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Supreme Court sides with Smith & Wesson, blocks Mexico's $10B suit against gunmakers over cartel violence
Supreme Court sides with Smith & Wesson, blocks Mexico's $10B suit against gunmakers over cartel violence

Yahoo

time4 days ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Supreme Court sides with Smith & Wesson, blocks Mexico's $10B suit against gunmakers over cartel violence

WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court on Thursday blocked a $10 billion lawsuit Mexico filed against top firearm manufacturers in the U.S. alleging the companies' business practices have fueled tremendous cartel violence and bloodshed. The unanimous ruling tossed out the case under U.S. laws that largely shield gunmakers from liability when their firearms are used in crime. Big-name manufacturers like Smith & Wesson — which still produces guns in Springfield, Massachusetts — had appealed to the justices after a lower court let the suit go forward under an exception for situations in which the companies themselves are accused of violating the law. But the justices found that Mexico hadn't made a plausible argument that the companies had knowingly allowed guns to be trafficked into the country. 'It does not pinpoint, as most aiding-and-abetting claims do, any specific criminal transactions that the defendants (allegedly) assisted,' Justice Elena Kagan wrote in the court's opinion. Mexico had asked the justices to let the case play out, saying it was still in its early stages. Asked about the case during her daily news briefing, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum pointed to another suit the country filed in 2022 against five gun shops and distributors in Arizona. 'There are two trials,' she said. 'We're going to see what the result is, and we'll let you know.' The case the Supreme Court tossed Thursday began in 2021, when the Mexican government filed a blockbuster suit against some of the biggest gun companies, including Smith & Wesson, Beretta, Colt and Glock. Smith & Wesson moved its headquarters and much of its operations from Springfield to Tennessee, but the company retains about 1,000 employees at its plant in Western Massachusetts. Operations that remain in Springfield include its forge, metal working, machining, finishing the assembly of Colt 1911-style handguns and revolver assembly. On Thursday, Mark Smith, Smith & Wesson president and CEO, said in a statement that the court's unanimous decision 'shutting down this ridiculous lawsuit' represented 'a big win for Smith & Wesson, but our industry, American sovereignty and, most importantly, every American who wishes to exercise his or her Second Amendment rights.' 'This suit, brought by Mexico in collaboration with U.S.-based anti-Second Amendment activist groups, was an affront to our nation's sovereignty and a direct attack on the constitutional rights of law-abiding Americans,' Smith said in the statement. He called it the latest attack on the firearms industry 'in a blatant abuse of our legal system to advance their anti-constitutional agenda. 'To all American patriots — you can rest assured that Smith & Wesson will always stand and fight for your constitutional rights at every turn,' Smith said. Mexico has strict gun laws and has just one store where people can legally buy firearms. But thousands of guns are smuggled in by the country's powerful drug cartels every year. The Mexican government says at least 70% of those weapons come from the United States. The lawsuit claims that companies knew weapons were being sold to traffickers who smuggled them into Mexico and decided to cash in on that market. The companies reject Mexico's allegations, arguing the country's lawsuit comes nowhere close to showing they're responsible for a relatively few people using their products to commit violence. The trade group National Shooting Sports Foundation applauded the ruling, adding that gunmakers work with U.S. authorities to prevent gun trafficking. 'This is a tremendous victory for the firearm industry and the rule of law,' said Lawrence Keane, senior vice president and general counsel. A federal judge tossed out the lawsuit under a 2005 law that protects gun companies from most civil lawsuits, but an appeals court revived it. The 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Boston found it fell under an exception to the shield law for situations in which firearm companies are accused of knowingly breaking laws in their business practices. That exception has come up in other cases, including in lawsuits stemming from mass shootings. Families of victims of the 2012 mass shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, for example, argued it applied to their lawsuit because the gunmaker had violated state law in the marketing of the AR-15 rifle used in the shooting, in which 20 first graders and six educators were killed. The families eventually secured a landmark $73 million settlement with Remington, the maker of the rifle. The Supreme Court's ruling doesn't appear to affect similar cases, said David Pucino, legal director at the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. 'All survivors, in the United States, in Mexico, and anywhere else, deserve their day in court, and we will continue to support them in their fight for justice,' he said. Read the original article on MassLive.

