Latest news with #internationaljustice
Al Bawaba
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Bawaba
Inside International Justice: GU-Q Students Experience The Hague Firsthand
In a pioneering experiential learning course offered by Georgetown University in Qatar (GU-Q), twelve students recently traveled to The Hague, Netherlands, known as a hub of global law, to explore international justice up close. The new course, 'The Hague, International Law, and Justice: Institutions, Civil Society and Academia,' was developed and led by Dr. Noha Aboueldahab, Assistant Professor of International Law, and brought students face-to-face with institutions at the core of global law and rising senior Bayan Kayali, who is majoring in International Politics, the trip was an important chance to see the inner workings of the international legal system in action. 'I gained invaluable insights about international law and justice that went far beyond what can be taught in a lecture hall,' she shared. Aspiring lawyer Justin Pacer, from the Class of 2026, agreed, saying: 'It was truly one of the most formative academic experiences I've had.' Over the span of seven days, students visited 13 institutions and engaged with nearly 25 professionals and academics from bodies such as the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, and the UN Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals. The course also included meetings with Dutch diplomats, legal advocates, and faculty from partner several students, the trip was their last chance to gain real-world experience before graduation. 'I'm so grateful for the chance to learn from so many amazing practitioners, it was the perfect way to wrap up my undergrad journey,' shared International History major Natali Fanik. 'What this trip gave me was a deeply human connection to the material. Studying human rights litigation in theory doesn't capture what sitting with someone who spends every day trying to make it work in impossible circumstances.'Her classmate Areesha Fatima, who studied International Economics with a minor in Justice and Peace Studies reiterated how meaningful this experience was, saying: 'It was easily one of the most enriching experiences I have had at Georgetown. Standing inside the institutions I have studied for years and speaking with the people who run them made me realize that a career in international justice is not just a distant dream. It helped me to envision my own place in these institutions and I can't think of a better way to end my undergraduate degree."The students' thoughtful engagement left a lasting impression on their hosts, including Senior Public Prosecutor Jolanda de Boer from the Netherlands National Public Prosecutors' Office, who commented: 'The questions the students asked… were proof of their great commitment to and knowledge of international law. I was genuinely impressed.'The Embassy of the Netherlands to Qatar also played a critical role in the success of the trip, providing suggestions and connections on the ground, including Ambassador Ferdinand Lahnstein, and Ilyaas Sherally, former head of political affairs at the embassy. 'It was a pleasure to support such a meaningful visit and a privilege to engage with such driven and sharp students. In times as unsettling and troubling as these, not least with the man-made catastrophe in Gaza, the importance of International Law and Justice cannot be overstated,' commented Sherally.'No words can adequately describe the thrill of teaching this new experiential learning course,' said Dr. Aboueldahab, thanking her colleagues and trip co-organizers Angela Marongiu and Dr. Rowan Ellis. 'I'm deeply grateful to all those who took the time out of their busy schedules to engage, and especially to the amazing students who made this course special with their critical and constructive reflections.' Students shared those reflections in final assignments submitted at the end of class, such as this excerpt from Justin Pacer's ePortfolio. 'I leave this trip with a much deeper sense of responsibility, empathy, and understanding. A responsibility to not just critique from a distance, but to engage. A responsibility to carry forward the labor of those who are working, often unseen, to move justice forward. And most of all, a responsibility to give back. To use what I've learned not just to write better papers, but to stand for something.' Now celebrating two decades in Qatar, this course is a powerful example of GU-Q's commitment to bridging classroom theory with real-world insight—equipping students with firsthand exposure to the complexities of global justice. © 2000 - 2025 Al Bawaba ( Signal PressWire is the world's largest independent Middle East PR distribution service.
