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Zawya
6 days ago
- Business
- Zawya
Zimbabwe: Former farm workers in Mvurwi, structural constraints on success
Former farm workers living in compounds on resettlement farms in Mvurwi are some of the most marginalised people across the land reform farms. 'Success' is limited by a set of major structural constraints that individuals cannot overcome by themselves. We conducted success rankings in two farmworker compounds in Mvurwi – Hariana and Ruia D – involving 19 men and 23 women overall. These were by far the most challenging of our success ranking workshops as participants rightly said that success is impossible for them. There are just too many barriers. They have little land (usually only 1ha); they are obliged to engage in exploitative labour arrangements; employment opportunities are seasonal and not guaranteed; living arrangements in former farm compounds are crowded with poor conditions and overall people feel marginalised due to their limited political standing, often not even accepted as 'real' Zimbabweans, as previous generations had come from Zambia, Mozambique and Malawi. Moreover, farmworkers are also cut off from off-farm opportunities, with many having limited education (often linked to low incomes). For others, the shock of losing family members through HIV/AIDS in the early 1990s and 2000s has had a long-lasting impact on the fortunes of some families (illustrated through lack of social networks). Drug and alcohol abuse amongst former farmworker communities was also seen as important in holding people back. Nevertheless, once discussions started it became clear that there were patterns of difference between households. Not all former farmworkers are the same by any means. While the ranks cannot in any way be compared with others, as everyone is so much poorer – in terms of both assets and income – some are clearly doing better than others. Some former farmworkers, for instance, have been able to accumulate particular assets – beds, furniture, TVs and so on for the house, a few cattle, limited farming equipment (ploughs, scotch-carts, water pumps, grinding mills etc.), some have cars and many are proud that they are sending kids to school. Such successes are hard-earned, and usually coming from selling high quality tobacco and other high-value crops (sweet potatoes, tomatoes etc.), making use of their farm labourer skills from before on their small plots. As many acknowledged, the situation – even if extremely challenging – is a considerable improvement from the situation on former white-owned farms. In comparing our lists of compound dwellers from 2014 and today, there were 33 and 51 remaining in Hariana and Ruia areas. Many had moved on and, even within households, there has been much flux, often with the next generation taking over the compound house. Some had passed on, or moved to other farms, some to town in search of jobs, while others had established themselves as A1 farmers, integrating into the wider community. This latter option is rare, however, as the A1 land holders limit access to new land for farmworkers, preferring to keep a labour pool close by. Without the opportunity to subdivide a plot and create new homes those now adult children who have not inherited a compound dwelling may move to small 'teapot' houses (one room houses with a dome shape). Success indicators For many of those attending the workshop at Hariana and Ruia compounds, the overall story was about lack of 'success'. Two main features were highlights. First was access to land. As one male participant commented, 'For you to be successful you have to have access to land. How can one become successful without land? I do not have land.' Another observed, 'Settlers [those in the A1 areas] have 6 ha of land. There is no farmworker with 6ha of land.' Those who were considered 'successful' were leasing in additional land. Most relied on 1ha plots that they were given, or small pieces of land within the compounds. The second concern mentioned was lack of inputs. As one participant noted, 'As farmworkers, we are the last to receive farm inputs from pfvumvudza when all the settlers have received theirs. We have to rely on piece jobs to get inputs.' In terms of overall characteristics of the success groups, SG1 households have stands/houses in town; they have cars; have some cattle; own grinding mills; have some off-farm income (from chrome mining, for example); educated their children; have adult children and other relatives who help them through remittances; are skilled farmers and generate a surplus and, crucially, lease in additional land. SG2 households by contrast are trying to farm but have inadequate assets. Finally, SG3 households have limited or no land, have no inputs, no draft power, have very limited assets and some live in 'cabins'. Transitions Hariana compound Of the 32 households in Hariana who were present at both time periods, most were stuck in lower success group ranks, mostly in SG3. The extreme lack of assets and general poverty was very evident. A few had moved upwards, largely through farming success, mostly through leasing in land from other A1 farms to add to their 1 ha plots. Farm workers are very skilled tobacco growers/curers and can make money on small areas. 