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Asharq Al-Awsat
5 days ago
- General
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Looking Back On Oslo One Last Time
Camp David II ended in utter failure in 2000. However, what concerns us most, here, is how extremists' campaigns undercut the talks and contributed to that failure. In addition to the fact that they were held during the last year of Clinton's term, both Ehud Barak and Yasser Arafat were outdoing one another with their displays of weakness and haste to achieve, in one fell swoop, outcomes that suit one side but not the other. Obsessed with opinion polls according to frequent press reports, Barak behaved as though he were in a position to impose a take it or leave it ultimatum: either Arafat accepts Israel's terms for a permanent and final settlement or there would be no agreement. However, his governing coalition was falling apart, and things worsened after Barak's lengthy negotiations with Assad came to nothing. To Arafat, the ideal 'solution' would neither kill the peace process nor lead to a settlement. Fearing the one-upmanship of his rivals, Arafat was determined not to offer anything that could leave him embroiled in a quagmire, especially since Israel's negotiations with Assad had marginalized him further. It is true that Ehud Barak went further than any Israeli prime minister had been willing to go at the time, but his offer did not come close to meeting terms Yasser Arafat felt he could accept, especially with regard to the status of Jerusalem. While he received no explicit outside encouragement to accept Barak's proposal, Arafat seemed obligated to take Muslim governments' positions and reactions into account. As for granting the Palestinians an absolute right of return, this was a demand that no Israeli who worries about the demographics of the 'Jewish' state could accept, especially since there was nothing appealing about the state of inter-religious, sectarian, and ethnic relations in neighboring Arab countries. Soon after the summit collapsed, Ariel Sharon made his visit to the Temple Mount and the Noble Sanctuary, and the Second Intifada erupted. The man who had been deemed 'unelectable' was thus elected, and security became synonymous with politics. Under the pretext of ensuring security, Sharon began building the apartheid wall; talk of a 'two-state solution' came to be seen as nonsensical, and most Israelis became convinced that peace was anathema to security. Terrorist operations resumed with the Second Intifada, with dozens of attacks launched in major cities, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades emerged from the ranks of Fatah. More than 1,200 people were killed and many more wounded as a result of these attacks, while Israeli forces stormed Palestinian cities in Area A, violating the Oslo Accords. As this intifada raged on and the Israeli crackdown continued with it, New York was rocked by the attacks of 9/11, strengthening the tendency of those who oppose Palestinian rights to conflate the Palestinian struggle with Islamist terrorism. Their task was made easier by the scenes, in some Palestinian camps, of gunshots fired in celebration of al-Qaeda's attack. However, it was with the Karine A Affair of 2002- when the Israelis intercepted a ship carrying an arms shipment that they alleged had been bound for the Palestinian Authority- that relations were completely and irreparably severed. With the Arab Peace Initiative proposed by Saudi Arabia during the 2002 Beirut Summit, the Arab states offered recognition in exchange for peace. However, the Syrian regime, as well as the Lebanese regime under its thumb at the time, prevented Arafat from taking part in the deliberations. Worse than that, on the opening day of the Summit, which coincided with the Jewish holiday of Passover, Hamas carried out what had been the largest ever attack of its kind, killing over thirty Israeli civilians and injuring 140 others in Netanya. As a result, rather than feeling compelled to engage with the nascent peace plan, or at least finding themselves on the defensive, Israel and the Sharon government ignored the summit entirely. Israel launched Operation Defensive Shield and besieged Arafat in his compound, with no regard for its obligations under the Oslo Accords. As his health deteriorated, Arafat passed away shortly afterward amid rumors that he had been poisoned. True, Gaza remained under occupation even after Israel's unilateral withdrawal in 2005, since Israel retained full control over all entry and exit points. However, this state of affairs was not inevitably bound to endure. Any progress in the peace process would have surely left an impact, though it is likely that change would have come gradually or unevenly. However, the exact opposite happened: Israel imposed a blockade and suffocated the Gaza Strip following Hamas's victory in the 2006 elections, and that was before Tel Aviv tightened its grip further after Hamas took control of the Strip through a bloody coup in 2007. With its takeover of the Strip, the Islamist movement withdrew Gaza from the contractual commitments of the Oslo Accords and the responsibilities that came with it. While Israel has always been ready to renege on its commitments, Hamas had now offered the Jewish state the pretext of facing a party that does not recognize its right to exist in the first place, opposes peace, and whose 1988 charter insists that 'Jihad is the only solution for the Palestinian cause.' Oslo has essentially ended, and only lukewarm attempts have been made to revive the peace process. In 2007, President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert were brought together at the Annapolis Summit for talks overseen by President George W. Bush. However, Iran and Hamas called for a boycott of the summit and 'popular action' to delegitimize the talks, while Israeli radicals waged their own political and media war against it, and the talks failed to pave a practical path forward. Later, in 2013, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry tried to resume negotiations, but these talks collapsed after just a few months. Foiling the Oslo process would not have demanded all of this effort if one of the parties had been unequivocally opposed to any peace agreement from the outset.
