Latest news with #gerrymander
Bloomberg
21-07-2025
- Politics
- Bloomberg
Trump, GOP Look to Redraw Texas Congressional Map Ahead of Midterms
Live on Bloomberg TV CC-Transcript 00:00Yeah. Look, I mean, this happened 20 years ago in Texas. The circumstances are a little bit different, but there's no prohibition on mid-decade redistricting in Texas. And so back in 2003, after Republicans took control of state government, they redrew the previous map, which was sort of a version of a it was a court drawn map, and it was kind of really a Democratic gerrymander. This time, Republicans in Texas would be modifying their own gerrymander from earlier this decade that produced a 25 to 13 Republican advantage in the congressional delegation. But following the 2024 election and with the White House leaning on them, it seems possible they can draw additional seats. And I think it looks like they're going to try. And then it's a question of what what does the map look like and what's the environment next year? And do they actually realize the gains that they'd be drawing for themselves on paper? Well, Texas is our big example here. But when you add a couple of other states, is this actually a strategy to to maintain control of the House? Yeah, it looks like it. I mean, Ohio, we already knew, was going to have to draw new maps. Ohio is a very convoluted redistricting system, and the map that's currently in place was only designed or was only allowed to be in, in effect for two two election cycles, 20, 22 and 2024. Republicans are basically going to have more power over the process than they did back in 2021. In 2022, Ohio has a 10 to 5 Republican House delegation right now. It's possible that maybe the Republicans could get that up to 12 or even or even 13 to 2. And so that's another state to watch. You know, it's possible that other states could try to reopen redistricting. Some Democrats are thinking about trying to do that, although it's harder in those states because a lot of the states where Democrats have control of state government also has some sort of, you know, restrictions on draw on gerrymandering or an independent commission that draws the lines. You know, Texas doesn't have that. And so it's just easy for Republicans, just reopen it in Texas. It's a lot harder in a state like California, for instance. Let's talk about California, because Governor Gavin Newsom is always waiting in the wings here. Kyle, at a moment like this, he says California, in fact, should try to counter states like Texas by redrawing its own congressional districts. Listen to what the governor said. When Donald Trump calls in to the Texas legislature along the lines of the phone calls he made saying, find me some votes in Georgia and says, find me more. Five more seats in Texas. They're playing by a different set of rules. They can't win by the traditional game, so they want to change the game. We can act holier than thou. We can sit on the sidelines, talk about the way the world should be. Or we can recognize the existential nature that is this moment. Let's not talk about the way the world should be. Let's talk about the way it is. In 2010, voters in California approved a measure that put the job to your point of drawing California's congressional map into the hands of an independent commission. So what's Gavin Newsom talking about? Well, look, I mean, it looks like California is thinking about trying to maybe go back to the voters to ask them to grant an exception. You also could maybe make a reading of California law and say that, you know, the start of the decade, the maps are drawn by commission, but doesn't necessarily say anything about the middle of the decade again. All this stuff would end up and would end up in court if attempted. Republicans assert that even though Democrats have, you know, that it's there's an independent commission in California that is still a Democratic leaning map. And there may be some truth to that. But I think it's also true that California could have an even more lopsided delegation than it already is. It's 43 to 9 Democratic right now. But you could you could potentially draw a map where the Democrats could get an extra, you know, several number of of seats out of California. But the thing is, is there are many more hoops to jump through for Gavin Newsom and Democrats in California than there are for Governor Greg Abbott and Republicans in Texas. Mm hmm. You just said something important, Kyle. And that's court. That's where all this is going, right? Oh, yeah, I would assume, you know, I mean, there's already an active lawsuit by Democrats and their allies over the Texas map, and there surely will be again. But, you know, these these cases take forever to get to get sorted out. So even if there was some sort of, you