Colorado GOP leaders urge AG Bondi to investigate ‘Second Amendment infringements'
Colorado GOP leaders urge AG Bondi to investigate ‘Second Amendment infringements'

Yahoo

time29-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Colorado GOP leaders urge AG Bondi to investigate ‘Second Amendment infringements'

DENVER (KDVR) — U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi was sent a formal letter on Monday urging a Department of Justice investigation into the state of Colorado's gun laws, specifically citing a newly signed law that Second Amendment advocates have called an infringement on their rights. The letter was sent by the Colorado State Shooting Association, which is the official state association of the National Rifle Association. The groups announced immediately after Gov. Jared Polis signed the bill into law that they would be filing a lawsuit against the measure. Read more about SB25-003: Governor signs bill requiring training for semiautomatic guns, banning rapid-fire conversion devices 'We respectfully request that the Second Amendment Enforcement Task Force launch a thorough investigation into Colorado's anti-Second Amendment agenda, focusing on the following,' the group wrote. The task force was created earlier this month. Bondi said in a release that the task force was aimed at advancing President Donald Trump's 'pro-gun agenda and protect gun owners from overreach.' Huey Laugesen, executive director of the Colorado State Shooting Association, told FOX31's Nate Belt that alongside the letter, the association has collected voters' signatures. As of Monday, Laugesen said they had collected 'tens of thousands.' 'When we have government coming in and putting in insurmountable obstacles for a lot of people, and particularly low-income individuals who are much more likely to be victimized by violent criminals, that's a major problem. That's some serious overreach,' Laugesen told Belt. 'We won't stand for it because it's a very dangerous path that we're headed down.' The letter went on to reference many gun laws in Colorado enacted since 2021 and some municipal codes in Denver and Boulder. The letter also noted that 37 Colorado counties 'have declared themselves to be 'Second Amendment Sanctuaries' in an attempt to oppose or resist the state's efforts to undermine or effectively deny their rights.' Colorado's Senate Bill 3 will go into effect in August 2026. It will require anyone seeking to buy a semiautomatic firearm with a detachable magazine to have obtained a permit, which requires a background check through county sheriff offices and training that will be provided through Colorado Parks and Wildlife. The measure also expanded on Colorado's ban on rapid-fire conversion devices, no longer allowing the sale or purchase of bump stocks or other conversion devices in the state. Before signing the bill, Polis said that 14 other states require similar permits or safety course completions before purchasing certain firearms. 'Again we want to make sure that it was a real thing to get that learning … overall I really think this bill will make Colorado communities safer and prevent both accidents as well as reducing violence and ultimately that means saving lives while protecting our second amendment rights and of course holding up Colorado's proud tradition of sport shooting and hunting,' Polis said on April 10. In 2026, Coloradans will need a retailer's help to access ammunition in stores Second Amendment advocates disagree. 'Senate Bill 3 is not about public safety — it's a deliberate attempt to disarm law-abiding Coloradans and erode our constitutional protections,' said Ray Elliott, President of the Colorado State Shooting Association, in a release 'We are calling on Attorney General Bondi and the DOJ's Second Amendment Task Force to intervene and hold the State of Colorado accountable for its flagrant violations of the Second Amendment.' The letter emphasizes Supreme Court rulings that affirm the individual right to possess firearms for self-defense. Colorado Second Amendment proponents have called the potential cost of obtaining the training, background check and permit 'a burdensome permit-to-purchase scheme' that 'represents a direct assault on the Second Amendment rights of law-abiding Coloradans.' The bill does not apply to recoil-operated handguns or shotguns, common hunting rifles, semiautomatic weapons with fixed magazines or currently owned guns. The training that must be included in the safety course includes safe gun usage, federal and state firearm laws, and de-escalation and crisis intervention strategies. Notably, among those who signed the letter to AG Bondi were: U.S. Representative for Colorado Jeff Crank U.S. Representative for Colorado Lauren Boebert U.S. Representative for Colorado Jeff Hurd U.S. Representative for Colorado Gabe Evans Douglas County Sheriff Darren Weekly Pueblo County Sheriff David Lucero Grand County Sheriff Brett Schroetlin Fremont County Sheriff Allen Cooper Weld County Sheriff Steven Reams Garfield County Sheriff Lou Vallario Archuleta County Sheriff Mike LeRoux Costilla County Sheriff Danny Sanchez Montrose County Sheriff Gene Lillard Saguache County Sheriff Dan Warwick Gilpin County Sheriff Kevin Armstrong Washington County Sheriff Robbie Furrow Teller County Sheriff Jason Mikesell El Paso County Sheriff Joe Roybal ACLU sues ICE to obtain expanded immigration detention plans in Colorado, Wyoming Also signing the letter were all of the Republican Senators and Representatives in Colorado's General Assembly. The sheriffs who signed represent just over 21% of the 64 county sheriffs in the state. 'The law's arbitrary requirements and discretionary sheriff approvals create insurmountable barriers for law-abiding citizens, particularly low-income Coloradans, while doing nothing to address criminal behavior,' said David Price, general counsel for the Colorado State Shooting Association, in a release on Monday. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