Time of India
15-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
What is the Palestinian Nakba and why is it so relevant?
What is the Palestinian Nakba and why is it so relevant? What does Nakba mean? In Arabic, the word "nakba" means catastrophe or disaster. In reference to the Israel i-Palestinian conflict, the term Nakba or al-Nakba refers to the Palestinians' loss of their homeland between 1947 and 1949, before Israel's declaration of independence, as well as during and after the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. It's thought that around 700,000 people in what is now Israel either fled or were forced from their homes. Many Palestinian refugees remain stateless to this day. What is Nakba Day ? May 15, 1948, was the beginning of the Arab-Israeli war and has long been a day on which Palestinians take to the streets to protest against their displacement. Many bear Palestinian flags, bring the keys of their former homes or carry banners with the symbols of keys, illustrating the hope of returning home and what the community sees as their right to return. In the past, some protests have turned into violent clashes. Israel has accused Hamas and other organizations that are categorized by the EU, the US and certain other countries as terror organizations of using the day to further their causes. The term Nakba Day was coined in 1998 by then-Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat . He set the date as the official day for the commemoration of the loss of the Palestinian homeland. Why did Palestinians have to leave? Until the end of World War I, Palestine was ruled by the Ottoman Empire. It then fell under British control and was called the Mandate for Palestine. As antisemitism grew in Europe, an increasing number of Jews moved to what many saw as their ancestral homeland: Eretz Israel , the Promised Land, where Jews had always lived, albeit in much smaller numbers. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Your Finger Shape Says a Lot About Your Personality, Read Now Tips and Tricks Undo After the Holocaust in Nazi Germany, in which 6 million Jews were murdered, a United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine was adopted by the UN General Assembly. The Arab League rejected the plan, which allocated less than 50% of what was Mandatory Palestine to the Arab state, but the Jewish Agency for Palestine accepted it. On May 14, 1948, the State of Israel was proclaimed. As a reaction, a coalition of five Arab states attacked Israel, which defeated it in 1949. Before this war, between 200,000 and 300,000 Palestinians had already left or been forced out, and during the fighting, a further 300,000 to 400,000 Palestinians were displaced. The overall figure is estimated to be around 700,000 people. Before and during the war, more than 400 Arab villages were destroyed. The massacre of Deir Yassin — a village on the road between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem — is particularly engraved in Palestinian memory to this day. At least 100 people, including women and children, were killed in the attack, which occurred before the official outbreak of the Arab-Israeli war. The event triggered widespread fear among Palestinians and prompted many to flee their homes. More than a dozen other massacres of Palestinians were carried out by Jewish militias and the Israeli army between 1947 and 1949. By the end of the war, Israel held around 40% of the area initially earmarked for the Palestinians by the UN partition plan of 1947. Where did Palestinians go? Most Palestinians ended up as stateless refugees in the Gaza Strip, the occupied West Bank and neighboring Arab countries. Only a minority moved further abroad. Until today, only a fraction of the next generation of Palestinians has applied for and received other citizenships. As a result, the vast majority of some 8 million Palestinians in the Middle East have remained stateless into the third and fourth generation. Where do they live today? According to the UN's dedicated Palestinian refugee agency, UNRWA, most Palestinians in the region live in refugee camps which over time have turned into towns. They are mainly based in the Gaza Strip, in the occupied West Bank, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and east Jerusalem. The Palestinian diaspora is estimated to have increased to some 7.4 million people. If accurate, this would put the total number of Palestinians living in the Middle East and abroad at around 15 million. There is, however, no global body keeping track of the number of Palestinians in the diaspora. What is the Palestinian right to return? According to the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 of 1948, as well as the UN Resolution 3236 of 1974, and the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, Palestinians who are considered Palestinian refugees have the "right of return." Israel, however, has rejected the "right of return" for Palestinians, stating this would mean an end to Israel's identity as a Jewish state. Israel has denied responsibility for the displacement of Palestinians, pointing out that between 1948 and 1972, around 800,000 Jews were expelled or had to flee from Arab countries such as Morocco, Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen. Are there suggestions for solutions? Over the past 77 years, there have been different approaches to resolving the conflict. The most significant one remains the two-state solution, with Israel and a future Palestine dividing Jerusalem into two capitals. However, there are growing doubts on both sides over how realistic this still is. Critics have pointed to the increasing number of Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank, which could rule out a united Palestinian territory. Against the backdrop of the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, which was prompted by the Hamas attacks on Israel on October 7, 2023, Israel's government has repeatedly ruled out a two-state solution. According to the UN, at least 1.9 million people, or about 90% of the population, across the Gaza Strip have been displaced during the war, many of them repeatedly. More people have fled in search for safer ground since Israel issued more displacement orders recently. According to Palestinian figures, Israeli attacks have killed more than 50,000 Palestinians since October 2023. Israel has expressed support for plans that would put the Gaza Strip under Israeli control and forcibly displace the Palestinians living there. The UN has called these plans "ethnic cleansing," and many Palestinians feel that the Nakba is repeating itself.
