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Euronews
3 days ago
- Business
- Euronews
Moldovan oligarch accused of €850m bank fraud detained in Greece
A fugitive oligarch from Moldova accused of a $1 billion (€850 million) bank fraud and other illicit schemes was detained in Greece on Tuesday, Moldova's national police said. Vladimir Plahotniuc fled Moldova in 2019, as he faced a series of corruption charges, including allegations of complicity in a scheme that led to $1 billion disappearing from a Moldovan bank in 2014, which at the time was equivalent to around one-eighth of the country's annual GDP. Plahotniuc has denied any wrongdoing. Moldovan police said in a statement they were informed by Interpol's office in Athens that two Moldovan citizens had been detained, including Plahotniuc, who was placed on Interpol's international wanted list in February. Authorities did not name the other detainee. The Greek police unit tackling organised crime said Interpol was seeking Plahotniuc on suspicion of participating in a criminal organisation, fraud and money laundering. Moldova's Ministry of Justice and Prosecutor's Office are in the process of exchanging information to begin seeking extradition of Plahotniuc and the other detainee, a government official told AP. Plahotniuc, one of Moldova's wealthiest men, fled to the US from Moldova in June 2019 after failing to form a government with his Democratic Party. The US declared him persona non grata in 2020, and his whereabouts were unknown for years. The influential businessman and politician was added to a US State Department sanctions list in 2022 for alleged corruption. The charges included controlling the country's law enforcement to target political and business rivals and meddling in Moldova's elections. He was added to a UK sanctions list in 2022 and barred from entering the country. His assets were frozen in Britain and its overseas territories. Plahotniuc was accused of involvement in pro-Russian political campaigns and efforts to derail Moldova's pro-EU course. The news of his arrest is likely to be viewed positively by President Maia Sandu's camp and her Romanian and EU supporters ahead of September's crucial parliamentary elections, in which the Kremlin is already involved through proxies in massive disinformation and voter manipulation campaigns.
Euractiv
15-07-2025
- Business
- Euractiv
Romanian government survives no-confidence vote amid coalition austerity rift
Romanian government survives no-confidence vote amid coalition austerity rift BUCHAREST - Romania's government survived its first no-confidence motion on Monday after Parliament rejected a challenge from far-right parties, but the vote exposed growing tensions within the pro-EU ruling coalition. The failed motion was brought to Parliament by far-right parties AUR, POT, and SOS in response to growing public backlash over the government's fiscal consolidation measures unveiled last week. Among other things, the Romanian government plans to raise the standard VAT rate from 19% to 21%, and replace the reduced rates of 5% and 9% with a single rate of 11%, which will affect essential items such as food and medicine. Romania's ruling pro-EU coalition includes the centre-left PSD, centre-right PNL, reformist USR, and the Hungarian minority party UDMR, led by Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan. However, acting PSD leader Sorin Grindeanu sharply criticised the government's approach, warning it risked repeating the 2010–2011 austerity-driven collapse. 'We didn't sign up to turn a budget crisis into a deep economic crisis,' he said in a bid to distance his party from the austerity measures implemented by the government. Grindeanu accused the government of placing the burden on low-income citizens and reiterated the PSD's call for a progressive tax system as a fairer alternative to widespread tax hikes. He argued that a well-designed progressive model would have avoided the need to raise the VAT. Centrist president Nicușor Dan also took aim at the VAT hike, stressing in a press conference that he had promised to keep it at 19% during coalition negotiations. 'I still believe it was the right path,' he said, noting that other budgetary solutions had been available. Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan defended the government's fiscal stance, pointing to 'early positive signs' from international markets. He also announced a second package of expenditure cuts to be unveiled by the end of July. (cs)
Euronews
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Euronews
Von der Leyen wounded: 5 Ways EU confidence vote shook her