know, legal, strong legal argument to be made against the maps, maybe that isn't determined until 2028. And, you know, the White House pretty clearly is looking at this and saying, hey, how can we maximize as Republicans, our chance of keeping the House in 2026, which is Trump's last midterm, because he's constitutionally forbidden from running for office again in 2028. And all these moves are designed toward that goal. Remember that vote in California 15 years ago as Arnold Schwarzenegger urged voters to terminate gerrymandering? The New York Times reminds us of this in the story that they wrote up on it. Gerrymandering has been blamed for the partisan political world that we now live in. Kyle Not to get too big picture, but this is the root of our partisan evil, is it not? Well, I don't know if I if I'd go that far. I mean, I do think that I mean, you know, in an ideal world, I think that, you know, Congress would create rules for redistricting that was sort of fair between the states. But the thing is, is that what your definition of fair might be and what my definition, the definition of fair might be could potentially differ. I will say that that, you know, you do have a situation where a lot of members are in safe seats, even in, you know, one of the things in gerrymandering is you and this is what the current Texas map really is, is that you have a bunch of safe Republican seats and then you have a smaller number of safe Democratic seats to the point where very few of the actual districts are competitive in general elections. And that does maybe make members a little bit more, you know, reliant on primary voters and appealing to them as opposed to as opposed to, you know, general election swing voters. But even if you had the, you know, criteria for non-partisan redistricting, you'd still have a bunch of safe seats. So, you know, I think there's a lot of other things at play behind beyond gerrymandering, even though I think we could sort of agree that, you know, drawing partisan lines for your own party's benefit, you know, that that's not something that's particularly appealing. Kyle Conner. If we just spent the better part of three months talking about cuts to Medicaid, cuts to SNAP, cuts to food stamps, and we've seen some pretty chippy town halls leading to the conventional wisdom that in an off year, it might be even more difficult for the party in power to maintain control of Capitol Hill, the House, and maybe even in this case, the Senate. What are you seeing as the ground shifts beneath our feet here in the impact of the president's big, beautiful bill will have on the midterm elections? Look, it's an unpopular piece of legislation, I think. At the very best, Republicans, you know, won't suffer because of it. And I think it's possible they will suffer because of it. It's hard to find examples from history of, you know, a party passing a big kind of one party piece of legislation and then, you know, benefiting from it in the you know, in the in the next election, in the next midterm. You know, I think we we've seen throughout 2025 that there been, you know, a handful of special elections here and there. And it kind of feels like 2017 did. And that, you know, the Democrats are sort of more engaged, that there were sort of the usual forces kind of working against the White House party. I think what's what's interesting about this, this potential gerrymander in Texas and some of the ripple effects of it is that it would open the possibility that there could be, in fact, be a big wave against the Republicans next year and that, you know, for the Democrats to win the House popular vote by several points. But Republicans might still be able to hold on the House because of because of new gerrymanders. So that's that throws the House, I think in house, I think into a little bit more uncertainty. This is why this can be fun stuff to talk about this far out. We've only got a minute left, Carl, but I'm curious if we should be reading into fundraising yet. The RCC outraising the D triple C in June and for all of the second quarter. Does the money matter in a world of politics like this? I do think it matters on the margins, although, you know, we've seen plenty of instances in recent years where, you know, one side has a big money advantage and doesn't necessarily you know, that doesn't necessarily produce a victory for them. I think that, you know, one of the things we've seen with Democrats, I think, is that, you know, some of their fundraising may tick off, particularly as they get nominees in some of these districts that they're trying to challenge. And I think Republicans can be can be perfectly happy with the start they're off to in terms of fundraising. But again, answering if it's predictive one way or the other.