68.8% (22 households) remained static (0 households remained in SG1, 2 households remained in SG2 and 20 household remained in SG3. 6.3% (2 households) decreased their rank moving down to one or two categories over the period. 25.0% (8 households) increased their ranking moving one or two rankings over the period. Overall, 31.1% (10 households) had changed rank. Ruia compounds As is the case in the Hariana compounds, the majority of households who were present in both periods were stuck in SG3. 39.2% (20 households) remained static (1 household remained in SG1, 2 households remained in SG2 and 17 households remained in SG3. 58.8% (30 households) decreased their rank moving down to one or two categories over the period. 2% (1 household) increased their ranking moving one or two rankings over the period. Overall, 60.8% (31 households) had changed rank. The following sections offer some cases of transitions between ranks, coming from both Hariana and Ruia compounds. Cases I: Transitions to higher ranks Case 1. BM (from SG3 to SG1). I was born in 1967 in Masunda area, Zvishavane. My father was polygamous and my mother was the youngest wife. My parents divorced when I was still young and my mother remarried elsewhere, leaving me in the care of my stepmothers. I ended schooling at Grade 7 after my father passed away. After dropping out of school, I worked as a herder for a few years, before securing a job as a general hand and later supervisor at Hippo Valley Estates where I worked from 1988 to 1995. In 1995, I then got another job at Shangani Nickel Mine where I worked until 2002 when I was retrenched. I then returned home in Zvishavane, but I was not satisfied with the agro-ecological conditions there. So, I then went to look for land in Kayirezi area in Dande, and was allocated a very large piece of land where I built my homestead. However, schools were located very far away, and I considered my children's education very important. I therefore decided to come to Mvurwi in 2003, where I worked as a farmworker for the new 'settlers.' I first stayed in Forester and later moved to Hariana and now Mandindindi. I was constantly looking for a place with advantages. I came to Mandindindi because the dam allows for gravity-fed irrigation. For many years, I was renting land from others, engaging in both dryland cultivation and horticulture. In 2008, I combined farming with maize trade, but went broke when I sold 8 tonnes of maize to GMB and never received a cent for it. In 2018, with established social networks, I managed to get a 1ha plot near a dam in Mandindindi village. My small plot is located in a vlei. I grow maize, sweet potatoes, watermelons, tomatoes and sugar beans. In most cases, I sell my products in Mbare. Through farming, I have managed to educate all my children (three completed form 4 and one completed form 6), purchased one stand (medium-density) in Mvurwi and one in Nzvimbo Growth Point and three water pumps (5 HP, 7 HP and solar-powered submersible). As farmworkers, we are deprived of many things, as they (new settlers) say we are not from here, hence that's why we are not very successful. Although I am a Zimbabwean, they always tell me 'You are 'MuVitori'. In the past, it was particularly difficult but things have improved a lot due to politics. Politicians want our votes. Case 2. IM (from SG3 to SG1). I was born in 1979 on Dhahwe farm, where my father worked as a gardener. He later moved to Hariana farm, a neighbouring farm owned by MacDonald (nicknamed 'Zesa' (electricity) reflecting his harshness), where he worked as a gardener again. I ended schooling at Grade 6 because of financial constraints. My father was a drunkard; after receiving his pay, he would spend days sleeping at the bar drinking alcohol. He was even nick-named 'Tank' because of his drinking habits. Stationery and school fees were often paid for by my mother through proceeds from selling 'mutsvairo' (grass brooms). Sometimes my mother would be beaten up and ran back to her natal home in Dande. 