In Strasbourg on Thursday 175 MEPs voted in favour of a motion of censure against European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and her Commission, 360 against, while 18 abstained. Here are five takeaways from the political groups' behaviour during the vote which spell trouble for von der Leyen and her team as she manoeuvres the rest of her second mandate as President of the EU executive. Less support for the Commission The 360 MEPs who voted against the motion of censure — and therefore defended the European Commission — are fewer than the 370 who approved the Commission back in November 2024. Although 18 MEPs abstained, 166 MEPs didn't bother to vote at all, some perhaps weren't even in Strasbourg. Beyond the Left's lawmakers, who had announced they would not show up, several MEPs from the Socialists and Democrats (S&D), Renew Europe, and the Greens/EFA also chose not to take part in the vote. In many cases, this was a way of expressing their discontent with von der Leyen's Commission without supporting a motion coming from the far right, and despite their group's official line to vote against. "I don't support far-right motions. At the same time, I don't trust this Commission, which has systematically betrayed the mandate it received a year ago. I see it every day [...] on migration policies, the situation in Palestine, rearmament, climate, and social policies," said Italian MEP Cecilia Strada after the vote — one of the lawmakers who didn't cast her ballot. Of 136 Socialist MEPs, only 98 voted. Brothers of Italy: Not against the Commission, but not really for either In November 2024, the Commission was approved with some votes from the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), especially from the Brothers of Italy party, and Executive Vice-President Raffaele Fitto was appointed from its ranks. In the no-confidence vote, a total of 41 ECR MEPs supported the motion against von der Leyen. A small number of conservatives broke ranks: three voted against, siding with parties that support the Commission, and two others chose to abstain. Italian Premier Giorgia Meloni's party didn't vote at all, however. Despite not endorsing the motion and having attacked its promoters in a strong speech by Chairman Nicola Procaccini, Brothers of Italy did not dare to take the side of the Commission — possibly to avoid domestic criticism from the League. For von der Leyen, this is a signal that Meloni's support is not guaranteed. The Italian Prime Minister will likely remain loyal to the Commission, but she must manage internal tensions within a group that is largely positioned outside the pro-EU majority. Greens are still supportive — but for how long? The Greens/EFA group largely voted against the motion of censure (33 out of 53 Green MEPs), formally backing Ursula von der Leyen's Commission. But several MEPs told Euronews that the internal debate the day before the vote had been intense, even though none of them intended to vote in favour of the motion, which was widely seen within the party as led by the far right. Greens believe that the Commission's environmental agenda has been largely buried under the so-called 'omnibus' legislative packages, while the Green Deal is being dismantled. At the same time, the Commission is advancing a hardline migration policy that is at odds with the group's views. Indeed, several MEPs, including Spaniards and Italians, decided not to attend the vote. 'We strongly oppose von der Leyen's track record, so we did not participate,' MEP Benedetta Scuderi told Euronews. The group now finds itself in a paradoxical position within the European Parliament: acting as part of the governing majority while consistently losing key votes on environmental issues. How long will they continue to support a Commission that no longer champions their agenda? Far-right groups feel emboldened Despite the (widely expected) defeat of the no-confidence motion, its proponent, Gheorghe Piperea, claimed a symbolic victory. '175 votes in favour out of 553 MEPs who voted is a very good proportion,' he told Euronews just after the vote. 'Von der Leyen will now have to balance two contradictory promises in the budget: maintaining the European Social Fund and reallocating resources towards defence spending. I don't see her mandate as very stable.' According to sources in the Parliament, far-right parties — possibly led by the Patriots for Europe group — could table a new motion of censure after the summer. As MEP Piperea put it, this first motion of the legislature was meant to 'open Pandora's box'. The EU budget will be a real battle Next week, the European Commission will present its proposal for the next multiannual budget, set to run from 2028 to 2034. And here, the clash with Parliament could intensify. Budget negotiations — always difficult and contentious — have already become intertwined with the no-confidence vote. The S&D group firmly opposed the motion after reportedly receiving reassurances from von der Leyen that the European Social Fund (ESF) would remain a cornerstone of the next EU budget. But the European People's Party (EPP) was quick to dispute this narrative. 'The European Social Fund was never really in danger. We are very clear on that,' said MEP Siegfried Mureșan, the EPP's lead negotiator for the budget. 'As I have said before: the Parliament as a whole will defend the ESF.' Von der Leyen now faces the challenge of balancing traditional funding envelopes — like agriculture and cohesion — with growing demands for strategic investments in modern priorities. These include continued support for Ukraine, repayment of COVID-19 recovery debt, and increased defence spending. On top of all that, each political group that defended the Commission against the motion will expect something in return — and they'll fight tooth and nail to secure funding for their priorities.