He was once evicted by the RNC. Now he wants to be governor.
He was once evicted by the RNC. Now he wants to be governor.

Yahoo

time20-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

He was once evicted by the RNC. Now he wants to be governor.

NEW BRUNSWICK, New Jersey — As a young conservative activist in the 1990s, Bill Spadea stood proudly to the right in the Republican Party. He eschewed the 'big tent' axiom espoused by Republicans. He said President George H.W. Bush and the RNC's leadership were not conservative enough. He described himself as 'anti-homosexual.' And as chair of the College Republican National Committee, his fundraising tactics were condemned by multiple U.S. senators — including the late Bob Dole (R-Kan.). Now, Spadea is running for governor of New Jersey by trying to brand himself as the Republican candidate most aligned with President Donald Trump, who came within six points of winning the Garden State in 2024. The former conservative talk radio host is pledging to defund Planned Parenthood, espousing an 'unwavering' commitment to the Second Amendment and calling for a carbon copy of Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency. The MAGA brand of Republicanism isn't just fueled by political upstarts — it's also giving longtime ideologues their biggest stage yet. Spadea's candidacy tests whether the once-insurgent right, sidelined for years even inside the GOP, can resonate in a state where the party has traditionally preferred moderate Republicans for governor. 'Bill has been an ideologue – he's always been an ideologue of true conservative principles,' Fred Bartlett Jr., who worked at the college RNC during Spadea's time in office, said in an interview. New Jersey has sent Republicans to the governor's mansion in the past, most recently Chris Christie. A younger Spadea found himself railing against one of those Republicans: Christine Todd Whitman, who he said was so moderate she shared many of the same views as the Democratic Party. 'No tent is big enough for diametrically opposed philosophies," a 26-year-old Spadea, then chair of the college RNC, told a reporter at the time. 'And to liberal Republicans who are pro-abortion, pro-gay rights, pro-big government and anti-Second Amendment, I say, look, there is already a party that represents all those fundamental beliefs." It was during that time Spadea, now 56, first drew the ire of Democrats and Republicans at a national level — and found himself earning headlines in the process. It's not an experience he refers to on the campaign trail; his leadership of the college RNC was a chaotic period where the national party defunded his group and evicted him from his office. 'I think it was visionary and I think it was tumultuous,' Bartlett said. Spadea's uncompromising positions continued as he built a career as conservative radio host in New Jersey — pushing against vaccine mandates and peddling 2020 election conspiracies. Today, Spadea's sharp-tongued rhetoric on the campaign trail, where he's running to succeed Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy, contrasts with his primary opponents: Jack Ciattarelli, who preaches GOP unity, and the moderate state Sen. Jon Bramnick, who has made civility in politics a key part of his political brand. (A longshot GOP candidate, Mario Kranjac, calls himself the 'only' true Trump Republican in the race.) 'If Bill Spadea is going to be the nominee he's going to tank our chances throughout the legislature,' said GOP Assemblymember Brian Bergen, a frequent Spadea critic. 'This guy is a self serving person who doesn't give a damn about making this state Republican. He only cares about himself.' In a statement to POLITICO, Spadea campaign manager Tom Bonfonti did not directly address Spadea's time as a young conservative activist or directly answer a list of questions but said that, '[u]nlike Jack Ciattarelli, Bill has always been a consistent and unapologetic conservative' and 'not a moderate career politician.' As a fresh college graduate, Spadea, began his career organizing young Republicans for George H.W. Bush's 1992 campaign for president. Speaking with the press at the time, Spadea described the Presidential race against Bill Clinton as a 'war' for 'the soul of the country.' And he railed against his perceived liberal foes – namely 'tree huggers,' the 'cultural elite' who support political correctness and 'militant feminism and homosexuality.' "You don't get any homosexuals in our movement," a 23-year-old Spadea said. "You don't get any people who are sympathetic to the homosexual cause. We really don't want them, but they don't want any part of us." Despite working to get Bush another four years in office, the incumbent president was not an ideological fit for Spadea. "The president is not as conservative as we would like," Spadea said at the time. Still, the position introduced Spadea to political organizing — and perhaps a desire for higher office. In September 1992, an up-and-coming Robert Downey Jr. spoke with Spadea for a documentary on the presidential race, with a group of pro-Spadea Republicans interrupting the interview chanting: 'Bill for President!' Shortly after the Bush campaign, Spadea won a two-year term as chair of the college RNC starting in 1993. It is the only elected position Spadea has held — and it was a tumultuous tenure. Spadea's first major crisis as chair stemmed from a fundraising letter he signed that said Sen. Bob Kerrey (D-Neb.) betrayed America for supporting President Bill Clinton's spending plan. 'In America treason was once punishable by hanging – so despicable was the offense of betrayal,' Spadea wrote in the fundraising mailer. 