'Amai' (mother) is a very important person in my life. My siblings and myself were very intelligent, but our father killed our future. In 2003, I got married to DK who worked as farmworker here. My husband's parents were originally from Mozambique. When Zesa left, we had nothing – only blankets, pots and plates. In the early 2000s, my husband acquired a 1ha plot in village 4. After acquiring the land, we built our homestead there. In 2003, we grew tobacco and harvested a very good crop. We managed to buy 4 head of cattle, a grinding mill and other farming implements. We have been progressing well. However, over the recent years, a series of calamities have struck us. Our cattle herd increased to 6, but all died due to January Disease in 2021. I have recently been diagnosed with cervical cancer and I also have a heart problem, but my husband has refused to give me money to go to the hospital. With the increase in sales and consumption of 'tumbwa' (illicit alcohol), my husband has become a heavy drinker, and is now very abusive physically and emotionally. He is drunk, he scolds me in front of the children and calls me all sorts of names. With advice from my first-born son, I decided to return to my mother's home three days ago to take a breather. Case 3. CS (from SG3 to SG2). I was born on Donje farm, near Forester, in 1957. My parents originally came from Vilazumbu area in Mozambique I was born in a family of seven (three boys and four girls), but all my siblings died due to HIV/AIDS. So, I am the only one left. My father had two wives, and my mother was the younger wife. I do have half-siblings from my father's first wife but they don't like me at all. My father worked as a general hand there. I did not go to school due to war. As a young man, I got my first job as a gardener in 'KumaYard' (white low-density suburbs) in Mvurwi. In 1974, I got another job as a general hand in Mvurwi District Council, where I worked until 1983 when I moved to a nearby farm owned a white farmer called Holland. My job was mainly to cut firewood for curing tobacco, but would help in other activities during the tobacco offseason. However, I left the job and farm in 1999 when we had rumours that the farm was going to be acquired for resettlement. I moved to Vhuranhema farm, but was told again that the farm was about to be acquired for resettlement. In 2000, I then came toHariana farm, but the farm was invaded immediately after my arrival. Realising that all the farms were being taken, I then decided to stay here. Immediately after that, the new settlers announced that farmworkers who wanted land should write down the names and I was lucky to get land on the edges of the farm. We have an 'offer letter' with 17 farmworkers, but the settlers took it when we started farming more than them. They do not want us to be successful. They want us to work for them. At settlement, I had nothing. I erected three pole and dagga huts – two for sleeping and one kitchen. I later constructed two one-roomed brick and iron roof houses using proceeds from farming. I grow maize, tobacco, sugar beans, groundnuts and sweet potatoes. Maize is my main crop, and I grow tobacco here and there because of lack of finance to purchase inputs, draft power and scotch-cart. I produce enough maize to eat with my family. I often harvest between 2 and 3 tonnes of maize, depending with the season. I also have a small garden near the dam where we grow watermelons, onions, vegetables and sweet potatoes. I have managed to buy a 5 HP water pump, irrigation pipes, as well as educating my two younger female children. All my older children (born between 1983 and 1988) ended schooling at Grade 7 and below because back then life was very difficult for me as a farmworker. There were no piece jobs you could do! Case 4: IS (from SG3 to SG2). I was born in 1969 at Forester farm. My parents were originally from St Albert in Mt Darwin, and they both worked as general hands at Forester farm. After retirement, they returned home in Mt Darwin. ended schooling at Grade 7. After completing school, I worked as a 'spanner boy' in Concession, before securing a job in a commercial farm near Centenary, focusing on tobacco production. In 1995, I was then promoted to foreman. In 1997, I enrolled for a short course in tobacco production at Blackfordby college. That same year, I came here to work for AM, the white farmer. In 2000, after land reform, I was allocated 1ha of land as a farmworker in the year 2000. The offer letter is jointly held between 17 farmworkers, but one of the A1 settlers took it and misplaced it. My farming