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From piety to proxy war: How General Munir embodies Pakistan's military-jihadi complex
From piety to proxy war: How General Munir embodies Pakistan's military-jihadi complex

First Post

time12-05-2025

  • Politics
  • First Post

From piety to proxy war: How General Munir embodies Pakistan's military-jihadi complex

Rawalpindi is facing a crisis, with rumours, talk of coups and General Munir's influence, all tied to its long history read more Few days back there were rumours circulating on social media about General Asim Munir 's possible arrest or ouster within Pakistan's military establishment, reflecting internal dissent or power struggles. As circumstances have unfolded of late in Pakistan, the country definitely needs a coup against General Munir. The puppet Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif can be dealt with later. General Munir's religious profile General Munir , the Chief of the Pakistan Army and a devout Muslim , is an Islamic scholar. His mastery over The Koran is perhaps enviable to many a Muslim who perhaps aspire such depth of knowledge of the holy scripture. But the problem is in what way is he using his vast knowledge on The Koran. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD What virtue will he achieve when he leaves his legacy as one of the jihadi generals of Pakistan? Pakistan has no dearth of such figures. Several senior Pakistani military figures have been notably associated with allegations of supporting or enabling jihadist groups as part of broader strategic objectives. Precedents of military-jihadi symbiosis General Zia ul Haq: 'Maulvi' who put faith in arms General Zia ul Haq, who ruled Pakistan as the head of the government, from 1977 to 1988 is considered as the original proponent of the policy of using faith to feed terrorism. A devout Muslim who saw Islam as the panacea for Pakistan's ills as well as the glue to hold the nation together, he was also referred to as 'Maulvi Zia-ul-Haq' by some in Pakistani military circles. What he did was to create multiple terror outfits on brigade lines, a policy that came to be known as Islamisation or Shariaisation of the Pakistan state, which had maintained somewhat secular credentials until that point of time. Zia changed the Pakistan Army's motto from MA Jinnah's 'Unity, Faith, and Discipline' to 'Faith, Piety, and Jihad for the sake of Allah'. He made Islamic prayers and studies mandatory and presided over the proliferation of religious seminaries with fundamentalism as the core driving force. He encouraged the Jamaat-e-Islami and Islamic revivalist group Tablighi Jamaat to spread their ideas among the soldiers. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This is where began Pakistan's proxy war of terrorism against India, a policy Zia saw as a means to 'bleed India by a thousand cuts' because his country could not match India's might in the battlefield. General Hamid Gul: 'Godfather of the Taliban' General Hamid Gul, who served as Pakistan military's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief from 1987 to 1989, is perhaps the most emblematic of this trend. Often referred to by critics as the 'Godfather of the Taliban,' Gul openly supported jihadist elements in both Afghanistan and Jammu and Kashmir. He did not shy away from praising jihad as a strategic tool to achieve Pakistan's regional goals, particularly against India. General Pervez Musharraf: Double game General Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's Army chief and the country's president from 1999 to 2008, outwardly allied with the United States following the 9/11 attacks. However, he has been accused of duplicity—allowing safe havens for groups like the Taliban while simultaneously receiving Western support. The Kargil war and ongoing support for the Kashmir insurgency unfolded during his tenure, adding to suspicions of state-sponsored militancy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD General Kayani and the 'dual track' policy General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, who led the army from 2007 to 2013 and previously headed the ISI, was seen as a key figure in maintaining Pakistan's 'dual-track' policy: targeting some militants while shielding others. His tenure saw increasing criticism from the United States, particularly over Pakistan's failure to act against the Haqqani Network, which was blamed for deadly attacks on US and the Nato forces in Afghanistan. Lt General Shuja Pasha and the bin Laden debacle Lt Gen Ahmad Shuja Pasha, the ISI chief from 2008 to 2012, came under intense scrutiny following the U.S. raid in Abbottabad that killed Osama bin Laden. Under his leadership, the ISI was accused of harbouring high-profile militants, leading to deteriorating trust between Washington and Islamabad during a critical period of the 'War on Terror'. General Bajwa: Moderate image, questionable actions General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who served as Army chief from 2016 to 2022, was often portrayed as more moderate compared to his predecessors. Yet, during his leadership, extremist political groups such as Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) were allowed to operate and expand influence. He was also accused of political engineering, including manipulating elections and tolerating extremist rhetoric to maintain the military's grip over civilian politics. