Latest news with #militia
CBC
10 hours ago
- Politics
- CBC
Charging a soldier with terrorism may be a first, but Canadian military has history of extremism in its ranks
Social Sharing Early on the morning of July 8, RCMP officers arrested four suspects — two of them active military members — in an alleged plot to form an anti-government militia. The Mounties maintain the group had stockpiled a trove of weapons, including dozens of firearms and 11,000 rounds of ammunition, as part of a plan to take control of a piece of land near Quebec City by force. Three of the suspects, including one of the active military members, are facing terrorism charges. A judge will rule Thursday whether to grant them bail. In many ways, the police operation that led to the arrests was unprecedented. It's believed to be the first time an active member of the Canadian military has been charged with terrorism-related offences. And the cache of weapons seized as part of this case is among the largest ever in a Canadian terrorism investigation, according to Jessica Davis, head of the consulting firm Insight Threat Intelligence. But suspected cases of far-right extremism are not new to the Canadian Forces. It's been a recurring issue for over 30 years, one the military has dealt with intermittent resolve and uneven results. Somalia: The first reckoning The Forces' first major reckoning with extremism came after Canadian paratroopers tortured and killed a 16-year-old boy, Shidane Arone, while on a peacekeeping mission in Somalia in 1993. Prime minister Jean Chrétien's government disbanded the airborne regiment shortly thereafter. The government later cut short an inquiry probing deeper problems within the unit that lead to the death. But the inquiry's final report still revealed that pre-deployment, members of the regiment displayed swastikas and Ku Klux Klan flags at CFB Petawawa. "[N]eo-Nazis and other varieties of white supremacists were known to be present among CAR members," the inquiry's report said. Only one of the soldiers involved in Arone's killing was given a sentence longer than a year. "After the Somali affair, there was really silence. We didn't really hear much about what was happening in the military," said Barbara Perry, a professor at Ontario Tech University who has studied extremism within the Canadian military. "No doubt that there were still problems internally, but it was not something that anyone from the outside was able to look at." WATCH | Canada's military has a long-simmering problem with extremism: Canada's military has a long-simmering problem with extremism 5 days ago For the first time, an active member of the Canadian Armed Forces is facing a terrorism-related charge — but extremism in the ranks has been a concern for decades. For The National, CBC's Jonathan Montpetit explains how the military has been trying to get a handle on the issue for nearly 30 years. From alt-right to neo-Nazis Another spate of far-right activity in the military was revealed in the 2010s, largely due to reporting by media outlets and anti-fascism activists. These incidents coincided with the rise of the so-called "alt-right," a movement to make radical ideals more palatable to mainstream audiences, as well as the proliferation of extremist networks online. In 2015, for example, some veterans of Canada's Afghanistan mission founded the Islamophobic group La Meute in Quebec. A Radio-Canada investigation found at least 75 active-duty members had joined the group's private Facebook page, which at that time numbered around 43,000 profiles. The military told its members to leave the group or risk having a warning placed on their record. In 2017, four active military members in Halifax were given probation for joining the Proud Boys, a white-supremacist group now considered a terrorist entity. Around this time, several reservists were also identified as contributors to more extreme neo-Nazi groups and online forums. In one incident, a reservist in the Royal Canadian Navy posted on Iron March, a now defunct forum for neo-Nazis, encouraging others to join the military to acquire combat skills. "They pay you to teach you the methods you need to destroy them," the reservist posted in 2016. He was released by the navy in 2021. Another reservist, Patrik Mathews, was revealed by the Winnipeg Free Press to be a member of the neo-Nazi group The Base. Mathews, who was discharged after the affiliation was made public, is currently serving a nine-year prison term in the U.S. for participating in a plot to start a race war. But overall during these years, the military only rarely took significant action against suspected cases of extremism and hateful conduct, according to documents obtained by CBC News in 2019. Of 50 cases of suspected hateful conduct recorded between 2013 and 2018, only four resulted in disciplinary measures. It was more common for the military to issue warnings, probation or simply release problematic soldiers. Researchers stymied Scrutiny of the military nevertheless heightened with every revelation, and in 2020, under the encouragement of then chief of defence staff Jonathan Vance, a team of researchers were given $750,000 