in 2005 on charges of sexually abusing dozens of minors over nearly half a century. He died in prison five years later while in preventive custody. His arrest, and those of 20 other accomplices, marked a turning point for the colony, which had been rebranded Villa Baviera a decade previously. Suddenly, residents were free to marry, live with their children, send them to school and earn a paycheck. Some of the settlers returned to Germany. Others remained behind and built a thriving agribusiness and resort, where tourists can sample traditional German fare, such as sauerkraut. Some residents feel that Chile, which for decades turned a blind eye to the fate of the enclave's children, now wants to make them pay for the sins of their fathers. "One feels a kind of revenge against us," said Markus Blanck, one of the colony's business directors, whose father was charged as an accomplice of Schaefer's abuse but died before being sentenced. The government argues that the expropriations are in the public interest. "There is a national interest here in preserving our country's historical heritage," Justice Minister Jaime Gajardo told AFP, assuring that those expropriated would be properly compensated. European-style memorial While several sites of torture under the Chilean dictatorship have been turned into memorial sites, Gajardo said the memorial at Villa Baviera would be the biggest yet, similar to those created at former Nazi concentration camps in Europe. It is not yet clear whether it will take the form solely of a museum or whether visitors will also be able to roam the site, including Schaefer's house and the infamous potato shed. The clock is ticking down for Boric to make the memorial a reality before his term runs out in March 2026. His government wants to proceed quickly, for fear that the project be buried by a future right-wing government loathe to dwell on the abuses of the Pinochet era. © 2025 AFP

The Battle By Chile Torture Site Dwellers To Remain
The Battle By Chile Torture Site Dwellers To Remain

Int'l Business Times

time19-05-2025

  • Int'l Business Times

The Battle By Chile Torture Site Dwellers To Remain

With its pristine swimming pool, manicured lawns and lush forest backdrop, Villa Baviera, a German-themed settlement of 122 souls in southern Chile, looks like the perfect holiday getaway. But Colonia Dignidad, as it was previously known, is a byword for horror, as the former home of a brutal cult that was used for torturing and killing dissidents under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. Twenty years after the cult leader, former Wehrmacht soldier Paul Schaefer, was jailed for the sexual abuse and torture of children at the colony, the Chilean state wants to turn it into a memorial for the victims of the country's 1973-1990 dictatorship. In June last year, President Gabriel Boric ordered that 116 hectares (287 acres) of the 4,800-hectare site, an area including the residents' homes, a hotel, a restaurant, and several food processing factories, be expropriated to make way for a center of remembrance. But some of the inhabitants, who were separated from their families as children, subjected to forced labour, and in some cases, sexually abused, say they are being victimized all over again. Schaefer founded Colonia Dignidad in 1961 as an idyllic German family village -- but instead abused, drugged and indoctrinated the few hundred residents and kept them as virtual slaves. The boundaries between abuser and abused were blurred, with the children of Schaefer's sidekicks counting themselves among his victims. Anna Schnellenkamp, the 48-year-old manager of the colony's hotel and restaurant, said she "worked completely free of charge until 2005," the year of Schaefer's arrest. "So much work I broke my back." Several years ago Schnellenkamp, whose late father Kurt Schnellenkamp was jailed for five years for being an accomplice to Schaefer's abuse, finally found happiness. She got married, had a daughter and started to create new, happier memories in the colony, where everyone still communicates in German despite being conversant in Spanish. But she still views the settlement as part of her birthright. "The settlers know every detail, every building, every tree, including where they once suffered and were forced to work," she explained. Around 3,200 people were killed and more than 38,000 people tortured during Chile's brutal dictatorship. An estimated 26 people disappeared in Colonia Dignidad, where a potato shed, now a national monument, was used to torture dozens of kidnapped regime opponents. But on the inside too, abuse was rife. Schaefer was captured in 2005 on charges of sexually abusing dozens of minors over nearly half a century. He died in prison five years later while in preventive custody. His arrest, and those of 20 other accomplices, marked a turning point for the colony, which had been rebranded Villa Baviera a decade previously. Suddenly, residents were free to marry, live with their children, send them to school and earn a paycheck. Some of the settlers returned to Germany. Others remained behind and built a thriving agribusiness and resort, where tourists can sample traditional German fare, such as sauerkraut. Some residents feel that Chile, which for decades turned a blind eye to the fate of the enclave's children, now wants to make them pay for the sins of their fathers. "One feels a kind of revenge against us," said Markus Blanck, one of the colony's business directors, whose father was charged as an accomplice of Schaefer's abuse but died before being sentenced. The government argues that the expropriations are in the public interest. "There is a national interest here in preserving our country's historical heritage," Justice Minister Jaime Gajardo told AFP, assuring that those expropriated would be properly compensated. While several sites of torture under the Chilean dictatorship have been turned into memorial sites, Gajardo said the memorial at Villa Baviera would be the biggest yet, similar to those created at former Nazi concentration camps in Europe. It is not yet clear whether it will take the form solely of a museum or whether visitors will also be able to roam the site, including Schaefer's house and the infamous potato shed. The clock is ticking down for Boric to make the memorial a reality before his term runs out in March 2026. His government wants to proceed quickly, for fear that the project be buried by a future right-wing government loathe to dwell on the abuses of the Pinochet era. Dorothee Munch, born in Colonia Dignidad, plays the piano in the German-themed settlement and onetime dissident detention center that has become a flashpoint in southern Chile AFP Marcus Blanck (L), born in Colonia Dignidad, says the community's residents feel 'a kind of revenge against us,' as Chile's government plans to turn part of the settlement into a memorial for victims of the country's dictatorship AFP German settlers' clothes are exhibited at the Villa Baviera Hotel's restaurant in the settlement once known as Colonia Dignidad AFP A man stands in the doorway of Villa Baviera's potato shed, which was used as a torture cell where Chilean agents abused dissidents and other people kidnapped during the 1973-1990 dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet AFP Chilean President Gabriel Boric is rushing to preserve parts of Villa Baviera as a memorial to people killed during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet before his term expires in March 2026 AFP