'I am not saying that Senator Kerrey committed treason. But still … you and I need to let Senator Kerrey know that his betrayal is still despicable – still deserving of punishment.' Democrats and Republicans took to the Senate floor in October 1993 to repudiate the mailer and Spadea. Sen. Jim Exon (D-Neb.) called it the 'most despicable piece of political literature that perhaps I have ever seen in my life.' Dole said that 'this is not the way that politics ought to be.' Sen. Harry Reid (D-Nev.) wanted Spadea to face financial ruin over the letter. 'I hope he does not raise the money that pays for the postage,' Reid said from the Senate floor. 'I hope he has personally signed a note for the postage. I hope he cannot pay it. I hope they file a lawsuit against him and assess costs and attorneys fees and garnish his wages, if he works. I hope they take his bank account. I hope they take his car to pay for the postage for this trash.' Spadea later told the Federal Election Commission that producing and distributing the fundraising letter cost $66,030 but only raised $18,512 — a net loss of $47,517. Kerrey said the letter enraged him so much that he mused about a physical fight with Spadea. "It said in the letter that we stopped lynching people. Well, we also stopped calling out people for duels, and it's a good thing for [Spadea]," Kerrey said at the time. "It's about as far out as I've seen. It makes me want to inflict bodily harm." Spadea told the Washington Post that he apologized to Kerrey over the letter. But just a few weeks later he said that Clinton, the media and Kerrey – who lost part of his leg in the Vietnam War — were 'a greater threat to individual liberty and limited constitutional government than the Viet Cong ever were.' 'Even winning the Medal of Honor doesn't give a man the right to vote his country into socialism,' Spadea said in a statement at the time From the start of his term as college RNC chair in 1993, Spadea viewed his role as keeping the Republican Party to the right. In an early letter he said the group could be 'instrumental' in ensuring the party remains close to the 'principled conservatism of Ronald Reagan' rather than 'self-serving pragmatism.' That goal caused him to clash with party leaders. Spadea was the editor of the Broadside, a newsletter from the college RNC. Under his leadership the publication ran opinion pieces from conservative activist Howard Phillips advocating for an alternative to the Republican Party, as well as an advertisement criticizing Bush and Reagan. The advocacy for a third party — which Spadea said he did not personally support — was the breaking point for national GOP leaders. In January 1995, top RNC officials wrote to Spadea that it would be cutting off funding for the group, changing the locks to their offices as well as any salaries funded by the RNC. RNC Chairman Haley Barbour wrote to Spadea that the college RNC engaged in 'irresponsible conduct.' Publicly, Spadea did little to make amends with the RNC. "We don't want to go back to the RNC," Spadea told the Associated Press. "I'm far to the right of Haley Barbour and I refuse to blindly toe the line.'' Exiled from the Washington office, Spadea found refuge with Phillips. The conservative activist let the college RNC use his office space above a deli in suburban Virginia — a downgrade from the Capitol Hill offices the group previously occupied. Spadea did not run for another term as chair of the group and found himself to be a pariah among Republicans. Several state college GOP leaders from across the country — including Arkansas, New York, North and South Carolina, Iowa and Louisiana — supported the RNC's decision, according to contemporaneous media reports. '[Spadea] has used his position to divide the CR's and build his own empire," Tony Zagotta, Spadea's predecessor as chair of the group who supported his candidacy, said in 1995. "He's been very destructive to our organization." Years after his time as a conservative youth activist, Spadea made two unsuccessful attempts for public office: Once running for Congress in 2004, when he moderated his message, and again in a special election for state Assembly in 2012. But Spadea found his largest following as a conservative media personality, hosting the morning drive-time slot for New Jersey 101.5. On the airwaves he frequently railed against pandemic restrictions and gained a reputation for jumping headfirst into culture war issues. Last year, he defended an MLB player who called a heckler a homophobic slur and also supported a New Jersey mayor who'd been caught using the n-word and joking about lynching Black people. And on the campaign trail, he's showing no signs he'll moderate his message before the June primary — or after, if he comes out on top. Spadea has said 'there is no such thing as a trans kid' and promised to install conservative Moms For Liberty activists to the state's top education roles. He envisions nearly unchecked governing authority, promising to rule by executive order for his first 100 days in office and 'ignore' the state Legislature and judiciary. Public polling shows Spadea trailing the frontrunner in the GOP primary, Ciattarelli, although the former radio host is still viewed as a serious competitor for the nomination. Some Republicans in the state are worried about the down ballot impact for Republicans if Spadea clinches the nomination — with Bergen saying 'without a doubt' he would lose the general election for 'silly' rhetoric he uses in the primary. 'Anybody can see the path painting Bill Spadea as somebody who is just a talk show host with zero experience in life, in anything, in leading anybody and would be a train wreck as governor,' he said. 'That's not a hard picture to paint.' For Spadea, being disliked by fellow Republicans is nothing new. 'We were just more conservative and we didn't really we didn't play politics,' Bartlett, who formerly worked at the college RNC, recalled from his time working with Spadea. 'We were uncompromising in our principles, and I don't think the party liked that.' — Eden Teshome contributed to this report.