operation has grown and I need more land now. Since 2021, I have been renting additional land from a relative, who is also a war veteran (woman) with an A1 plot, in exchange for help in grading and curing tobacco. I grow tobacco on my 1ha plot and maize on the rented plot. I also have a small garden (0.4ha), where I grow watermelons, butternuts and green maize. I sell the products in Mvurwi. At settlement, I had nothing! AM was a tough man. As a farmworker, you were not allowed to own property such as TVs and bicycles. If AM sees you buying these things, he would ask you where you got the money from, and would suspect that you were stealing from him. Wages were the only sole source of income for me. I once tried to rear broilers, but got into trouble for it. Today, I have managed to buy a lot of assets with proceeds from farming. In 2014, I bought two cattle with proceeds from tobacco. The herd increased to 6, but some died due to January Disease; I now own 4 cattle. In 2018, I bought a scotch-cart and ox-plough for US$350 and US$120, respectively. In 2019, I bought a residential stand in Mvurwi for US$4000. The purchase of all these assets were financed with proceeds from tobacco. I have also managed educate my children with proceeds from farming. With my knowledge on tobacco farming from training and experience, I also provide consultancy services in exchange of inputs, cash and access to land. Case studies II: Transitions to lower ranks Case 5: EM (from SG1 to SG2). I was born on Zanadho farm in 1961. My grandfather (mother's father) was working there as general hand. In 1971, we then came to Ruia A farm owned by WW. I dropped out of school at Form 1 following the death of my grandfather. Realising that no one in my family was going to receive food rations from the white farmer and no one would pay my school fees, I took the decision to drop out of school and sought employment. In 1978, I then got a job as a general hand at the farm. My hard work was eventually rewarded with a minor supervision role. In 1987, I was promoted to foreman. In 1991, I did a short training course on tobacco curing at Tobacco Training Institute. In 2000, the farm was invaded and acquired for resettlement. As the foreman, the new settlers asked me to remain and retain my house in the compound in exchange for knowledge on curing tobacco. In fact, only two of us managed to retain our houses in the compounds, while the rest of the farmworkers were evicted by new settlers, who either took occupation of the houses or gave them to their relatives or workers. As part of the deal, I was also allocated a 2ha of land by the settlers. At first, I was allocated 2ha near Z's crop field and used that piece of land for two years, before moved to the edge of N's crop field. I was using this land for free. However, in 2021 (after using the land for 9 years), N demanded that I pay him 3 bags of fertilizer per season as rental. Later he told me that he wanted to give the land to his 'sekuru' (uncle) and so he asked me to leave. Surprisingly, the land is still lying idle to this day. I just realised that all this was because they were jealous of my success in tobacco farming. So today I am farming on a very small piece of land. I just have access to 0.5ha next to my compound house where I grow 6500 tobacco plants and 1 acre garden near the river where I grow maize and other crops. I have a tobacco contract with ITL. My production level has since declined because of lack of land. While still having access to a large piece of land, I managed to buy a plough, scotch-cart, as well as educating my children with tobacco proceeds. All my children completed Form 4, and some are working in Harare, sending remittances back home. Case 6: AG (SG2 to SG3). I was born in Bindura in 1943. My father passed away when I was still very young, so I did not go to school. My mother was a farmworker, and moved from one farm to another. We came here at Ruia D farm owned by Mr B with my mother. In 1976, I then got a job here as a general hand and later became a tractor driver until 2004 when the farm was acquired for resettlement and A2 farms were carved out. After the departure of Mr B, I then worked as a tractor driver for N, a new A2 farmer, until 2010. I do not have any land here, except a small garden that I got when I was still working for Mr B. I tried to get some land in the new resettlement areas around but these A2 farmers blocked us from getting any land because they want us to work for them. Yet these A2 farmers do not pay very well. In 2002, I got a package from Mr B, and used the portion to establish a rural home in Dande, and