to study the problem. But members of the research team say they felt stymied by unco-operative military leadership, who barred them from interviewing soldiers and blocked access to facilities. "My take away was that Vance and the CAF wanted to be able to point to be doing something about the problem of IMVE [ideologically motivated violent extremism] in the ranks without really having to uncover the scope and depth of the issue, or at least have independent researchers confirm it," Leah West, a professor at Carleton University who was part of the research team, said in a social media post shortly after the Quebec City arrests earlier this month. Also in 2020, not long after the Black Lives Matter protests, the federal government convened a panel to study hate and discrimination with the Forces. Among the panel's top recommendations, when it released its report two years later, was for the military to pay closer attention to the litany of earlier studies and recommendations on these very issues. "There were a lot of recommendations that were given, and there wasn't a whole lot of consistent follow-up on what they did," said panel member Derek Montour, a former U.S. Marine who heads the Kahnawà:ke Shakotiia'takéhnhas Community Services, south of Montreal. Montour said the panel also found military leadership was often ill-prepared to recognize and deal with incidents of hate and extremism. "Training of leaders on what to do when they see it is limited, so they feel alone. They're not sure where to report," he said. "All of those factors then breed a ground of vulnerability to these [hate] groups." New system to track hate incidents In recent years, the military has been setting up a new system it says will allow it to better track incidents of hate within the ranks. The Department of National Defence shared figures with CBC News that show since 2020, there have been 120 reports of military members promoting or displaying hate entered into the system, including 20 so far this year alone. Another column shows that, in the same period, there have been 16 reports of membership or participation in a hate group. It's not clear from the figures how many of the reports are founded or led to disciplinary measures. Earlier this month, the Ottawa Citizen reported that reservists in the Cameron Highlanders of Ottawa maintained a Facebook group that allegedly contained antisemitic, homophobic and racist comments. An investigation by military police, which predated the Citizen revelations, found no evidence of a service offence. A new investigation has since been opened and the brigade commander responsible for the unit has stepped down. National Defence did not respond to repeated requests for an interview about its efforts to deal with extremism in the military. In a statement, a spokesperson said the military is committed to the "culture change" necessary to become a more inclusive workplace and has implemented new protocols and training resources. The statement added "while we have made great progress, we know that there is still more work to do." Perry said she helped train military officials on how to detect far-right extremism when the new protocols were rolled out, only for interest to wane again during the pandemic. "I think this particular case [in Quebec City] ... has obviously put that squarely back on the agenda for the public and for the military as well," she said.
Yahoo
19-07-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Gaza militia leader Abu Shabab: Oct. 7 not an excuse for Israel's collective punishment
Abu Shabab even hinted at a future in politics: "We will be what our people want us to be. We will not impose any political system on their will." Yasser Abu Shabab, a militia leader wanted by Hamas, has become a significant figure in Gaza, especially after his organization's Facebook page, "Yasser Abu Shabab – The Popular Forces," garnered widespread support. Among the prominent comments are expressions of support, including calls for protection and appreciation for "Commander Yasser," with one commenter stating, 'May Allah protect you and save you from harm. All support and appreciation for Commander Yasser,' while another added, 'If there were an election for governance in the Gaza Strip, I would give you my vote, Yasser.' One more comment strongly urges the defeat of Hamas: 'Finish them off and don't leave a single Hamas member alive,' and yet another expresses frustration with the political situation: 'Our people are under a heavy disaster because of personal interests, and we must fight this disaster to bring ourselves better lives.' This online support is a remarkable phenomenon: an armed figure advocating for dialogue and offering a new vision, one that is not just violent or oppositional, but ideological and moral. Who are the Popular Forces? Abu Shabab explained the core of the organization to Walla: "The Popular Forces is a Palestinian national and independent body, established to meet the need for civilian protection, humanitarian aid distribution, and securing areas that will not fall victim to terror or local extremism." "This is in response to the collapse of official systems