He was once evicted by the RNC. Now he wants to be governor.
He was once evicted by the RNC. Now he wants to be governor.

Politico

time20-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Politico

He was once evicted by the RNC. Now he wants to be governor.

NEW BRUNSWICK, New Jersey — As a young conservative activist in the 1990s, Bill Spadea stood proudly to the right in the Republican Party. He eschewed the 'big tent' axiom espoused by Republicans. He said President George H.W. Bush and the RNC's leadership were not conservative enough. He described himself as 'anti-homosexual.' And as chair of the College Republican National Committee, his fundraising tactics were condemned by multiple U.S. senators — including the late Bob Dole (R-Kan.). Now, Spadea is running for governor of New Jersey by trying to brand himself as the Republican candidate most aligned with President Donald Trump, who came within six points of winning the Garden State in 2024. The former conservative talk radio host is pledging to defund Planned Parenthood , espousing an ' unwavering ' commitment to the Second Amendment and calling for a carbon copy of Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency. The MAGA brand of Republicanism isn't just fueled by political upstarts — it's also giving longtime ideologues their biggest stage yet. Spadea's candidacy tests whether the once-insurgent right, sidelined for years even inside the GOP, can resonate in a state where the party has traditionally preferred moderate Republicans for governor. 'Bill has been an ideologue – he's always been an ideologue of true conservative principles,' Fred Bartlett Jr., who worked at the college RNC during Spadea's time in office, said in an interview. New Jersey has sent Republicans to the governor's mansion in the past, most recently Chris Christie. A younger Spadea found himself railing against one of those Republicans: Christine Todd Whitman, who he said was so moderate she shared many of the same views as the Democratic Party. 'No tent is big enough for diametrically opposed philosophies,' a 26-year-old Spadea, then chair of the college RNC, told a reporter at the time. 'And to liberal Republicans who are pro-abortion, pro-gay rights, pro-big government and anti-Second Amendment, I say, look, there is already a party that represents all those fundamental beliefs.' It was during that time Spadea, now 56, first drew the ire of Democrats and Republicans at a national level — and found himself earning headlines in the process. It's not an experience he refers to on the campaign trail; his leadership of the college RNC was a chaotic period where the national party defunded his group and evicted him from his office. 'I think it was visionary and I think it was tumultuous,' Bartlett said. Spadea's uncompromising positions continued as he built a career as conservative radio host in New Jersey — pushing against vaccine mandates and peddling 2020 election conspiracies. Today, Spadea's sharp-tongued rhetoric on the campaign trail, where he's running to succeed Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy, contrasts with his primary opponents: Jack Ciattarelli, who preaches GOP unity, and the moderate state Sen. Jon Bramnick, who has made civility in politics a key part of his political brand. (A longshot GOP candidate, Mario Kranjac, calls himself the 'only' true Trump Republican in the race.) 'If Bill Spadea is going to be the nominee he's going to tank our chances throughout the legislature,' said GOP Assemblymember Brian Bergen, a frequent Spadea critic. 