purchase some cattle and goats there. I was motivated to get some land there because of the cotton boom. The aim was to generate some income to fund my children's education. But it did not go well. We returned here. Our primary source of income is 'maricho' [piece work]. However, my wife is the one engaging in maricho as I am now old and infirm. Case studies III: households that remained static Of the 22 households that have remained static, the majority (20) are stuck in SG3, while only two remained in SG2. Case 7. JM (remained in SG3). I was born in Mazowe in 1965. I dropped out of school in Grade 7 in 1978 because of war. At the time, I was staying with my father in Mutoko where he was working as a farmworker. Because of fears that I would get killed, my father decided to take me out of school and move me to Nyabira, where I lived with my father's sister (vatete) at a white-owned farm. Because of the tyranny of white farmers (udzvinyiriri), I could not continue with education there. I started working as a farmworker at the farm looking after the white farmer's cattle. I worked there for 8 years. In 1984, I got another job as a gardener for a white family in Harare. While working there my employer funded me to acquire a driver's licence. In 1991, I then joined Douglas and Tate as a driver, and worked there until 2003 when I got fired. We were told that the company was going to be closed down. One of the co-owners of the company, RT, was the president of the Zimbabwe Tobacco Association at the time and he had lost his Terragwaai farms in Matepatepa due to land reform. At the time, around 43 workers at the company, including myself, had secretly applied for land and some workers who had not applied told RT. When he learned that some of his workers had applied for land, he just fired us all. He told us to that since we had applied for land we should go to farm. He accused us of being ZANU-PF supporters. I had applied for land in 2002 and was selected as a beneficiary in one of the farms around Christon Bank in Mazowe, and my name even appeared in the newspaper as a beneficiary. But the farms were taken over by senior politicians as the area has good fertile soils and we lost out. Having lost my job, I started engaging in welding, a skill that I had learned when I was working as a gardener in Harare. In 2005, I then worked as a driver at Zanadu Bakery. However, I only worked there for less than a year and abandoned the job due to hyperinflation. As a result, I decided to resign and came here. Originally from Chiweshe, my father was a tractor driver at Hariana farm and so after land reform he managed to gain access to a 'concessionary' 1 ha of land. When my father got the land, he then ceded it to me given my long-standing desire to have some land and he retained his house in the compound where he lived until his death. I started tobacco farming in 2009. Through tobacco farming, I managed to buy two cattle ( 2009), a grinding mill (2013) and small truck (2015). Throughout those years, I never struggled to pay my children's school fees. However, I have experienced many challenges. In the context of hyperinflation and sanctions, it's hard for farmers to succeed in such an environment. Access to draft power is also a major challenge. My cattle had increased to 12 through natural growth, but all died due to January Disease. I last grew tobacco in 2019 due to ill health (he appeared to have descended into mild stroke like symptoms). Case 8: SM (remained in SG3). I was born in Bindura in 1989, but I grew up in Hariana. My parents were originally from Mount Darwin. They came here in 1998, and my father worked here as a foreman. I dropped out of school at Grade 7 in 2005 due to financial problems. I then got married to GP in 2014. My husband was born and bred here. His parents came from Malawi, but worked as general hands here. He dropped out of school at Grade 6 due to lack of money. Our parents got 1ha pieces of land in the early 2000s. My husband was born in a family of three, but all his siblings passed away when they were still very young. His parents are all now late. So, he does not have close relatives to count on for support. In 2022, following the death of his father, my husband inherited a 1ha plot. We have since built a two-roomed brick and iron roof house and pole and dagga kitchen with proceeds from 'maricho'. We mainly grow maize and sweet potatoes, but during the 2022-23 season we took up tobacco production under contract with CTL. However, all the money was absorbed by the credit, and nothing came out of it. We decided to abandon it. Farming pays, but it's a challenge when