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD These generals represent different shades of a long-standing pattern within segments of the Pakistani military establishment—balancing international alliances with internal strategies that have, at times, involved leveraging Islamist militancy for strategic depth. General Munir vs Hafiz Saeed: Where's the difference? Apart from his uniform, in what way is General Munir different from say someone like Hafiz Saeed, the founder of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), in any capacity? Both are killing machines of innocents although operating in a different manner but the ultimate goal is the same – the end of India. India is no longer fighting a secessionist war in Kashmir, it is fighting Islamic fanatics in the garb of separatists who ultimately want to establish a Caliphate. Hafiz Saeed is 74 years old and although it might sound very outrageous General Munir by dint of his inclination and nature of his conduct could well replace him after retirement. Piety or politicisation of faith? Leading Pakistan's military since November 2022, General Munir is known for his conservative religious views and has held significant positions, including Director-General of Military Intelligence and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). It is under his watch that Pakistani military officials attended funerals of individuals linked to terrorist activities. The charge of politicisation of piety as prescribed in faith stems from his repeated affirmations of the two-nation theory, which is often viewed as a justification for religious differences and division, and his alleged suppression of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party led by Imran Khan. Munir has publicly reiterated his belief in the two-nation theory, which posits that Muslims and Hindus are separate nations. This was the original premise on which Jinnah unleashed communal violence in an undivided India, giving the British an opportunity to divide India. Since then this theory, though rejected by scholars and historians, has been used to justify the creation of Pakistan and has been a source of tension and persecution of Hindus and other minorities in Pakistan. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Violence in Pahalgam A deadly incident in the town of Pahalgam on April 22, which resulted in 26 fatalities — 25 tourists including one from Nepal and a local pony-ride operator who tried to snatch the assault from one of the terrorists — sparked widespread outrage and renewed scrutiny of a senior Pakistani military figure, General Asim Munir. Just days before the attack, Munir delivered a contentious address emphasising Pakistan's claim over Kashmir by invoking emotionally charged historical rhetoric. Observers have drawn a connection between his inflammatory remarks and the subsequent eruption of violence. Munir, who previously led Pakistan's intelligence agency during the 2019 Pulwama tragedy, has also been accused by ex-military officer Adil Raja of orchestrating the Pahalgam assault to advance his own political agenda. General Munir, however, might have underestimated India's retaliation, prompting his DGMO to beg India for de-escalation. This came after India's serious military response in the form of Operation Sindoor, and a clear message that 'Asim Munir will not be given a face-saver exit'. Criticism at home Within Pakistan, General Munir faces growing dissatisfaction over his alleged interference in civilian affairs. He has come under fire for targeting political rivals, particularly the PTI party led by former prime minister Imran Khan. The military, under his watch, is accused of detaining civilians connected to the May 9 unrest and subjecting them to trials in military courts—a controversial move that has intensified accusations of authoritarianism. Khan has openly claimed that Munir not only violated previously agreed-upon boundaries between the military and civilian leadership but also engaged in plotting acts of political sabotage, including attempts on his life. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Cracks within the ranks General Munir's leadership has faced dissent within the Pakistan Army, including forced retirements of senior officers and calls from junior officers for his resignation, partly due to failures in security and handling of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). International condemnation A US lawmaker, Ro Khanna, urged punitive measures against Munir, accusing him of harassing relatives of individuals advocating for democratic reforms. Experts such as Michael Kugelman have expressed concern that Munir's prolonged leadership is deepening the military's dominance while weakening democratic institutions. Commentator Michael Rubin went so far as to liken Munir to a terrorist figure, drawing parallels to Osama bin Laden in the wake of the Pahalgam incident. Munir and the militarisation of Islam General Munir is another example in Pakistan's long history of army leaders who are linked to extremist ideas and interfering too much in politics. Even though he appears to be a religious man and an Islamic scholar, his proximity to terror chiefs operating from Pakistan is well known. From generals like Zia-ul-Haq to Hamid Gul, the pattern has been clear: using religious extremism as a tool to stay in power and go after political goals, especially against India. Munir's time as army chief has made things worse—with reports of repression inside Pakistan, support for terrorist activities and rising unrest within the army itself.