Saba Yemen
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Saba Yemen
Palestinians inside, outside Palestine revive Nakba 77th anniversary
Ramallah - Saba: The Palestinian people in Palestine and the Diaspora on Wednesday commemorate the 77th anniversary of the Nakba under the slogan: "We will not leave... Palestine belongs to the Palestinians..." Rejecting the crime of genocide and forced displacement, defending inalienable national rights, and in light of the ongoing targeting of the refugee issue, the camps, and UNRWA. According to the Palestinian News Agency (WAFA), for the second year in a row, the Nakba commemoration comes at a very exceptional time, given the unprecedented catastrophic conditions the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip are experiencing due to the ongoing Israeli aggression, which has lasted 583 days. This is a scene reminiscent of the bloody massacres perpetrated by the Israeli enemy in displaced Palestinian villages and towns. The daily scene in the West Bank is also marked by bloodshed. The Israeli aggression machine almost ceases its almost daily raids, destruction, killing, displacement, and arrests, accompanied by abuse, against Palestinian cities and villages. This is particularly evident in the ongoing aggression on the Tulkarm and Jenin refugee camps, which has resulted in the deaths and injuries of dozens, the displacement of more than 40,000 from their homes, and the systematic destruction of infrastructure. Large Palestinian crowds commemorate the Nakba at a central festival in central Ramallah Large crowds of Palestinians participated in the central festival, which began in front of the tomb of the late martyr Yasser Arafat and proceeded to Al-Manara Square. The Palestinian flag, black banners, and keys of return were raised during the march. Participating in the march, called for by the Department of Refugee Affairs and the Palestinian Higher National Committee to Commemorate the Nakba, were members of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Central Committee of the Fatah Movement, members of the Revolutionary Council, national action factions, a number of ministers, and representatives of official and popular institutions and civil society organizations. Whatsapp Telegram Email Print
Arab News
19-04-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
2000
AMMAN: The Second Palestinian Intifada, also known as the Al-Aqsa Intifada, began in late September 2000, following the collapse of the Camp David Summit and a controversial visit by Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon to the Haram Al-Sharif, the site of Al-Aqsa Mosque. Unlike the largely nonviolent First Intifada, this uprising marked a significant turn toward militarization, resulting in mistakes and challenges that have profoundly shaped the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ever since. During the First Intifada, Palestinians employed peaceful grassroots strategies that garnered global sympathy and put pressure on Israel diplomatically. In contrast, the militarized tactics of the Second Intifada — including suicide bombings and attacks on Israeli civilians — alienated many international supporters and reinforced negative stereotypes of Palestinians as the perpetrators of violence. This shift undermined the moral high ground previously held by Palestinians and allowed Israel to frame its own actions as acts of self-defense against terrorism, rather than as an occupying force suppressing a people's right to self-determination. Internal divisions within the Palestinian leadership compounded the challenges. The Palestinian Authority, under Yasser Arafat, struggled to maintain control as militant factions, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad, gained influence. These groups operated independently, often clashing with the PA's objectives and undermining its authority. The lack of a unified strategy not only weakened the Palestinian cause but also emboldened Israel to exploit the divisions. The inability of the PA to present a cohesive front further eroded its legitimacy among Palestinians, many of whom felt betrayed by what they perceived as corruption and ineffectiveness within their own leadership. The popular support for armed attacks meant that even young activists from the more moderate centrist ruling party, Fatah, were motivated to carry out some assaults against Israeli soldiers. Arafat's ambiguous stance on armed resistance — neither fully endorsing nor condemning it — led to confusion and a lack of direction. This ambiguity allowed Israel to accuse the PA of complicity in the violence, and justify military operations that devastated Palestinian infrastructure and deepened the occupation. The destruction of key public institutions, including schools, hospitals and police stations, left Palestinian society in disarray, with long-term repercussions still felt today. It is estimated the violence resulted in the deaths of more than 6,000 Palestinian and more than 1,000 Israeli combatants and civilians. According to the Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem, of the 6,371 Palestinians killed by Israeli forces in the 10 years from 2000 to 2010, at least 2,996, including 1,317 minors, were noncombatants. Of the 1,083 Israelis killed, 741 were civilians. From an economic perspective, the Second Intifada was a catastrophe. The