The Guardian
25-05-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Trump refuses to accept that for Netanyahu and Putin forever war is the only option
Benjamin Netanyahu and Vladimir Putin enjoyed a friendly phone chat earlier this month, marking the 80th anniversary of Nazi Germany's defeat. The Israeli and Russian leaders have much in common. Both claim to be still heroically battling Nazis, in Gaza and Ukraine respectively. This fiction is used to justify the mass murder of civilians, spiralling troop casualties and huge economic and reputational costs. Maybe it helps them sleep at night. Bibi and Vlad: the world's most wanted men – and possibly the most despised. Overseeing the random killing, maiming and traumatising of thousands of children is one of many shared behaviours. These two authoritarian 'strongmen' have each plunged their countries into global pariahdom and moral purdah. Conflict keeps them in power. They milk patriotic sentiment to cow domestic opponents and vilify foreign critics as antisemites, terrorist sympathisers or Russophobes. They wage war because they fear peace. Both are on the run from international justice, with warrants issued for their arrest for heinous crimes. Netanyahu and his far-right cronies deny Palestinians the right to an independent state – the exact same right asserted by Israel's founders. Likewise, Putin rejects the reality of Ukraine as a sovereign country. Both project messianic, expansionist visions – of a 'greater Israel' and a revived Soviet imperium. Underpinning such views is a racially supremacist, ultra-nationalist mindset. European leaders predict Putin, if unpunished, will eventually turn his guns on them. Netanyahu has already expanded the Gaza war to Lebanon, Yemen and Syria. Latest US intelligence reports suggest he is preparing to attack Iran, hoping to scupper nuclear talks between Washington and Tehran. And would-be peacemakers, especially the US president, Donald Trump, fail to grasp another visceral similarity: neither actually wants lasting peace. Forever war is their preferred option, their default setting. They depend for their survival on violence. If the fighting stops, they know they face a potentially ruinous reckoning. What will people say in Rostov-on-Don, Omsk or Nizhny Novgorod when thousands of returning veterans let on what really happened at the front? How long may Putin last when Russia's elites begin to total up the mind-boggling economic and social cost of his failed gamble? When peace comes, Netanyahu will face elections – and probable defeat. Jail time for alleged bribery and corruption could follow. The international criminal court will demand their surrender. Both could be down and out. That's why they fear peace. And that's why relentless international insistence on ending the wars, backed by increased military and economic aid for Ukraine and tougher sanctions and diplomatic pressure on Israel's government, is the way to unseat two of the foremost villains of the age. No wonder this pair, whose sometimes rocky relationship goes back two decades, exchanged 'warm greetings' on the phone. They need each other now. Perhaps they discussed ways to beat down critics such as Keir Starmer, as Netanyahu brutally tried to do last week. Netanyahu thinks the appalling 7 October 2023 Hamas atrocities mean he is free to do anything he wants, however illegal and immoral. He's wrong. Or perhaps he and Putin swapped tips on manipulating, flattering and bamboozling Trump. It's a game at which both excel. This Netanyahu-Putin-Trump triumvirate, this mutually reinforcing, cynical political fan-dance, is now the major obstacle to peace on all fronts. The chaotic policymaking that characterised Trump's first term is reaching new, dangerous levels of incoherence in his second. If the wars are to end and the Netanyahu-Putin era brought to a close, US power and leverage must be fully deployed in close cooperation with Washington's allies. Right now, the opposite is happening. Visiting the Gulf, Trump more closely resembled a spivvy travelling salesman than a US president. Personally indifferent to starving Palestinians in Gaza, he is belatedly trying to curb Netanyahu's embarrassing excesses – and stop him bombing Iran. But that doesn't mean Trump has seen the light on Palestine. Now his ugly 'Gaza riviera' wheeze has flopped, he seems to have lost interest. There's nothing in it for him. If the temporary Gaze ceasefire is reinstated, and more hostages released, Trump will claim credit. But the fundamental problem remains: he is aiding and arming a rogue prime minister and a far-right governing clique that, like American neocons after the 9/11 attacks, is exploiting the Hamas atrocities to advance a chauvinist agenda while flouting international law – and going even further than that by threatening genocide. On Ukraine, it's no better. Trump torpedoed a joint British-French-German-Polish ultimatum demanding Putin immediately accept a 30-day ceasefire, saying he knew best. But when he spoke to Russia's president last Monday, he caved. Once again, Putin made a chump of Trump and divided the US and Europe. Trump's dawning realisation that he is neither God nor pope, and that the force of his personality is not by itself sufficient to resolve all worldly woes, offers a glimmer of hope for Gaza and Ukraine. In a snit, Trump is threatening to walk away. If only he would! The US must remain engaged on multiple levels. But a Trappist stance of presidential silence would greatly assist the cause of peace. Like a quack doctor misdiagnosing problems, Trump makes matters worse. Each day, Netanyahu and Putin get away with murder due in large measure to their clueless, narcissistic White House bro. Each day, more children's lives are devastated. Trump should stop grandstanding and delegate Gaza and Ukraine peacemaking to experienced US career diplomats, UN envoys, Arab and European mediators, intelligence chiefs and military experts. In short, he should leave it to people who know what they're doing. As for Netanyahu and Putin, he should wash his hands of both. Simon Tisdall is a Guardian foreign affairs commentator
Al Jazeera
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
The US v the ICC: Why is Trump going after the court?