'This guy is a self serving person who doesn't give a damn about making this state Republican. He only cares about himself.' In a statement to POLITICO, Spadea campaign manager Tom Bonfonti did not directly address Spadea's time as a young conservative activist or directly answer a list of questions but said that, '[u]nlike Jack Ciattarelli, Bill has always been a consistent and unapologetic conservative' and 'not a moderate career politician.' As a fresh college graduate, Spadea, began his career organizing young Republicans for George H.W. Bush's 1992 campaign for president. Speaking with the press at the time, Spadea described the Presidential race against Bill Clinton as a 'war' for 'the soul of the country.' And he railed against his perceived liberal foes – namely ' tree huggers ,' the 'cultural elite' who support political correctness and ' militant feminism and homosexuality .' 'You don't get any homosexuals in our movement,' a 23-year-old Spadea said . 'You don't get any people who are sympathetic to the homosexual cause. We really don't want them, but they don't want any part of us.' Despite working to get Bush another four years in office, the incumbent president was not an ideological fit for Spadea. 'The president is not as conservative as we would like,' Spadea said at the time . Still, the position introduced Spadea to political organizing — and perhaps a desire for higher office. In September 1992, an up-and-coming Robert Downey Jr. spoke with Spadea for a documentary on the presidential race , with a group of pro-Spadea Republicans interrupting the interview chanting: 'Bill for President!' Shortly after the Bush campaign, Spadea won a two-year term as chair of the college RNC starting in 1993. It is the only elected position Spadea has held — and it was a tumultuous tenure. Spadea's first major crisis as chair stemmed from a fundraising letter he signed that said Sen. Bob Kerrey (D-Neb.) betrayed America for supporting President Bill Clinton's spending plan. 'In America treason was once punishable by hanging – so despicable was the offense of betrayal,' Spadea wrote in the fundraising mailer. 'I am not saying that Senator Kerrey committed treason. But still … you and I need to let Senator Kerrey know that his betrayal is still despicable – still deserving of punishment.' Democrats and Republicans took to the Senate floor in October 1993 to repudiate the mailer and Spadea. Sen. Jim Exon (D-Neb.) called it the 'most despicable piece of political literature that perhaps I have ever seen in my life.' Dole said that 'this is not the way that politics ought to be.' Sen. Harry Reid (D-Nev.) wanted Spadea to face financial ruin over the letter. 'I hope he does not raise the money that pays for the postage,' Reid said from the Senate floor. 'I hope he has personally signed a note for the postage. I hope he cannot pay it. I hope they file a lawsuit against him and assess costs and attorneys fees and garnish his wages, if he works. I hope they take his bank account. I hope they take his car to pay for the postage for this trash.' Spadea later told the Federal Election Commission that producing and distributing the fundraising letter cost $66,030 but only raised $18,512 — a net loss of $47,517. Kerrey said the letter enraged him so much that he mused about a physical fight with Spadea. 'It said in the letter that we stopped lynching people. Well, we also stopped calling out people for duels, and it's a good thing for [Spadea],' Kerrey said at the time. 'It's about as far out as I've seen. It makes me want to inflict bodily harm.' Spadea told the Washington Post that he apologized to Kerrey over the letter. But just a few weeks later he said that Clinton, the media and Kerrey – who lost part of his leg in the Vietnam War — were 'a greater threat to individual liberty and limited constitutional government than the Viet Cong ever were.' 