Israeli military response included widespread closures and curfews, and the destruction of infrastructure, crippling the Palestinian economy. Unemployment and poverty rates soared, creating a humanitarian crisis that further fueled resentment and despair. The economic devastation not only hurt Palestinian livelihoods but weakened the ability of the PA to govern effectively, as it became increasingly reliant on foreign aid to sustain basic services. Camp David Summit brings together US President Bill Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat but ends without agreement. It was an attempt to continue negotiations on the Middle East peace process and end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon visits Al-Aqsa Mosque, triggering the Second Intifada. Israel reoccupies the Palestinian territories amid fighting between the Palestinian resistance and Israeli army. Sharon takes office as prime minister. Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdulaziz announces the Arab Peace Initiative, which calls for Israel to withdraw from occupied territories in return for Arab recognition of Israel's right to exist. It is adopted by the Arab League. Israel begins construction of a wall to create a barrier separating the West Bank. Israeli parliament approves a Gaza disengagement plan proposed by Sharon. Mahmoud Abbas secures landslide victory in Palestinian Authority presidential election after death of Arafat. He pledges to end the occupation and make peace. Abbas meets Sharon, in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, for the first time since becoming president. They declare a truce. Israeli military forces leave Gaza after 38 years of occupation. Two years later, Israel imposes a land, air and sea blockade that continues to this day. While the First Intifada successfully leveraged media coverage to highlight the plight of Palestinians under occupation, the focus of the Second Intifada on violent resistance shifted the narrative. Western media often portrayed Palestinians as aggressors, overshadowing legitimate grievances about occupation, settlement expansions and human rights abuses. This hindered efforts to gain support for international pressure on Israel to change its policies. The Second Intifada also highlighted a generational divide within Palestinian society. Younger Palestinians, disillusioned by the Oslo Accords and the lack of tangible progress, were more inclined toward armed resistance. Meanwhile, illegal Jewish settlements in the West Bank proliferated during this period, a clear and highly visible sign that Israeli authorities had no intention of ever ending the occupation of Palestine. In contrast, older generations who had witnessed the success of nonviolent strategies during the First Intifada were skeptical of a more militarized approach. This generational rift weakened the cohesion of the Palestinian struggle, making it more difficult to mobilize unified action. The Second Intifada provided Israel with an opportunity to tighten its grip on the occupied territories. Under the guise of combating terrorism, Israeli authorities expanded settlements, constructed the 712-kilometer-long separation wall, and implemented policies that further fragmented Palestinian communities. The wall, in particular, has had a lasting impact, serving to effectively annex large swaths of Palestinian land and render the prospect of a contiguous Palestinian state increasingly untenable. Coupled with checkpoints, the wall, which remains the single largest obstacle in the West Bank, restricts the movement of Palestinians, entrenches territorial and social fragmentation, undermines livelihoods, and hinders access to basic emergency, health and educational services. These measures, justified as security necessities, served to entrench the occupation and made the goal of a two-state solution more elusive than ever. Such activities and restrictions have intensified since the Oct. 7 cross-border attacks by Hamas; Israeli authorities added 86 new obstacles to movement that affect the lives of 3.3 million Palestinians across the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, according to 2024 data from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. There are now 793 obstacles to movement in the West Bank, including 89 round-the-clock checkpoints and 149 that operate part time, during the day. In addition, 150 communities own farmland from which they have been isolated by the wall. Previously they could access this land through 69 agricultural gates controlled by Israeli forces, but they have been barred from working the land since October 2023, resulting in significant losses of income, particularly from olive groves and other seasonal crops. The Second Intifada also created a precedent for settler violence. Emboldened by the Israeli government's harsh crackdown on Palestinians, settlers in the West Bank carried out attacks on Palestinian farmers, homes and villages, often with impunity. The attacks continue to escalate. In 2024, UNOCHA recorded 1,420 attacks by Israeli settlers on Palestinians and their properties in the West Bank, the highest number since it began tracking the figures in 2006. During 2023 and 2024 alone, Israeli forces and settlers killed 1,003 Palestinians in the West Bank, according to UNOCHA. Settler violence is now a persistent feature of the conflict, further