The Guardian
21-07-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
‘It's really theft': the Republican plan to redraw Texas maps – and grab more power
A plan for Texas to redraw its congressional districts and gain five additional Republican seats barrels through flimsy legal arguments and political norms like a rough-stock rodeo bronco through a broken chute. But the fiddly process of drawing the maps to Republicans' advantage for 2026 may require more finesse than cowboy politics can produce. 'It is more than redistricting. It's really theft,' said Democratic representative Al Green, whose Houston-area congressional district is likely to be one targeted by Republicans in a redrawn map. 'It's the kind of election theft that you use when you realize that you can't win playing with the hand that you've been dealt. So, you decide that you'll just rearrange the cards so that they favor you.' The attempted power grab comes at a time when the state legislature is meant to be focused on the floods that killed more than 130 people just two weeks ago. Texas has 38 congressional districts, and Republicans hold 25 of those districts today. All but one of those districts has a white voting majority. And every one of those districts was won by double digits. While Republicans hold two-thirds of the seats, they only won about 58% of congressional voters last year. In 2018, the midterm of Donald Trump's first term in office and a Democratic wave election year, Texas Republicans barely cleared 50% statewide, and lost two of those seats. In 2022, after a harsh gerrymander that voting rights groups challenged in court, Republicans reclaimed those seats. Texas is the only state that explicitly permits more than one redistricting in between decennial censuses. But even accounting for that, the strategy exploits the end of pre-clearance requirements for new maps under the Voting Rights Act that the US supreme court eliminated in the Shelby county v Holder decision in 2013. 'They are willing to enact, frankly, illegal, racially discriminatory maps, even while their current maps are in court,' said Sam Gostomski, executive director of the Texas Democratic party. 'They know if they just cheat, they can break the law … They can just do this every couple of years and kick the ball down the road, because every time they draw new districts, those cases have to be litigated, and that takes time, right?' The party opposing the president historically gains seats in Congress in off-year elections. Facing a likely repeat of 2018, the White House is looking for options in Texas to limit the damage. 'I think we get five,' Trump said of Texas earlier this week. 'And there could be some other states. We're going to get another three or four or five in addition. Texas would be the biggest one. And that'll be five … Just a very simple redrawing. We pick up five seats, but we have a couple of other states where we'll pick up seats also.' Texas governor Greg Abbott shoehorned mid-cycle redistricting into a special session of the Texas legislature that begins Monday, ostensibly to address disaster relief after deadly flooding near Austin. It's not at all clear if a proposed map will be presented even by the time of the first public hearing on redistricting on 24 July, said state representative Barbara Gervin-Hawkins, a Democrat from San Antonio and a member of the Texas house's redistricting committee. 'No maps have been seen,' she said. 'No doubt, we believe those maps have been drawn already, but we haven't seen them.' The redistricting is not politics born of Texas, Gostomski said. Republicans there are not eager to campaign in more competitive districts. They're less keen to resist a Trump demand. 'The Republican congressional delegation and Governor Abbott bent the knee before they even saw the maps,' Gostomski said. 'They don't know what these maps are going to be and have already agreed to redraw whatever lines the White House wants them to.' Democrats in Texas are livid. Gostomski said he had spent some days after the flooding near Austin with people from church and former classmates digging out cars and doing whatever could be done to help. 'On a very personal level, I felt it in the pit in my stomach when all of a sudden, 24 hours later, I come back to my job, and 24 hours after that, now the governor has made it political,' he said. 'And that should not be the conversation right now.' A redistricting fight hijacks a session which should be devoted to disaster recovery, Gervin-Hawkins said. 'We should be focusing on those families, how we can support them, how we can help them, how we can recover from the bodies that are missing. Yet, we're trying to redistrict a map, cut out people's rights to vote … I think it's just an atrocity, and I think our leadership should be ashamed of what they've done.' A gerrymandered, off-year Texas redistricting that increases Republicans' congressional delegation to 79% in a year when their share of the vote is likely to decrease? It would require redrawing maps for a state that already has an F rating on the Princeton redistricting report card to one of the most unfair maps in American history. 'In order to get the five seats that Donald Trump is telling the media and telling the Republican congressional delegation that they want, they're going to have to take risks,' Gostomski said. 