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is facing one of the deepest crises in its history. United States President Donald Trump sanctioned lead prosecutor Karim Khan earlier this year, grinding the court's work to a crawl. Khan is now on leave as he faces a sexual misconduct investigation. How is the court functioning in his absence, and what does it mean for the future of international accountability? In this episode: Episode credits: This episode was produced by Amy Walters, Sonia Bhagat and Ashish Malhotra, with Phillip Lanos, Spencer Cline, Mariana Navarrete, Khaled Soltan, Kisaa Zehra, Remas Alhawari and our guest host, Natasha DelToro. It was edited by Kylene Kiang. Our sound designer is Alex Roldan. Our video editors are Hisham Abu Salah and Mohannad Al-Melhem. Alexandra Locke is The Take's executive producer. Ney Alvarez is Al Jazeera's head of audio. Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Instagram, X, Facebook, Threads and YouTube
The Guardian
14-05-2025
- Business
- The Guardian
Calls for Russia's frozen assets held in Belgium to be used in rebuilding Ukraine
The boxy glass and steel tower at a traffic-clogged junction on King Albert II Boulevard hardly stands out among the other buildings in the business district of north Brussels, the Belgian capital's answer to Manhattan or La Défense in Paris. But unlike its neighbours, the institution housed in this bland postmodern building opposite a branch of Domino's Pizza is caught up in a geopolitical maelstrom. It is Euroclear, a little-known body that houses most of the Russian state's frozen assets and now finds itself in the middle of a debate about international justice. Amid uncertainty about Donald Trump's commitment to Ukraine, calls are growing to confiscate Russian central bank assets that were frozen after the full-scale invasion. Euroclear holds €183bn of Russian sovereign funds out of an estimated €300bn immobilised in western countries. In March, about 130 Nobel laureates, including the peace prize winner Oleksandra Matviichuk, called on western governments to release the €300bn to rebuild Ukraine and compensate war victims. 'This might require new regulations and laws, which, given the undeniable emergency and gross violations of international law, are appropriate and must be amended,' stated the letter, which was signed by some of the world's leading economists, scientists and writers. Under EU law, profits from the Russian funds are used to aid Ukraine, and the next amounts will be revealed when Euroclear announces quarterly results on Wednesday. But the windfall profits – an estimated €2.5bn-€3bn a year – are modest when set against the €506bn that Ukraine needs for reconstruction over the next decade. (Since that estimate was published by the World Bank in February, Russia's deadly missile strikes have continued to wreak a devastating toll.) The EU's most senior diplomat, Kaja Kallas, has backed the idea of using the assets, as have the foreign ministers of Poland and Lithuania. 'Putin has already written off the €300bn assets, he does not expect to get them back. But he also doesn't think we have the fortitude to take hold of them either. So far, we have proven him right,' said Poland's foreign minister, Radek Sikorski, last June. But for Belgium's prime minister, Bart De Wever, confiscating the assets would be 'an act of war'. Johan Van Overtveldt, a former Belgian finance minister who is De Wever's political ally, said outright seizure of the assets would be 'really playing with fire for the rest of the financial and economic system'. 'Endangering the normal functioning of Euroclear would be a huge problem for the entire European economy, if not for the world economy,' he said. Euroclear, a Belgian-based international institution, fears it could be sued by the Russian government, while Belgian officials worry that confiscation would trigger a cascade of withdrawals. The end-point of that could even be the collapse of Euroclear, which would be a massive problem for the indebted Belgian government. Belgium holds a 13% stake in Euroclear and funds its war aid to Ukraine – including €1bn announced in April – from corporate tax take on the profits of the Russian frozen funds. France, which has an 11% stake in Euroclear, is also worried about seizing the assets. Van Overtveld has another idea: instead of confiscation , he proposes using the assets as collateral to set up 'more elaborate finance' for Ukraine. 