Euronews
10-07-2025
- Politics
- Euronews
Georgia faces European Parliament's criticism over rule of law
The European Parliament approved this Wednesday one of the strongest-worded documents in the history of enlargement: the progress report on Georgia's accession process. With 490 votes in favour and 147 against, EU lawmakers deplored "the backsliding of the rule of law as well as the growing Russian influence on the ruling party, Georgian Dream, led by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili.' This is the first report on Georgia as an EU candidate country, based on the European Commission's technical and political assessments from 2023 and 2024. The document adopted in the Strasbourg hemicycle stressed the lack of legitimacy of what it calls 'the self-proclaimed authorities established by the Georgian Dream party following the rigged parliamentary elections of 26 October 2024." Tobias Cremer, a German MEP from the Socialist and Democrats (S&D) group, has been one of the principal authors of the report. 'We see rigged elections last year in the parliamentary elections and since then we've seen ever more brutal clampdowns and crackdowns on peaceful protesters,' Cremer told Euronews. EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos praised the European Parliament's report on Georgia on Tuesday evening. "What we are witnessing in Georgia is far from anything we expect from a candidate country, Georgian democratic foundations are being eroded by the day when Georgian Dream party launched a crack down on pro-EU opposition and civil society', she said. Unconvenient neighborhood Last autumn's elections sparked a wave of more than six months of anti-government protests in Georgia. One of the first voices to denounce the alleged electoral fraud was the president of Georgia, Salomé Zourabichvili. 'They (the Georgian Dream officials) have not been recognised by the political forces in the country because no opposition party has recognised them as winning these partly rigged elections, and nobody has entered the parliament. So it's one party and an illegitimate parliament', Zourabichvili told Euronews in December last year. The European Parliament is also highly concerned by the wave of detentions carried out by the Georgian authorities against journalists and some members of the opposition. At least six opposition figures were arrested by the authorities in recent months. On 24 June, politician Giorgi Vashadze of the centrist Strategy Aghmashenebeli party was sentenced to eight months in prison for refusing to testify in an official probe that Georgian Dream's critics call an act of political revenge. The day before, three other opposition figures were handed comparable sentences after refusing to cooperate with the same parliamentary inquiry investigating alleged wrongdoings by the government of former President Mikhail Saakashvili, who is still in prison. Georgian Dream Secretary General Kakha Kaladze dismissed allegations that any of the arrests had been politically motivated, saying politicians aren't exempt from the law. "I think we all know very well why these people are detained. They broke the law, they didn't appear at the commission. The status of a politician or any other person cannot be an incentive to break the law," he said. Both the EU and NATO are deeply concerned about the growing Russian intrusions in the South Caucasus region. Russia has increased its pressure on Azerbaijan, deployed more troops in Armenia, while in Georgia, it has carried out political and media interference, the European Parliament claims. 'What this report clearly shows is that the Georgian Dream government seems to be playing out the Russian playbook of disinformation, manipulation and intimidation, and that is really not going towards the membership of the European Union', said Cremer. Russian troops attacked Georgia in August 2008, just three months after a crucial NATO summit in Bucharest that welcomed Tbilisi and Kyiv's aspirations to open membership talks. The Russian army occupied South Ossetia and Abkhazia within a few weeks. These two regions are still under Moscow's control. Since the 2008 war, the Georgian government has had to find a balance between the EU aspirations of almost 80% of its population and the understanding of the strategic priorities of its northern neighbour, Russia, especially after it started its all-out war against Ukraine in early 2022. In fact, despite its EU candidacy, Tbilisi has not aligned with EU sanctions against Russia. In 2024, the Georgian parliament passed the foreign agents law, a legislative measure that significantly restricted the activities of foreign-funded NGOs in the country. 'I want to see Georgia in the European Union. I think it's very clear there's one aggressor in this equation, and that aggressor is sitting in the Kremlin. And we also understand that this is the reason why Moscow is so aggressive, not just in Ukraine but also in the Caucasus, and also within our own democracies,' said Cremer. Full EU membership by 2030 remains Tbilisi's goal Georgia applied for membership in March 2022 with Ukraine and Moldova, and received the candidacy in December 2023. Only some months later, growing concerns and disagreements between the EU and the Georgian government prompted the two sides to freeze the enlargement process. As a result, the financial support from the European Peace Facility, worth €30 million, was suspended in 2024, and no support is planned for this year. However, Georgia's First Deputy Prime Minister Levan Davitashvili told Euronews in May that the Tbilisi government's target is full-fledged membership by 2030. 'We understand it's a long process, but we are fully focused on implementing this significant reform, and we are still loyal to this reform, and this process goes in a very active way,' said Davitashvili. Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze's participation in the 6th Summit of the European Political Community (EPC) in Tirana on 16 May marked a thaw in the strained relations between Tbilisi and the European Union, after both parties hit pause on the South Caucasus country's EU accession talks. On that occasion, Kobakhidze told journalists that 'there was a period of limited communication (between Georgia and the EU) and it seems our European partners were eager to restore ties with Georgia.' The Georgian prime minister told Euronews in May that his country plays a 'vital role for Europe". 'Everyone should recognise Georgia's strategic importance for Europe, especially for the eurozone. Our role in the region is significant, and that's why the need for dialogue with Georgian leaders is increasingly acknowledged,' he said.