'They're going to make some of these Republican seats a lot less safe, especially in what we expect to be a big swing year in the midterms.' Houston and its surrounding area is one of the fastest-growing municipalities in the country and at about eight million people it is the fourth-largest metropolitan area in the United States. Harris County at the center has about 4.8 million residents, about three quarters of whom are nonwhite, with a Hispanic plurality. Eleven members of Congress represent voters in the metro Houston area. Seven are Republicans. For seats around Houston, Republican mapmakers would carve the city up like a pie, splitting up a core thick with Democratic voters with long, thin wedges, radiating outward into the Republican suburbs and rural counties surrounding them. Green's south Houston ninth district is vulnerable to this strategy, as is Lizzie Fletcher's seventh district, Sylvia Garcia's 29th district and Sylvester Turner's 18th district. All are in safe Democratic seats. Other districts near Dallas and along the southern Texas border may also see changes. Democrats Vincente Gonzales and Henry Cuellar are both in districts that are close to evenly split between Democrats and Republicans. Between them is Republican Monica De La Cruz, whose 15th district is rated as a +7 Republican lean by the Cook Partisan Voting Index. In most states, that would be a lock. In Texas, facing a wave election year, it presents a challenge for mapmakers angling to catch Democratic lawmakers nearby. Shaving Republican districts of conservative voters to capture Democratic districts makes presumptions that may not hold about how suburban voters and Latino swing voters might behave in future elections, said Mike Doyle, chairman of the Harris county Democratic party in Houston. 'It also makes assumptions about turnout,' he said. 'They work incredibly hard to make it difficult to vote here in the state, and so our voting is some of the lowest in the nation.' But in a wave election year, Democratic anger at Trump and the reaction of rural voters to the economy and suburban swing voters to partisan excesses may change the electoral math. 'There are certainly some districts where you know, with the right candidate, right resources, we could easily turn some of these quote 'red' seats into Democrats,' he said. There's little Democrats can do legislatively; Republicans control both chambers of the Texas state legislature. But they might succeed … fugitively. They can run for it, and deny Republicans a quorum. At least two-thirds of the 150-member Texas house and 31-member senate must be present to conduct legislative business. Sixty-two Texas house members are Democrats, as are 11 state senators. One state senate seat is vacant. Texas Democrats last fled the state four years ago when attempting to derail legislation that attacked voting rights. While within Texas, a fugitive lawmaker during a session is subject to arrest by Texas rangers and being hauled back to the capitol in Austin. But if they make it across the border to a friendly state, Texas cannot compel them to return. The attorney general can prevail upon the federal government to issue an arrest warrant, however, and they are subject to $500 daily fines. Opponents of redistricting launched a website, which accuses the Republican majority of using the flooding for partisan gain and is raising money. 'We're preparing our members to use every tool available – including breaking quorum if necessary – to force Abbott to focus on flood relief instead of Trump's power grab,' the site states. And legislators are definitely thinking about it. 'I think we need to leave all tools on the table,' Gervin-Hawkins said. 'But I think anybody knows that it's very difficult to do a quorum break when you talk about families, jobs and everything like that. That's difficult. But we're leaving everything on the table to really just see what works best. Our goal is, no doubt, to save democracy. Our goal is to make sure our people are protected.'
Telegraph
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
This voting fix will backfire on Labour
If in doubt, gerrymander. That is the logic underlying Labour's announcement today that the voting age will be lowered to sixteen at the next election. Having reached, within a year, depths of unpopularity and incompetence that it took the Conservatives fourteen years to plumb, Keir Starmer has now accepted that his only hope of getting re-elected relies on trying to rig the electorate in his favour. This is why he has smashed the glass marked 'Votes at 16'. There is something uniquely moronic about calls to lower the voting age. It is a policy that only interests desperate Labour strategists and A-level Politics teachers. The arguments for and against it are well-rehearsed, as each of us who chose that benighted subject have written half a dozen essays on it. Proponents will argue that it is expanding democracy; opponents will point out the long list of responsibilities politicians deem 16-year-olds too irresponsible to be trusted with – from driving a car to getting a tattoo. Many sixteen-year-olds don't want the vote, with a Merlin Strategy poll suggesting only around half of 16 and 17-year-olds back their enfranchisement; in the elections for the so-called Scottish and Welsh 'Parliaments', the turnout of the young consistently trails that of older voters. Not to mention that for the young – just as for this Government – there are much more pressing issues. But might this decision backfire for Starmer? That same poll found that while a third of teenagers would vote Labour, 20 per cent would choose Reform. The next election is four years away. This Government will only become even more unpopular; Nigel Farage's TikTok mastery will only grow. The last time a Labour Government lowered the voting age, in 1969, it found itself swept away at the next year's election. On current polling, it would be no surprise if history repeated itself. In the meantime, one hopes Starmer's newfound ardour for youthful responsibility will encourage his Government to relax a few other joyless restrictions on a generation already hampered by Covid-addled educations, screen addiction and an inescapable anxiety that their lives will be far worse than their parents'. If they can vote, then let them also be able to drive, get tattoos, and be able to get hypnotised on stage. It would make sense for Starmer; hypnosis might be the only way to get more voting Labour. Or lower the voting age to 14, in the hope they are even more gullible.