'Even winning the Medal of Honor doesn't give a man the right to vote his country into socialism,' Spadea said in a statement at the time From the start of his term as college RNC chair in 1993, Spadea viewed his role as keeping the Republican Party to the right. In an early letter he said the group could be 'instrumental' in ensuring the party remains close to the ' principled conservatism of Ronald Reagan ' rather than 'self-serving pragmatism.' That goal caused him to clash with party leaders. Spadea was the editor of the Broadside , a newsletter from the college RNC. Under his leadership the publication ran opinion pieces from conservative activist Howard Phillips advocating for an alternative to the Republican Party, as well as an advertisement criticizing Bush and Reagan. The advocacy for a third party — which Spadea said he did not personally support — was the breaking point for national GOP leaders. In January 1995, top RNC officials wrote to Spadea that it would be cutting off funding for the group, changing the locks to their offices as well as any salaries funded by the RNC. RNC Chairman Haley Barbour wrote to Spadea that the college RNC engaged in 'irresponsible conduct.' Publicly, Spadea did little to make amends with the RNC. 'We don't want to go back to the RNC,' Spadea told the Associated Press. 'I'm far to the right of Haley Barbour and I refuse to blindly toe the line.'' Exiled from the Washington office, Spadea found refuge with Phillips. The conservative activist let the college RNC use his office space above a deli in suburban Virginia — a downgrade from the Capitol Hill offices the group previously occupied. Spadea did not run for another term as chair of the group and found himself to be a pariah among Republicans. Several state college GOP leaders from across the country — including Arkansas, New York, North and South Carolina, Iowa and Louisiana — supported the RNC's decision, according to contemporaneous media reports. '[Spadea] has used his position to divide the CR's and build his own empire,' Tony Zagotta, Spadea's predecessor as chair of the group who supported his candidacy, said in 1995 . 'He's been very destructive to our organization.' Years after his time as a conservative youth activist, Spadea made two unsuccessful attempts for public office: Once running for Congress in 2004, when he moderated his message, and again in a special election for state Assembly in 2012. But Spadea found his largest following as a conservative media personality, hosting the morning drive-time slot for New Jersey 101.5. On the airwaves he frequently railed against pandemic restrictions and gained a reputation for jumping headfirst into culture war issues. Last year, he defended an MLB player who called a heckler a homophobic slur and also supported a New Jersey mayor who'd been caught using the n-word and joking about lynching Black people. And on the campaign trail, he's showing no signs he'll moderate his message before the June primary — or after, if he comes out on top. Spadea has said 'there is no such thing as a trans kid' and promised to install conservative Moms For Liberty activists to the state's top education roles. He envisions nearly unchecked governing authority, promising to rule by executive order for his first 100 days in office and ' ignore ' the state Legislature and judiciary. Public polling shows Spadea trailing the frontrunner in the GOP primary, Ciattarelli, although the former radio host is still viewed as a serious competitor for the nomination. Some Republicans in the state are worried about the down ballot impact for Republicans if Spadea clinches the nomination — with Bergen saying 'without a doubt' he would lose the general election for 'silly' rhetoric he uses in the primary. 'Anybody can see the path painting Bill Spadea as somebody who is just a talk show host with zero experience in life, in anything, in leading anybody and would be a train wreck as governor,' he said. 'That's not a hard picture to paint.' For Spadea, being disliked by fellow Republicans is nothing new. 'We were just more conservative and we didn't really we didn't play politics,' Bartlett, who formerly worked at the college RNC, recalled from his time working with Spadea. 'We were uncompromising in our principles, and I don't think the party liked that.' — Eden Teshome contributed to this report.