exacerbating tensions and deepening Palestinian mistrust of both the Israeli government and the international community. The Second Intifada stands as a cautionary tale of the perils of militarization, internal divisions and the failure to adapt strategies to shifting realities. While the uprising underscored the depth of Palestinian frustration and the injustices of the occupation, its methods ultimately weakened the Palestinian cause and allowed Israel to solidify its control over the occupied territories. Moving forward, Palestinians must reflect on the lessons of the Second Intifada, as well as the Oct. 7 attacks, to chart a more effective course. A renewed emphasis on nonviolent resistance, coupled with efforts to unify the Palestinian leadership and regain international support, could provide a path toward achieving their aspirations. At the same time, the international community must recognize its role in perpetuating the status quo and take meaningful steps to address the root causes of the conflict. Without accountability and a genuine commitment to justice, the mistakes and challenges of the Second Intifada are doomed to be repeated, perpetuating a cycle of violence and suffering that benefits no one. The Palestinian armed resistance is the product not only of the continuing Israeli occupation, but also the inaction of the international community and the absence of any political horizon. Without any hope for a better future, Palestinians mistakenly resorted to armed attacks, which delayed rather than accelerated the end of occupation. The price of the armed struggle, whether the Second Intifada or the Oct. 7 attacks by Hamas, has been high, not only in terms of lives lost and the destruction of Palestinian livelihoods and property, but because it also relieved the international community of its obligation to work on efforts to end the Israeli occupation and allow Palestinians to exercise their inalienable political rights.
Al Jazeera
10-04-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Mapping which countries recognise Palestine in 2025
French President Emmanuel Macron said on Wednesday that France plans to recognise a Palestinian state within months and could make the move at a United Nations conference in New York in June aimed at resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He added that, in turn, some Middle Eastern countries could formally recognise the State of Israel. The Palestinian Authority welcomed the announcement as 'a step in the right direction'. Amid Israel's continuing war on Gaza, 10 countries – Mexico, Armenia, Slovenia, Ireland, Norway, Spain, the Bahamas, Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica and Barbados – formally recognised the State of Palestine, reflecting growing international support. Recognising Palestine strengthens its global standing, improves its capacity to hold Israeli authorities accountable for the occupation, and pressures Western powers to act on the two-state solution. Currently, the State of Palestine is recognised as a sovereign nation by 147 of the 193 UN member states, representing 75 percent of the international community. It is also recognised by the Holy See, the governing body of the Catholic Church and Vatican City, which holds UN observer status. These countries are listed in the map and table below: On November 15, 1988, in the early years of the first Intifada, Yasser Arafat, chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization, proclaimed Palestine as an independent state with Jerusalem as its capital. Following the announcement, more than 80 countries recognised Palestine as an independent state, with strong support from the Global South, including nations in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Arab world. Most of the European countries that recognised Palestine during this time did so as part of the former Soviet bloc. A few years later, on September 13, 1993, the first direct talks between Palestinians and Israelis led to the signing of the Oslo Accords, which were supposed to bring about Palestinian self-determination in the form of a Palestinian state alongside Israel. This was never achieved. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, nearly 20 countries recognised Palestine, followed by 12 more countries between 2000 and 2010 – mostly from across Africa and South America. By 2011, all African countries, except for Eritrea and Cameroon, had recognised Palestine. In 2012, the General Assembly voted by an overwhelming majority (138 in favour, 9 against, 41 abstentions) to change Palestine's status to 'non-member observer state', and in 2014, Sweden became the first country in Western Europe to recognise Palestine. On May 22, 2024, Norway, Ireland and Spain, in succession, announced that they were recognising Palestine according to the pre-1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. In response, Israel recalled its ambassadors from the three European countries and promised to expand illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank as punishment. On June 4, Slovenia became the latest European country to recognise a Palestinian state. Other European nations, such as Malta and Belgium, are discussing whether and when to recognise Palestinian statehood. None of the G7 countries – Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom or the United States – do.