Washington Post
15-07-2025
- Business
- Washington Post
Tracking Trump: AI may soon audit taxes; details on the Indonesia trade deal; Trump tells GOP to gerrymander Texas; and more
The Trump administration wants to replace federal workers with AI. Trump announced details of his trade deal with Indonesia. Trump called on Texas Republicans to gerrymander their districts. Senate Republicans rallied behind turning DOGE cuts into law. The head of PBS warned cuts pose an 'existential' threat. House speaker criticizes Trump's handling of Epstein files.
Yahoo
15-07-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
As Trump looks to net five GOP seats through Texas redistricting, Democrats grasp for response
Texas Democrats in Congress sharply criticized President Donald Trump's plan to redraw their state's political map in the middle of the decade, labeling it a threat to democracy — and warning their GOP counterparts that an aggressive gerrymander could come back to haunt them. The Republican-controlled Texas Legislature is poised to consider a new set of congressional maps during a special session that kicks off next week. With their party locked out of power in Austin, Democrats from the state's congressional delegation said they expect the new districts to continue Texas' history of violating the federal Voting Rights Act by diluting the votes of racial minorities. 'The scheme of the Republicans has consistently been to make sure that they mute our voices so that they can go ahead and have an oversized say in this,' Rep. Jasmine Crockett, D-Dallas, said at a news conference with House Democratic leadership and most Texas Democrats. 'So I fully anticipate that's exactly where they're going with this map.' Earlier Tuesday, Trump told Texas congressional Republicans that his political team is pursuing a map that would yield five new Republican seats, according to three people briefed on the call, which was first reported by Punchbowl News. At the White House, Trump later told reporters that Republicans could get three to five more seats out of a new Texas map — and that other states could follow. 'Texas would be the biggest one,' he said. 'Just a very simple redrawing, we pick up five seats.' Trump's political operatives have been floating the prospect of drawing new congressional district lines that would shift GOP voters from safely red districts into neighboring blue ones, in a bid to flip the seats and help Republicans hold their narrow House majority. Gov. Greg Abbott ended weeks of uncertainty by putting redistricting on the agenda for the upcoming special session, which begins Monday. Democrats have very few tools at their disposal to stop or even mitigate the redistricting. Both chambers of the Legislature are under Republican control and overseen by leaders who are unlikely to stand in Trump's way. This leaves Democrats fearful they could lose their jobs without a clearly defined offensive playbook. Their limited options to hit back include convincing blue states to redistrict in favor of Democrats to offset GOP gains in Texas, a move they hope would dissuade Republicans from going ahead with the plan. They could also encourage state Democratic lawmakers to flee the state to deprive the Legislature of a quorum needed to approve the maps — the same maneuver Texas Democrats used in an unsuccessful attempt to thwart a 2021 GOP voting bill. Amid those long odds, some Democrats alluded to another option: hoping Republicans spread their voters too thin and give Democrats a chance to win under a favorable national climate. 'Texas Republicans are likely going to continue to act like political punks and bend the knee to Donald Trump's extreme agenda,' House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-New York, said at Tuesday's news conference. 'In doing so, they will jeopardize their own electoral careers.' Midterm elections historically favor the party out of power. Combining this trend and narrower Republican margins, Democrats see potential to flip some seats and widen their share of the Texas congressional delegation. Republicans currently control 25 of the state's 38 districts. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the party's campaign arm for House races, will use their deep coffers to target Texas Republicans who appear vulnerable under a new map, DCCC Chair Suzan DelBene said. Jeffries echoed the sentiment, adding that Democrats would do 'everything that we can do in Texas and beyond to respond.' Jeffries speculated that Texas Republicans could end up creating a 'dummymander' — a gerrymander that goes so far as to benefit the other party — because the current Texas map is already drawn to ensure current GOP members' seats are safe. No maps have been publicly released. Trump's goal of netting five GOP seats would give Republicans control of nearly 80% of Texas' congressional seats in a state where Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris captured 42% last year. Trump's team believes that Republican voters could be more efficiently distributed throughout the state, given that every House Republican in Texas won their 2024 race by double digit percentages; Rep. Monica De La Cruz, R-Edinburg, had the closest reelection margin at 14 points. Republicans grew their vote share in 2024 compared to recent cycles, creating what Trump's team sees as opportunities for new pickups. Sen. John Cornyn pointed to Hispanic voters, who shifted to the right considerably last election, as a population that could deliver Republicans more seats. And Republicans have successfully used mid-decade redistricting to pick up seats as recently as the 2024 cycle. In North Carolina, after the Republican-controlled Legislature redrew the map, Democrats lost three House seats. But majorities fluctuate from election to election, and drawing maps based on old census data and electoral trends from one cycle can be risky. Rep. Chip Roy, R-Austin, flagged the census as an area of 'query.' 