and the dominance of a weapon-driven logic. "We are a non-political, popular movement that seeks to build a Palestinian society that is stable, free from violence, peaceful, secure, living with dignity, and believing in dialogue as a legitimate means to achieve future understandings," he added. When questioned about the October 7 attack, Abu Shabab said: "Hamas's decision on 7/10 justified the attacks on Gazans, a failed military decision that led us to hell. But 7/10 is not an excuse for Israel's collective punishment policy against our people and the killing of innocent civilians." "Our weapons are for the protection of our people from anarchy within the Gaza Strip, from oppression, corruption, and from those who exploit Gaza's population under the guise of resistance or religion," he said when asked if he would one day target Israel. "Our weapons are not intended for anyone outside our borders." "We will protect civilians, create international pressure, and push for an end to the violence that no one wants to escalate." He also emphasized that he believes that Israel has the right to live in peace. "Just as the Palestinian people have the right to live freely, safely, and with dignity in their country, Israelis also have the right to live in security and peace, within internationally recognized borders, based on a non-aggression pact," he said. "We do not see the Israeli people as our enemy. Mutual security begins with respecting the basic rights of our people. Anyone who does not threaten us will be met with discretion." Ceasefire and a new vision for Gaza Abu Shabab emphasized the urgency of a ceasefire in war-torn Gaza. "A ceasefire is essential as hunger worsens. Palestinians need time to breathe and establish safe humanitarian zones free from violence, where their demand for dignity can be met," he said. "The Gaza Strip after the war will be a disaster-stricken area requiring international cooperation to rehabilitate it, so its citizens can live dignified lives and be compensated for the pain of war, thus ending the era of violence." Abu Shabab also hinted at a future in politics. "We will be what our people want us to be. We will not impose any political system on their will." Over time, his organization has grown in strength, with some claiming it is a branch of the Palestinian Authority. Abu Shabab, however, denies any such affiliation. "We are not subordinate to the Palestinian Authority; we are fully independent. Attempts to link us to the authority are meant to undermine our legitimacy." "While several parties, including the [Palestinian] Authority, provided small aid at our start, this does not affect our independence. We welcome any support that aligns with our goals: protecting civilians, preventing aid theft, and strengthening justice and dignity." Hamas's response and Abu Shabab's defiance As Abu Shabab's influence grows, Hamas has launched attacks against him. Gaza's Interior Ministry, which is affiliated with Hamas, issued an arrest warrant on charges of "treason," threatening him with trial in absentia. Hamas-affiliated Arab channels have also issued threats. Abu Shabab, however, remains defiant. "We are not afraid of Hamas. They should not think of attacking us—we have unexpected surprises. It's our right to have public support that believes in us. This is the right form of democracy. "Hamas has already lost its popularity. It must apologize to our people for the decision to carry out the 7/10 attack, leave the leadership, and implement the will of the Palestinian and Arab people, not Iran's. Our religion, Islam, is one of justice, security, and peace. We were not born to fight forever, but to live with dignity on our land." While it remains unclear whether the Popular Forces will replace Hamas, one thing is certain: Abu Shabab's figure—armed yet advocating for dialogue—signals a breaking of the fear barrier and the beginning of a new conversation in the Gaza Strip. Solve the daily Crossword
The National
18-07-2025
- Politics
- The National
'We fear we're next': Druze in Damascus lock doors after fighting in Syria's south
In Jaramana, the largest Druze -majority district of Damascus, fear has taken root. Shops once buzzing with late-night customers now close before sundown. Streets grow silent after dark. Behind closed doors, families speak in hushed tones, watching videos from Sweida on repeat – scenes of charred homes, collapsing hospitals, and bodies pulled from the rubble. A ceasefire may have halted the gunfire in Syria 's south, but the dread is still spreading north. 'We don't trust this quiet,' said Khaldoun, a 35-year-old mechanic. 'After what happened in Sweida, we're locking our doors earlier. We hear rumours that more militia groups are coming. We've seen how fast things can change.' Last week's brutal assault on Sweida, one of Syria's last remaining Druze strongholds, left more than 500 people dead – among them fighters from both sides, women, children, and civilians. Entire neighbourhoods were stormed by tribal militias and pro-government fighters. Mortar shells struck residential blocks, and water tanks were reportedly poisoned by attackings groups. The main hospital was overwhelmed and partially destroyed, unable to treat the wounded or store the dead as electricity and refrigeration failed. Witnesses described the city as a war zone, with bodies left to rot in the streets and entire families missing. Bassel, a 24-year-old medical student from Sweida now living in Damascus, told The National: 'Who are we supposed to mourn first? The numbers are too large to comprehend. 