Three messages from Operation Sindoor
Three messages from Operation Sindoor

Indian Express

time08-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

Three messages from Operation Sindoor

Written by S L Narasimhan The bullets that echoed in the Baisaran Valley in Pahalgam, killing 25 Indians and one Nepali citizen on April 22, shook India out of its slumber. The executions, perpetrated and claimed by the Resistance Front, an offshoot of Pakistan's Lashkar-e-Taiba, brought back memories of the Uri (2016) and Pulwama (2019) attacks. India's response — surgical strikes on terrorist camps after the former, and air strikes on terrorist installations near Balakot after the latter — seemed as if they brought down the levels of terrorism. But Pakistani terrorism reared its ugly head again. There are two reasons for this: One, if the terrorist movement is allowed to die down, it will be very difficult to restart it. Two, it is a low-cost option for Pakistan to keep India on the boil as a part of the proxy militancy Operation Tupac conceived by General Ziaul Haq in 1988. Over the years, an olive branch has been extended by successive Prime Ministers of India, starting from the late I K Gujral to Narendra Modi, but every time the relationship appeared to be improving, it has always been brought back to the brink by the deep state of Pakistan. India has practised restraint on many occasions, including after the attack on its Parliament in 2001 and the Mumbai attacks of November 26, 2008. So, the actions of the Government of India turned a page when the Indian army carried out a surgical strike in 2016 and an airstrike in 2019. The Baisaran Valley killings took the violence up a notch by singling out Hindu men and executing them in front of their family members and children. In this, Pakistan has invited trouble upon itself. Gloating that it is protected by its nuclear weapons and not having a 'no first use' policy, it is convinced of its 'no harm comes our way' doctrine. This time, Pakistan has overplayed its hand. Immediately after April 22, Pakistan began ceasefire violations in the form of small arms fire along the Line of Control, and India responded in a calibrated manner. In India, there was the expectation of retribution for the civilian killings. India's initial actions were in the domain of diplomacy and economy, key amongst them putting in abeyance the Indus Waters Treaty. While it may not be possible to hold the waters of the Western rivers of Indus, Jhelum and Chenab fully within India, even variations in the timing and the quantum of the release of water will have devastating effects on Pakistan. This caused convulsions, with Pakistani generals saying they considered it an act of war by India. After these preliminary actions, the hard response to Pahalgam was awaited. External balancing took some time, and several countries expressed their support for India. Two weeks after Baisaran, on the night of May 6-7, India struck nine terrorist installations – four in Pakistan and five in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. Pakistan has admitted to 26 dead and 42 wounded. India neither targeted civilian nor armed forces installations in Pakistan. The operation, named Operation Sindoor, was brilliant branding and messaging from India: Retribution for the brutal removal of the sacred vermilion worn by every Hindu married woman on her forehead. By its measures and well-calculated action, India has conveyed three messages: First, to Pakistan, that if it continues to support terrorism, it will have to bear the consequences. Second, to the terrorists, Bharat will inflict the same pain on them, if not more, than they inflict on Indian citizens. Third, to the world, Bharat is resolute in responding to terrorism in a 'measured, non-escalatory, proportionate, and responsible' manner. Pakistan's reaction to Operation Sindoor is on expected lines. Its Inter-Services Public Relations has been active on the cognitive front by spreading rumours and misinformation and making its senior officers available to all foreign media for narrative-setting. India needs to prepare for multiple misadventures by Pakistan. The Indian armed forces are ready. There could be pressure from Pakistan's new ally Bangladesh, which is waiting in the wings to foment trouble in India's Northeast. Islamabad's old ally, China, has said that India's actions are regrettable and has rendered diplomatic support to its 'all-weather friend.' India's new friend, America, says it is monitoring the situation and hopes this ends quickly. Its statement seems to be open-ended and leaves room for interpretation. Meanwhile, India is devising a two-fold response – citizen preparedness, with mock drills for civil defence, a step in the right direction, and speedily readying a strategy to counter the Pakistani public relations machine. The writer was a Lieutenant General in the Indian Army and is adjunct Distinguished Fellow for National Security and China Studies, Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations, Mumbai

Peshawar Literary Festival kicks off
Peshawar Literary Festival kicks off

Express Tribune

time03-05-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Express Tribune

Peshawar Literary Festival kicks off

The second edition of the Peshawar Literary Festival commenced on Saturday with a vibrant opening ceremony at Nishtar Hall, drawing a diverse crowd of writers, intellectuals, journalists, artists, and literature enthusiasts from across the province. The two-day event, themed 'Literature, State, and Politics', aims to examine the role of literature in shaping political discourse and addressing contemporary social challenges. The opening ceremony was attended by Secretary of the Youth Affairs Department Ziaul Haq, Director General Sports Tashfeen Haider, former Senator Farhatullah Babar, educationist Nasir Jamal Khattak, renowned journalists, authors, and a large number of students from schools, colleges, and universities. Chief organizer Abdur Rahman, in his welcome address, expressed gratitude to all those who contributed to making the event a reality.