you don't have inputs. My husband and I are keen farmers, but it's very hard to do well in farming if you don't have inputs. As farmworkers, we do not get access to inputs from the government. The settlers always ensure that they allocate fertilisers to themselves and their children first before giving farmworkers. Limited options and structural constraints In sum, former farm workers (or more accurately worker-farmers or farmer-workers) in Mvurwi who are still based in the compounds have limited options and their opportunities for accumulation and so 'success' is highly constrained. They exist in a subservient relationship with the A1 farmers, which, even if different to the exploitative employment relationship they had with the former white farmer, still means the scope for improving livelihoods is limited. Farmworkers remain discriminated against and marginalised. Opportunities are limited because they have small land areas, usually the concessionary 1 ha plots allocated early in the land reform period. Extending this area to be able to farm properly is difficult and requires negotiation with A1 farmers and setting up leasing arrangements in exchange for 'consultancy' advice or direct payment. This is only an opportunity for a few as wages for piece work on nearby farms are so low, and barely enough for subsistence. Those living in compound houses or rooms cannot build more houses as they have no land, so it is difficult to see where accumulation can come from. Poor education also limits opportunities for off-farm accumulation via stable off-farm jobs. Not surprisingly, most former farm workers sit at the bottom of the ranks, persistently over time, including across generations, remaining in SG3. © Copyright The Zimbabwean. All rights reserved. Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (
New York Times
30-05-2025
- General
- New York Times
Trump's Deportations Haunt Workers in the Fields of Rural New York
Trump's Deportations Haunt Workers in the Fields of Rural New York Foreign-born workers on New York's fruit and dairy farms have sequestered themselves to avoid the administration's deportation net. By Ana Ley Visuals by Hilary Swift Ana Ley and Hilary Swift drove hundreds of miles through rural New York to meet with farmworkers and their children. In the vast farmlands of northern New York, where horse-drawn buggies and tractors wind through miles of apple orchards and raspberry bushes and flocks of grazing sheep, workers wait. And watch. They have seen federal agents sweep away a mother and her three children from their home on a dairy in the village of Sackets Harbor, N.Y. And they have heard about the food vendor arrested by the immigration police after she hit a deer in a snowstorm and sought help from a neighbor who reported her to the authorities. Officers then took her husband from work and their daughters, 6 and 9 years old, from school. As the nation's battle lines sharpen on immigration, tension engulfs farmworkers who, in many respects, embody the fraught, sometimes contradictory nature of the debate. The business owners who depend on migrant work — many of them supporters of President Trump — feel anxious about the prospect of losing a crucial labor force. In the surrounding communities, there is palpable acrimony between those who think migrants should be allowed to stay in the country and those who want them to go. Afraid of being next amid the Trump administration's crackdown on immigration, some laborers have not left their homes for weeks except to go to work, canceling dance parties and quinceañeras. Two longtime housemates said that they ended their weekend ritual of going shopping at the mall. One woman decided not to go to church with her family over Easter. A teenage girl burst into tears at the kitchen table as her mother explained that she was afraid to go out for ice cream. More than a dozen laborers and their children shared their stories with The New York Times, saying they feel tormented by what they described as cruel and chaotic deportation efforts aimed at their community. In rural New York, some immigrants have been briefly detained and then released, while others with legal papers languish in custody, leaving many confused about who is being forced out of the country and who gets to remain. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
CBC
21-05-2025
- Business
- CBC
N.S. could face shortage of farm workers by 2029: group
With the number of agriculture workers in Nova Scotia on the decline, the Federation of Agriculture says the province could have a shortage of more than 2,500 farm workers by 2029. Andrew Lam has the story.