'The bodies of our people, our families, our friends … scattered everywhere. The world moved on while we drowned in blood, buried under attack. We won't forgive. No one should stay silent in the face of injustice.' For the Druze of Jaramana, the aftermath is more psychological than physical – but no less traumatic. Known for its complex relationship with the Syrian state, Jaramana is home to thousands of people originally from Sweida. The ties between the two communities are social, religious and deeply personal. So when Sweida burnt, Jaramana felt the heat. 'There is no doubt that the escalation in Sweida will have consequences here,' said Salman Katbeh, a political activist in Jaramana. 'Our priority was to prevent the unrest from spilling over. We didn't want a bloodbath. Community elders worked hard to keep things calm, especially with the younger generation. But we're all walking a tightrope.' As rumours of retribution swirl, local leaders in Jaramana have tried to prevent provocations. 'There were protests,' Mr Katbeh said. 'The Syrian flag was taken down temporarily, but then put back up. You can't stop people from reacting emotionally – you can only try to keep it under control.' In private, the fears are more specific. 'If some groups can't go fight Israel,' Mr Katbeh continued, 'they might turn their guns on us instead. We reject the idea that Israel's strikes were somehow 'because of the Druze.' That kind of narrative is dangerous and false.' On Tuesday night, Israel bombed several sites around Damascus, killing at least 15 pro-government personnel and levelling parts of the Ministry of Defence. The strikes added another layer of complexity to an already combustible situation. As missiles lit up the sky, residents in Jaramana huddled indoors – uncertain whether the war outside was coming home. 'It's like we're surrounded,' Bassel said. 'From the sky, from the ground, even from our neighbours. When Israel bombs us, we expect fear. But now we fear our own.' The Syrian government's response has been cautious. President Ahmad Al Shara addressed the nation on Thursday, insisting the Druze remain 'an integral part of Syria's social fabric' and rejecting any notion of separatism. Mr Al Shara said the state had delegated the task of securing Sweida to local factions and religious leaders – a decision he described as a 'national safeguard' to avoid wider conflict. But in Jaramana, those reassurances ring hollow. 'The damage is already done,' said one Druze resident, who asked to remain anonymous. 'We no longer know who to trust – the army, the militias, the neighbours. If Sweida was punished for being neutral, what does that mean for us?.' Druze boycott Economic warfare has followed the physical violence. A coalition of Damascus-based merchants aligned with pro-government circles announced a full boycott of Sweida, accusing its people of treason and collusion with Israel. Hawala networks were severed, money transfers frozen, and Druze merchants blacklisted from city markets. According to Syria analyst Aymenn Tamimi from the Middle East Forum, the fallout reflects something deeper and more systemic. 'The events in Sweida have sent shock waves through Syria's Druze population,' he told The National. 'What we're seeing now is a mix of political retribution, localised power struggles, and weaponised sectarianism. The Druze in Damascus are especially vulnerable – not just physically, but socially. They've lived in a delicate balance, but that balance is eroding quickly.' Over 100 bodies remain unburied or unidentified in Sweida. The main hospital is barely functional, its medical staff running on no sleep, with no space in morgues and no supplies left. Thousands remain displaced. And as tension simmers, the fear of further escalation hangs over Druze communities like a cloud that refuses to lift. And while political actors debate responsibility, people in Jaramana are preparing for the worst. In the end, these are not isolated tragedies – they are cries from a country at war with itself, the Druze of Damascus brace for what they pray won't come next.
CTV News
14-07-2025
- Politics
- CTV News
CTV National News: What we know of an alleged anti-government militia's weapons stockpile
CTV National News: What we know of an alleged anti-government militia's weapons stockpile Canada's defence department says none of the weapons stockpiled by an alleged anti-government militia belonged to the military. Colton Praill reports.
CBC
14-07-2025
- CBC
Father of Quebec man accused in extremist plot says son was framed
The father of one of the Quebec men accused of plotting an anti-government militia tells CBC News his son and the others are being framed. Philippe Audet says his 24-year-old son wouldn't hurt a fly.