'It is complex, but it's doable, and it does not lead to the same kind of legal issues that you would have if you go for outright seizure.' Euroclear emphasises its neutrality. 'It is not our role as a neutral financial institution to decide what to do with those [Russian] assets,' said head of communications, Pascal Brabant. 'It will be necessary that any agreement avoids undermining confidence in international financial markets by safeguarding the legal order and legal certainty which underpin global economies.' Often described as a bank for banks, Euroclear traces its roots to the late 1960s, when it grew out of the Brussels office of the Morgan Guaranty Trust Company of New York, which later became JP Morgan. At a time when financial transactions were speeding up, Euroclear enabled the electronic exchange of cash and securities (a stock, a bond or some other instrument to raise capital), rather than moving around piles of paper. Today, Euroclear handles a mind-boggling amount of money – every four weeks it claims to process transactions equivalent to global GDP, or €1.3 quadrillion (meaning 1.3 plus 14 zeros) a year. None of this is held in cash. But Euroclear is security conscious. At its headquarters a pair of security cameras are trained on every corner. Sign up to This is Europe The most pressing stories and debates for Europeans – from identity to economics to the environment after newsletter promotion Euroclear's agreement with the Russian government dates back to October 2012. A few months earlier Vladimir Putin had secured a third term in office and cracked down brutally on opposition forces that had mounted unprecedented protests against his rule, but Russia's integration into the global economy was marching on. At the time Russian banks were looking for connections to western investors. 'Probably all Russian brokers, banks, and even the Russian state held funds through Euroclear,' said Roeland Moeyersons, a business lawyer based in Brussels. Moeyersons has some Russian clients whose assets or savings are blocked at Euroclear despite the individuals not being sanctioned. His typical client is a millionaire, who fulfils 'all the cliches', he said. 'They have a house in Switzerland, one in Russia, a flat in Monaco, Marbella, London or Dubai, and now they are confronted by the fact that a couple of millions of their investments are frozen.' According to the Belgian newspaper De Standaard, Euroclear holds €70bn in private Russian assets, beyond the €183bn sovereign funds at the centre of the confiscation debate. On behalf of his clients, Moeyersons is calling on Belgium's treasury to release their assets. While he represents a few Russian billionaires who are challenging their designation on the EU sanctions list, most of his clients are people 'who made a small fortune running a legitimate business' and had their assets frozen 'as collateral damage of the EU sanctions,' he said. Meanwhile, the debate on the frozen sovereign billions continues. On Tuesday Sweden's minister for finance, Elisabeth Svantesson, said she supported using the assets and giving Kyiv the right to decide how to spend them. 'Of course we need to remain united among our countries, but we are pushing for using them [the frozen funds] in other ways, not only the windfall but also the assets,' she said. Svantesson was speaking alongside Torbjörn Becker, director of the Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics, who said transferring the frozen assets to Ukraine would allow Kyiv to buy more weapons and bring economic stability. 'If we were to send the whole amount of these frozen assets to Ukraine they would have predictable long-term financing at the level that matters,' he said. 'We should definitely consider transferring all of the frozen assets to Ukraine sooner, rather than later. This is not less important now with [Donald] Trump in the White House.'
The Independent
09-05-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
What is the ‘special tribunal' for Ukraine – and could it bring Putin to justice?