Mail & Guardian
20-05-2025
- Mail & Guardian
Court rules against eviction of couple living on rural land in Stellenbosch
The Supreme Court of Appeal has ruled in favour of a retired gardener and his wife living in Joostenbergvlakte. Illustration: Lisa Nelson The supreme court of appeal has found that a retired gardener and his wife can continue living on a smallholding in Stellenbosch because their land rights are protected under the The judgment is important for people who live on land in farming areas near cities, where it is sometimes unclear whether the Act applies. The legislation was established in 1997 to protect farm workers whose rights were insecure because of racist laws of the past. The case revolves around a smallholding in Joostenbergvlakte, an agricultural area just outside Stellenbosch. Jacob Pieters and his wife started living there in 1988 when he was employed by the landowner as a gardener. Pieters retired in 2012 but the couple continued living there and are still residing on the property with two grandchildren. Their sole source of income is a But, in 2014, the land was taken over by the owner's son, Peter Stemmet. Four years later, Stemmet started eviction proceedings against the Pieters. The Bellville magistrate's court granted the eviction order, but the Pieters family appealed to the land claims court, arguing that the Extension of Security of Tenure Act applied to them and that they were therefore allowed to stay on the land. Eviction proceedings would have to comply with the Act, they argued. The court ruled against the Pieters, finding that the Act did not apply to this land. It said the landowners had correctly followed the eviction process required by the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from an Unlawful Occupation of Land Act and the Pieters family could therefore be evicted. But the family took the matter to the supreme court of appeal, where a full bench (Acting Judge Leonie Windell, Judge Pieter Meyer, Judge David Unterhalter, Judge Keoagile Matojane and Judge Raylene Keightley) In terms of the Extension of Security of Tenure Act, land situated within or around a 'township' is excluded from its ambit. So the court first had to determine whether the land occupied by the Pieters constituted a township in terms of the law. It was not disputed that the land had never been officially registered or proclaimed as a township in a provincial gazette. Because there is no uniform definition of township in South African law, the court had to consider definitions from several different laws. The court found that 'public space' was a key feature in each of these definitions. If there is public space, defined as 'any open or enclosed area, such as a street or road, depicted on a general plan or diagram, intended for use by the general public and owned by or vested in the municipal council', then the land in question is a township. Taking this approach, the land was in a township. But if the land is designated for agricultural purposes, even though it is a township, the Act may still reply. Here the court stressed that it has an obligation to interpret any law in a manner that promotes the spirit and aims of the Bill of Rights. Because the land in question had been zoned as rural, the court found that it was equal to agricultural land, though the Stemmets argued that the land was earmarked for urban development. The court said that the attempt to distinguish between 'rural' and 'agricultural' was artificial. In the City of Cape Town's development management scheme, the line between rural and agricultural was often blurred and they shared many overlapping characteristics, the court found. The protections of the Extension of Security of Tenure Act are aimed at safeguarding security of tenure, the right not to be unjustly evicted and the right to adequate housing. Because the constitutional court had stressed that the Act was remedial legislation, and its provisions must be interpreted to advance the rights of farm workers who are a vulnerable group, the supreme court of appeal found that a rigid approach could not be sustained. The court also stressed the importance of the fact that the Pieters family had resided on the property for more than three decades with the knowledge and consent of the owners. The supreme court of appeal found that the Extension of Security of Tenure Act applied to the land and the Pieters' right of residence could only be terminated in terms of the Act. The appeal was upheld with costs. This article was first published by
CNN
20-05-2025
- Health
- CNN
The US hasn't seen a human bird flu case in 3 months. Experts are wondering why