'We have a whole lot of people [that have] come into the state since then,' he said. 'We're going to do this all based on 2020 census data?' Democrats homed in on their performance in the last Trump midterm — 2018 — as evidence that they can fight a new map solely on the strength of their electoral argument. The party flipped two Texas congressional seats and 12 seats in the state House that year, while Democrat Beto O'Rourke came within 3 points of defeating GOP Sen. Ted Cruz. A map attempting to pick up five seats, as Trump has suggested, would likely force Republicans in safe seats to run in more competitive races. 'We're waiting to see how greedy they're trying to be,' said Rep. Julie Johnson, D-Farmers Branch. 'You know the old adage: a pig gets fat and a hog gets butchered. I think the Texas Republicans are pushing the limits on this one.' Apart from recruiting candidates for newly competitive districts, some Democrats are also pushing for their party to get off the bench and fight. House Democrats, Democratic leadership and representatives for blue state governors have been meeting to discuss a plan to redistrict their states to favor Democrats if the Texas plan goes through, The Texas Tribune previously reported. People in Gov. Gavin Newsom's orbit signaled his willingness to go through with the plan during these discussions, and the California governor has been hinting at possible retaliation in recent days. Two Democrats involved in the talks told the Tribune they are confident that Democratic-controlled states will come to their aid, but none have done so. Democratic state lawmakers could also flee the state during the special session, as they did in 2003, to deprive Republicans of a quorum. Rep. Marc Veasey told the Tribune that he would not just support a quorum break, 'I would do everything I can to help aid them in being able to pull it off.' The Fort Worth Democrat said it's time for his party to go on the offensive. 'If they're going to fight dirty and they're going to redraw these lines, then I would be supportive of Democratic state legislators doing whatever is necessary,' he said, adding that he was not concerned about his political prospects if his district is redrawn. Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton cautioned against any such on Tuesday, vowing to use law enforcement to compel 'the attendance of anyone who abandons their office and their constituents for cheap political theater.' Democrats have also focused on a Department of Justice letter issued to Abbott and Paxton ordering the state to address the existence of coalition districts — where multiple racial minority groups combine to form a voting majority — in light of new court precedent. Abbott cited the letter as the impetus for including redistricting in his special session agenda. Democrats and some legal experts see the letter as a fig leaf for the true political intent of the redistricting effort — but that has not stopped them from drawing attention to it. Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Austin, said the notion that Texas Republicans had drawn a map that disadvantaged white voters was ludicrous. '[That's] not a big problem that we've ever had down there in my lifetime,' he said. Rep. Sylvia Garcia, D-Houston, who represents one of the districts the DOJ said constituted an illegal racial gerrymander, even sent out a fundraising blast to supporters the day the special session was ordered with a copy of the letter, calling it an 'attempt to silence the voices of communities of color who have powered progress in Texas for decades.' Republicans, meanwhile, have been reluctant to discuss the redistricting effort, with many concerned about jeopardizing their seats and bringing heightened legal scrutiny. Texas maps have been routinely challenged in court, with at least one flagged for violating the Voting Rights Act in every decade since the law's 1965 passage. The current map — drawn in 2021 — has been in litigation for four years, with a federal trial in El Paso concluding in May and a verdict yet to be reached. Whatever map emerges from the special session figures to be no different, giving Republicans further motivation to stay mum. When asked about the redistricting effort, Rep. Keith Self of McKinney said, 'That's a state issue.' Rep. Pete Sessions demurred, saying it 'is up to the governor and up to the lieutenant governor and the speaker.' Shape the future of Texas at the 15th annual , happening Nov. 13–15 in downtown Austin! We bring together Texas' most inspiring thinkers, leaders and innovators to discuss the issues that matter to you. Get tickets now and join us this November. TribFest 2025 is presented by JPMorganChase.