This is what VE Day means to Germans
This is what VE Day means to Germans

New European

time08-05-2025

  • Politics
  • New European

This is what VE Day means to Germans

Flashback to 1945. The allies themselves didn't put an emphasis on freeing Germany. To America, Russia, Britain and France, May 8 marked victory over Hitler, the defeat of the Reich and its people, the unconditional surrender of the Wehrmacht. It took Germans some time to see May 8, 1945, for what it was: a liberation. And yet, that hard-won consensus is under fire again today. In April, Washington DC had issued a directive to the commander of the US forces that stated: 'Germany is not being occupied for the purpose of its liberation, but as a defeated enemy state.' In other words: The Nazis hadn't invaded the country, they were the country. To Germans, the day was – at best – complicated. In the East, the self-declared anti-fascist GDR, socialism celebrated itself, its heroes and the Red Army. In West Germany, Theodor Heuss, a liberal who would later become Bundespräsident, pointed out the ambivalence: 'We were redeemed and destroyed in one,' he said in 1949. In 1965, on the 20th anniversary of what he called 'the German capitulation', chancellor Ludwig Erhard of the CDU did not want to speak of a day of liberation in a broadcast address. In 1970, the SPD chancellor Willy Brandt, an anti-Nazi exile, called it a 'total defeat' of a 'total war'. When he used the term liberation, he meant others had been freed, from German rule, 'from terror and fear'. It wasn't until 1975 that President Walter Scheel, again a liberal, dared to give the 'contradictory' date its full dimension. In Bonn's Schlosskirche, he said: 'We were liberated from a terrible yoke, from war, murder, servitude and barbarism… But we do not forget that this liberation came from outside, that we, the Germans, were not able to shake off this yoke ourselves.' The trouble was: No one was ready to hear it. It took Marvin J Chomsky's 1978 TV mini-series Holocaust to jolt the post-war German public awake. And it was the younger generations who fully embraced Richard von Weizsäcker's now iconic speech to the Bundestag on May 8, 1985 – probably the most celebrated (and controversial) in the last 80 years. 'Most Germans had believed that they were fighting and suffering for the good cause of their own country,' the Bundespräsident said. 'And now it was to turn out: Not only was it all in vain and pointless, but it had also served the inhuman aims of a criminal leadership.' The abyss was history, but the future was dark and uncertain. And still, he insisted, 'What we all need to say together today: May 8 was a day of liberation. It liberated us all from the inhuman system of National Socialist tyranny.' He also expressed sympathy for Germans who had lost loved ones, were victims of expulsion or rape. But he made one thing very clear: the cause of 'flight, expulsion and lack of freedom' for many Germans, particularly in the East, hadn't been the end of the war – but the tyranny that led to the beginning of the war. 'We must not separate May 8, 1945 from January 30, 1933,' he said, reminding everyone that Hitler had never concealed his hatred of the Jews, that everyone knew or could have learnt about the deportations, that people chose to look away. 'Who could remain unsuspecting after the burning of the synagogue… the incessant desecration of human dignity?' he asked. Weizsäcker's conclusion: 'We certainly have no reason to take part in victory celebrations on this day, but we have every reason to recognise May 8, 1945 as the end of an aberration in German history that held the seeds of hope for a better future.' Today, this sounds self-evident, blindingly obvious – but back then, it really stirred things up. The applause was mixed with massive outrage. Criticism didn't just come from people who remembered the nights of bombing, the loss of their homeland, hunger and helplessness but especially from the far right and from within Weizsäcker's own party. More than 30 MPs from the CDU and CSU boycotted his speech. A defeat, it was said, could not be celebrated and wasn't it time to stop the endless self-flagellation – the notorious Aufarbeitung? That sort of view had nearly vanished from public life. But now, it's back – courtesy of the far right. Only recently, Brandenburg's AfD state parliamentary group whinged that calling May 8 a liberation was 'inappropriate and historically ignorant', demanding the state government to drop the term. The motion flopped, but it's part of a bigger pattern: the AfD railing against the 'left-Green unpatriotic' narrative that – in their eyes – robs Germans of pride in their 'glorious' past. 'Hitler and the Nazis are just a flyspeck in our 1000-year history,' as then-chairman Alexander Gauland said back in 2018. Another complaint: not enough focus on German suffering. The AfD wants to put local victims front and centre. In Berlin, where May 8 is a public holiday this year, the local AfD fumed that it didn't 'do justice to the victims of Soviet oppression in Eastern Europe'. At best, they said, it was a 'half liberation'. In Thuringia, they accused the left of 'walking over dead bodies' just to get a holiday out of it. One problem for the AfD, though: their Russophilia doesn't quite gel with their remembrance agenda. You can't snuggle up to Putin while erasing WWII and the Red Army from memory – Russia, after all, treats its war dead as sacred. Pick a lane. Meanwhile, the Bundestag didn't invite Russia's ambassador to this year's commemorations. He kicked up a fuss about being left out – but tough luck. When your country justifies war crimes by falsely claiming it's 'fighting fascism', you don't get a front-row seat at memorials. 'The Red Army liberated Auschwitz, we will not forget that,' said President Frank-Walter Steinmeier. But today's Kremlin is pushing a 'manipulative historical narrative' around Ukraine. And Germany has its hands full already – keeping its own history from being reframed.

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