Euractiv
09-07-2025
- Politics
- Euractiv
The Brief – How the far right just spiced up European politics
This week's censure attempt against Ursula von der Leyen may have been a far-right stunt but given how watchable Monday's debate was, Europe's political mainstream should beg the pro-Putin cranks to stage another . The outcome of tomorrow's vote is known even to the motion's instigators: The Commission will remain in place. That makes it easy to dismiss the entire exercise, with the Greens' co-leader Bas Eickhout calling it 'one big political show of the far right'. He's right. But the 'show' on Monday made for unusually decent viewing. And people beyond Brussels noticed. That alone should send a message to the pro-EU groups in the oft-overlooked European Parliament: Political theatre has a purpose. The spectacle should be reclaimed from the extremes – not through cheap stunts or desk-thumping for its own sake, but the kind of vivid, adversarial politics that draws people in. On Monday, when MEPs dropped the jargon and spoke like they meant it, the chamber came alive. Take socialist leader Iratxe Garcia, who was compelling in her emotionally charged rebuke of the rightward drift by von der Leyen and her rogue attack dog in the Parliament, Manfred Weber. If you happened to be watching (and understood Spanish), you might have wanted to vote for her. It would be unfair to say these groups are averse to the dramatic. Strasbourg has had its moments. But you have to go back to summer 2023 for the last , when Weber moved mountains to cajole his European People's Party into trying to kill its own law to reverse biodiversity loss. Then too, the socialists and liberals were outraged at Weber's remorseless scything through the EU's green agenda. The stakes were clear. Debate was rancorous. Alliances were betrayed. People took to the streets. Weber – a spotlight-stealing antihero – was humiliated when he lost the final vote. The saga had it all. Trouble is, it barely burst the bubble. As one EU watcher quipped : 'Weber would now be facing calls to resign, if anyone normal knew who he was or cared.' Some normal people know who von der Leyen is. A few might even care. At the very least, her latest drama is being beamed to towns and villages this week, offering them a fresh perspective on typically tedious EU wrangling. But that it took a doomed 'no-confidence vote' to generate such interest is a sign of how irrelevant the Parliament is normally thought to be. Strasbourg needn't become Westminster to fix that. But if von der Leyen continues to treat the Parliament as an ornament, it could respond by making more of a scene. Even the ancient Greeks understood that a lively debate in the agora sharpened argument, revealed ignorance and – ultimately – improved policy. And if it doesn't, at least it might put some bums on seats . Roundup Stockpile all the things – The succession of shocks that have hit Europe in recent years has, finally, galvanised the Commission to coordinate stocks of essential items, enumerated in a wide-ranging strategy paper. On the checklist are critical raw materials, medicine, and armaments. Europe's climate bearings – 'There is exceptionally strong support for the true north of a 100% emissions reduction by 2050,' Climate Commissioner Wopke Hoekstra told Euractiv. But reaching climate neutrality must be a pragmatic journey rather than a righteous crusade, he cautioned. Waiting on the postman – The EU is waiting on a letter of immense economic importance, as Donald Trump said a letter setting out the new tariff rates would be due on Thursday. Despite softer language towards the bloc – Trump said the EU is being "very nice" – the concrete terms are still not clear. But come what may, the EU will have to take the hit. Schengen cracks become more visible – As freedom of movement runs into increasing border controls, the EU's flagship achievement is being undermined. As well as the human cost, the blocks take an economic toll – all of which are brought into sharp focus in these graphics. Across Europe Greece gets tough on migrants from Libya – Amid a migration surge, Greece has suspended asylum requests from individuals arriving from North Africa. The decision followed a diplomatic incident in which Migration Commissioner Magnus Brunner was forced to leave east Libya. Sánchez stands strong – Pedro Sánchez ruled out resignation on Wednesday, instead unveiling a sweeping anti-graft strategy as his Socialist party faces mounting scrutiny over corruption allegations, including bribery, tender rigging, and influence peddling. Has Spahn lost his shine? – Jens Spahn shattered the mould of the stuffy Kohl-era German conservative and was once tipped for future chancellor. But his future is now called into question following revelations that he oversaw dodgy mask deals during the pandemic, which saw companies close to Spahn receive multi-million euro contracts.