Health officials are making a renewed call for vigilance against bird flu, but some experts are puzzling over why reports of new human cases have stopped. Has the search for cases been weakened by government cuts? Are immigrant farm workers, who have accounted for many of the U.S. cases, more afraid to come forward for testing amid the Trump administration's deportation push? Is it just a natural ebb in infections? 'We just don't know why there haven't been cases,' said Jennifer Nuzzo, director of the Pandemic Center at Brown University. 'I think we should assume there are infections that are occurring in farmworkers that just aren't being detected.' The H5N1 bird flu has been spreading widely among wild birds, poultry and other animals around the world for several years, and starting early last year became a problem in people and cows in the U.S. In the last 14 months, infections have been reported in 70 people in the U.S. — most of them workers on dairy and poultry farms. One person died, but most of the infected people had mild illnesses. The most recent infections confirmed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention were in early February in Nevada, Ohio and Wyoming. California had been a hotspot, with three-quarters of the nation's infections in dairy cattle. But testing and cases among people have fallen off. At least 50 people were tested each month in late 2024, but just three people were tested in March, one in April and none in May so far, state records show. Overall, the state has confirmed H5N1 infections in 38 people, none after Jan. 14. During a call with U.S. doctors this month, one CDC official noted that there is a seasonality to bird flu: Cases peak in the fall and early winter, possibly due to the migration patterns of wild birds that are primary spreaders of the virus. That could mean the U.S. is experiencing a natural — maybe temporary — decline in cases. It's unlikely that a severe human infection, requiring hospitalization, would go unnoticed, said Michael Osterholm, a University of Minnesota expert on infectious diseases. What's more, a patchwork system that monitors viruses in sewage and wastewater has suggested limited activity recently. New infections are still being detected in birds and cattle, but not as frequently as several months ago. 'Given the fact that the number of animal detections has fallen according to USDA data, it's not surprising that human cases have declined as well,' the CDC said in a statement. Dr. Gregory Gray said he wasn't concerned about the CDC not identifying new cases in months. 'I don't think that anybody's hiding anything,' said Gray, an infectious disease speicialist at the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston. But Osterholm and some other experts think it's likely that at least some milder infections are going undetected. And they worry that the effort to find them has been eroding. Resignations at the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Food and Drug Administration's Center for Veterinary Medicine could slow the government's bird flu monitoring, said Keith Poulsen, director of the Wisconsin Veterinary Diagnostic Laboratory. Three of 14 experts accepted deferred resignation offers at the National Animal Health Laboratory Network, which responds to disease outbreaks with crucial diagnostic information, he said. They are among more than 15,000 USDA staff to accept the offers, an agency spokesperson said. And dozens of staff were fired at the FDA's Veterinary Laboratory Investigation and Response Network, which investigates animal diseases caused by problems including contaminated pet food. Cats in several states have been sickened and died after eating raw pet food found to contain poultry infected with H5N1. Angela Rasmussen, a virologist at the University of Saskatchewan in Canada, said 'targeted surveillance has really dropped off precipitously since Trump took office.' She wonders if immigrant farmworkers are too scared to come forward. 'I can't argue with anyone who would be risking getting shipped to a Salvadoran gulag for reporting an exposure or seeking testing,' she said. The CDC characterizes the risk to the general public as low, although it is higher for people who work with cattle and poultry or who are in contact with wild birds. Earlier this month, an agency assessment said there is a 'moderate risk' that currently circulating strains of bird flu could cause a future pandemic, but the CDC stressed that other emerging forms of bird flu has been similarly labeled in the past. Still, research is continuing. Texas A&M University scientists have collected blood samples from dairy workers in multiple states to test for signs of past H5N1 exposure, said David Douphrate, a workplace health and safety expert leading the project. The yearlong study is funded by a nearly $4 million grant from the CDC and is expected to conclude in July. Douphrate said he leveraged two decades of relationships with dairy producers and workers to gain access to the farms. 'We have had very good participation,' Douphrate said. 'They have been very willing.' Similar surveillance is 'urgently needed' among domestic cats, said Kristen Coleman, a researcher at the University of Maryland at College Park who studies emerging animal diseases. She recently released a paper reviewing bird flu in infections in cats between 2004 and 2024. Barn cats that died after drinking raw milk were one of the first signs that dairy cows were becoming infected with bird flu in 2024. Since then, the Agriculture Department has confirmed more than 120 domestic cats infected with the virus across the U.S. Infections have mostly been found in cats that died. Less is known about milder infections, whether cats can recover from bird flu — or whether the virus can spill over into people. Coleman has been collecting blood samples from cats across the U.S. to see if they have evidence of previous exposure to the virus. But the process is slow and research funding is uncertain. 'It's easy to downplay something because that's usually what humans do,' she said. 'But what we really need to be doing is ramping up.'