PARTLY FACETIOUS: ‘We can no longer suffer accountants gladly'
PARTLY FACETIOUS: ‘We can no longer suffer accountants gladly'

Business Recorder

time28-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Business Recorder

PARTLY FACETIOUS: ‘We can no longer suffer accountants gladly'

'Just wondering about war strategies.' 'Yes, daily exchange of fire across our borders with India after the Pahalgam attack…' 'I am hoping that better sense will prevail…..' 'Oh, were you referring to the terror attacks on our border with Afghanistan, I mean don't our intelligence agencies reckon India has a hand in…' 'Right but that's not what I was referring to when I mentioned war strategies…..for example Israel's war strategy is to assassinate the leadership, they killed the Hezbollah leader, they killed the Hamas leadership — the one Israel was engaged in dialogue with and the commander in Gaza, there is also talk of Israel considering decapitating the Iranian leadership before launching an attack and….' 'Ah I see so are you asking if India is considering a similar strategy. If you recall, Ziaul Haq and Benazir Bhutto were both assassinated – the former cost the taxpayers a rather expensive plane and Benazir Bhutto…' 'Don't be facetious.' 'No, no, I am merely saying that Ziaul Haq's assassination…' 'Shut up right now. And for your information, I don't think there is irrefutable proof that the two assassinations were carried out by enemy forces – I mean the jury is still out on that and…' 'We don't have a jury system, thank you. We have a judiciary in sufficient numbers courtesy the twenty-sixth amendment, and the Law Minister is currently engaged in ironing out a minor irritant relating to judges' transfers and seniority…' 'What do you think of us adopting a jury system?' 'Not workable here at all.' 'How come, it is working in other parts of the world.' 'Jury system is based on the peers of the accused passing judgment now I ask you does The Man Who Must Remain Nameless and Faceless have any peers, does The Third Wife, a spiritual guide no less, have any peers and…' 'Wait, wouldn't Wife Number one…' 'She is no longer someone whose guidance he listens to.' 'Right OK, so the jury system is out, and judges are in, in great numbers – one question, is anyone keeping a tab on how many pending cases today compared to before the judiciary strength was increased…and…' 'We are not good with numbers, my friend.' 'We need an accountant…' 'We can no longer suffer accountants gladly.' 'The expression is suffer fools…' 'You are obtuse.' Copyright Business Recorder, 2025

Ramazan: more expensive, less holy
Ramazan: more expensive, less holy

Express Tribune

time14-03-2025

  • Business
  • Express Tribune

Ramazan: more expensive, less holy

Listen to article As Ramazan begins in Pakistan, so does the economic strangulation of its citizens - a hellacious cycle that plays out without fail and is as inevitable as the seasonal flu that returns each year to weaken the already frail. While much of the world marks festive seasons with discounts and relief (think of Christmas sales in the West or Diwali price drops in India), Pakistan flips the script: prices soar and what should be a holy month goes off the rails, turning into an economic burden for the average citizen. Why's the most holy month also the most expensive month?! Just across the borders India and Iran take steps to ensure affordability during Ramazan. India, for instance, cuts import duties; Iran imposes strict anti-hoarding and price-fixing laws; while here in Pakistan staple foods turn into gold dust, out of reach for low-income households. The fruit, vegetable, dairy, poultry and meat sellers strike a goldmine every Ramazan, raking in a year's profits in a month. Producers jack up prices before Ramazan only to roll them back slightly later to feign selflessness — just as textile brands do before mega sales where inflated prices are slashed to create the illusion of discounts. Meanwhile, everyone conveniently blames the government and the government, in turn, brushes off responsibility with hollow political statements. The Ministry of Finance has already warned that inflation will rise to 4% in March, a sharp rise from January's 2.41%. This rising inflation is palpable in everyday essentials. Despite official assurances of capping sugar at Rs130 per kg, prices have blown past that limit — nearing Rs180 per kg. This is a familiar story: officials make lofty promises and renege on them, much like the countless price control directives during past Ramazans that rarely saw enforcement. K-P's chief secretary recently laid out plans to regulate prices, advertise those prices across media platforms and integrate them into the Performance Management System while directing DCs to ensure stringent oversight. Sounds good on paper! But the real test is in implementation. If it works, the rest should follow suit. But given past failures, enforcement will remain weak and profiteers will keep making a killing. There's something to be said about General Ziaul Haq's era. Controversial as his rule may have been, his Ramazan policies at least enforced some discipline. Fast forward to the present: Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif unveils a Ramazan relief package worth Rs20 billion — far more than last year's Rs7 billion. But the question remains: will this money properly reach those in need or just fatten the pockets of the usual suspects? Ramazan should be a time of reflection, generosity, ease, compassion, unity and spiritual renewal. But instead, it brings stress and despair and forces the common man into survival mode, like an economic battlefield where only the wealthiest emerge unscathed. The government must do more than announce relief packages; authorities must ensure that relief actually reaches those who need it most while also cracking down on hoarders, profiteers and black marketers who brazenly cash in on the month of Ramazan. The price control department and administrative bodies must step up - not just for Ramazan, but beyond. If the state won't act, the community and volunteers must intervene, but should private charity be a stand-in for governance? People can't shoulder these burdens year after year; change is not optional, it's long past due.

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