'Excessive' state taxes on guns, ammunition sales are target of new GOP crackdown effort
'Excessive' state taxes on guns, ammunition sales are target of new GOP crackdown effort

Yahoo

time27-03-2025

  • Business
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'Excessive' state taxes on guns, ammunition sales are target of new GOP crackdown effort

FIRST ON FOX: Republican lawmakers are pushing to stop states from imposing excise taxes on gun and ammunition sales, a condemnation of a measure California enforced in 2024. In 2023, California became the first state to adopt a measure imposing an excise tax targeting the gun industry. The legislation sets an 11% excise tax on guns and ammunition sales and directs the revenue toward gun relinquishment programs and other gun control initiatives. Colorado is also poised to impose a 6.5% excise tax on similar purchases in April. Other states like Maryland, New York and Massachusetts are considering similar pieces of legislation. Nra Legislative Expert Says Gun Rights Could See 'Most Monumental' Win In Congress Since 2005 But these initiatives amount to unconstitutional tax that undermines the Second Amendment, according to Republican lawmakers. Sen. Jim Risch, R-Idaho, and Rep. Darrell Issa, R-Calif., who introduced the Freedom of Unfair Gun Taxes Act to their respective chambers of Congress Thursday, are seeking to bar states from adopting these measures. Read On The Fox News App "Blue states that implement an excessive excise tax to fund gun control initiatives are exploiting the Second Amendment," Risch said Thursday in a statement to Fox News Digital. "The Freedom from Unfair Gun Taxes Act ensures states do not place a significant financial burden on law-abiding gun owners to advance their anti-Second Amendment agenda." Issa said states like California historically have introduced "extreme" policies targeting gun owners that jeopardize their Second Amendment rights. Supreme Court Upholds Biden Admin 'Ghost Gun' Regulation "The latest attack is California's imposition of a 'sin tax' on firearms and ammunition," Issa said in a statement to Fox News Digital. Specifically, Issa claimed California's new law, which requires gun sellers to foot the bill for the excise tax, is an "outrageous and unfair burden on law-abiding citizens." Excise taxes target specific goods or services for manufacturers, consumers or retailers. California's new excise tax is coupled with the 10% to 11% federal excise tax gun dealers already pay that goes toward wildlife conservation efforts. California Assembly member Jesse Gabriel, a Democrat representing the San Fernando Valley, spearheaded legislation known as the Gun Violence Prevention and School Safety Act in 2023 to impose the excise tax to raise revenue to support programs, including the California Violence Intervention and Prevention program. The law also allocates revenue from the excise tax toward a court-based gun relinquishment program that revokes gun ownership from domestic abusers and convicted criminals and law enforcement initiatives focused on gun investigations. California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed off on the law in September 2023, and it took effect in July. "It's shameful that gun manufacturers are reaping record profits at the same time that gun violence has become the leading cause of death for kids in the United States," Gabriel said in a statement in July. "This law will generate $160 million annually to fund critical violence prevention and school safety programs that will save lives and protect communities across the State of California." Co-sponsors of the Senate's version of the Freedom of Unfair Gun Taxes Act include Republican senators Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Deb Fischer of Nebraska, Mike Crapo of Idaho, Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Kevin Cramer of North Dakota, Steve Daines of Montana, John Hoeven of North Dakota, Cindy Hyde-Smith of Mississippi, Jim Justice of West Virginia and Pete Ricketts of Nebraska. Republican representatives Richard Hudson of North Carolina and Doug LaMalfa of California also co-sponsored the House's version of the article source: 'Excessive' state taxes on guns, ammunition sales are target of new GOP crackdown effort

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