Around 40 world leaders have backed the creation of a special international court to prosecute Russia 's top leadership for the invasion of Ukraine. Called a 'special tribunal,' they aim to hold senior Russian officials accountable for the "crime of aggression," the underlying act enabling the numerous war crimes Ukraine accuses Russian forces of committing since the war began in 2022. Russia's non-membership in the International Criminal Court (ICC) prevents the ICC from prosecuting President Vladimir Putin and other high-ranking officials for their roles in the conflict. This special tribunal, a joint effort between Ukraine and the Council of Europe, hopes to offer an alternative path to justice. The court's formation will proceed under a joint agreement between Ukraine and the Council of Europe, the continent's leading human rights body. Here's everything you need to know: What is the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine? Since early in the conflict, Kyiv has been pushing for the creation of a special tribunal that goes beyond prosecuting war crimes that Ukraine alleged Russian forces committed — including bombing civilian infrastructure, killing civilians, rape, taking hostages and torture. Russia denies those claims. 'If we want true justice, we should not look for excuses and should not refer to the shortcomings of the current international law but make bold decisions that will correct those shortcomings that unfortunately exist in international law,' Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said during a visit to the Netherlands in 2023. Similar special tribunals were established after World War II, the Balkan wars sparked by the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia and the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The institution will be funded by the countries who back it, known as the Core Group, including the Netherlands, Japan and Canada. The United States had backed the project under former President Joe Biden, but President Donald Trump's administration did not support the initiative. On Friday, Ukraine's Foreign Ministry said in a joint statement with foreign ministers from some 40 countries that technical legal work necessary to establish the tribunal is complete. It added that the court will be formalized at a Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in Luxembourg later this month. The statement was agreed in the presence of EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas in Lviv, in western Ukraine. Once established the tribunal will focus on prosecuting Russian leaders most responsible for the full-scale invasion of Ukraine that began in 2022. Kyiv has been pushing for the creation of a special tribunal since early in the conflict. The legal framework for the project was agreed on by leaders in February. What is the crime of aggression? The crime of aggression is the planning and execution of a large-scale military invasion of another country. 'The crime of aggression is sometimes referred to as the 'mother of all other crimes' because it precedes all of the other crimes, war crimes, crimes against humanity, even genocide," Iva Vukusic, an international law expert at the University of Utrecht, told The Associated Press. 'You don't prosecute foot soldiers for aggression,' she added. The tribunal plans to pursue cases against around 20 to 30 high-ranking officials. A dozen Nazi leaders including Hermann Göring and Rudolf Hess were convicted of what was then called 'a crime against peace' during the Nuremberg trials following WWII. That was the last time anyone has been convicted of aggression. Will the tribunal prosecute Putin? International law grants the so-called troika — consisting of a country's head of state, head of government and foreign affairs minister — immunity from prosecution while they are in office. However, the tribunal could initiate proceedings against Putin and wait until he leaves office to move forward with a trial. There is no statute of limitation on the crime of aggression. The court will have the power to hold trials in absentia, though anyone convicted without being in the custody of the tribunal would have the right to a retrial. Why can't the International Criminal Court prosecute these crimes? The move to create a special tribunal aims to fill a void created by limitations on the ICC. While The Hague-based court can go after Russian nationals for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, it cannot prosecute Russians for orchestrating the invasion itself. The 2002 Rome Statute which created the court was amended in 2010 to include the crime of aggression — but only for countries that have joined the court. The Russian Federation is not a member state. The court has issued an arrest warrant for Putin for war crimes, accusing him of personal responsibility for the abductions of children from Ukraine, as well as five other officials. Where will the tribunal be established? The Hague, already home to the ICC, the top court of the United Nations and other judicial institutions, has been suggested as a location but a final decision has not yet been made. The city is already home to the International Center for Prosecution of the Crime of Aggression, which supports evidence-gathering and is overseen by the European Union's judicial cooperation agency, Eurojust. The Council of Europe-backed register of damages, which allows Ukrainian victims of war to catalog the financial harm they have suffered, is also based in the Netherlands. Backers are hopeful the institution will be up and running by early next year.
