Latest news with #separatists
Washington Post
3 days ago
- General
- Washington Post
One dead after insurgents briefly seize control of a city in southwest Pakistan and loot a bank
QUETTA, Pakistan — Dozens of armed separatists briefly seized control of a high-security area in a city in southwestern Pakistan on Friday, killing a government official and looting a bank before fleeing, police and officials said. Hidayat Buledi, a local government official, was killed and his home was set on fire in the attack on Sorab, in the Balochistan region, local police chief Hafeez Ullah said.
Associated Press
3 days ago
- General
- Associated Press
One dead after insurgents briefly seize control of a city in southwest Pakistan and loot a bank
QUETTA, Pakistan (AP) — Dozens of armed separatists briefly seized control of a high-security area in a city in southwestern Pakistan on Friday, killing a government official and looting a bank before fleeing, police and officials said. Hidayat Buledi, a local government official, was killed and his home was set on fire in the attack on Sorab, in the Balochistan region, local police chief Hafeez Ullah said. He said Buledi was 'martyred' while trying to protect women and children trapped inside the burning house during the assault. Ullah said several insurgents were killed in the shootout with police. The outlawed Baloch Liberation Army, or BLA, which was designated a terror group by the United States in 2019, claimed responsibility for the attack. In a statement, BLA said its fighters had taken control of key government buildings in Sorab. Ullah dismissed the claim, saying the insurgents fled when security forces responded to the assault. He said the attackers stormed Buledi's home and also set fire to several residences of government officials. Four civilians were injured. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif condemned the attack, saying the assailants targeted civilians, including women and children. Shahid Rind, a spokesman for the Balochistan government, blamed Indian proxies for the attack without offering any evidence. There was no immediate comment from New Delhi. Sorab, a city known for its apple and grape orchards, is located near a key China-Pakistan trade route, which includes roads and rail systems to link western China's Xinjiang region to Pakistan's southwestern Gwadar port on the Arabian Sea.
BBC News
3 days ago
- General
- BBC News
Africa's week in pictures: 23-29 May 2025
A selection of the week's best photos from across the African continent and beyond: From the BBC in Africa this week: Tears and heartbreak over tragic story of South African girl sold by her motherRemembering Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o - a giant of African literatureCould Nigeria's careful ethnic balancing act be under threat?Namibia marks colonial genocide for first time with memorial day'Nowhere is safe' - Cameroonians trapped between separatists and soldiers Go to for more news from the African us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica
BBC News
7 days ago
- Politics
- BBC News
'Nowhere dey safe' - Cameroonians wey trap between separatists and sojas
Ngabi Dora Tue, no fit stand by herself as she dey grief seriously. Her husband, Johnson Mabia, coffin siddon for di middle of one crowd of sad mourners for Limbe for Cameroon South-West region - one area wey don witness tins like dis many times bifor. Armed separatists bin capture Oga Johnson and five of im colleagues as dem dey go work. Oga Johnson na civil servant and e sabi speak English. Di militants still dey fight for di independence of Cameroon two anglophone regions for area wey be mainly francophone kontri. Di almost ten years long conflict don lead to thousands of deaths and affect development for di area. Wen dem kidnap am four years ago, Dora bin struggle to reach Johnson. Wen she later hear from separatist militants, dem ask her to pay ransom of ova $55,000 (£41,500) within 24 hours to secure im release. Dora later receive anoda call from one of Johnson relatives. "E say… make I take care of di children, say my husband don die. I know even no wetin to do, as I shock. E bin travel on Tuesday, wen dem kidnap am. By Friday, dem kill am," Dora tok. Di separatists wey dey responsible no just kill Johnson, dem cut-cut am, and leave im body for road. Di root of di separatist struggle lie for one long-standing grievance wey go back to full independence for 1961, and di formation of one single Cameroonian state for 1972 from former British and French territories. Since den di English-speaking minority no happy for wetin dem feel say be erosion of rights by di central government. Johnson na just one innocent by-stander, wey be victim of di increasingly brutal fight for self-determination and di goment desperate attempts to end di kasala. Dis current wave of violence start almost ten years ago. For late 2016, peaceful protests bin start against wetin dem reason to be di creeping use of di francophone legal system for di region courtrooms. Di French- and English-speaking parts of Cameroon dey use different judicial systems. Di protests quickly spread, and e lead to a call for di closing of shops and institutions. Di response of di security forces bin dey very severe – dem beat pipo, intimidate dem and dem carry out mass arrests. Di African Union call am "a deadly and disproportionate use of violence". Cameroon defence ministry no respond to requests for comment on dis or oda issues for dis article. Armed groups bin dey set up. And, for late 2017, as tensions rise, anglophone separatist leaders declare independence for wetin dem call di Federal Republic of Ambazonia. To date, dem don drag five million anglophone Cameroonians inside di conflict – wey dey equivalent to one-fifth of di total population. Dis one mean say at least 6,000 pipo don die, and hundreds of thousands dey forced from dia homes. "We dey always wake up for morning to see dead bodies for streets," Blaise Eyong, one journalist from Kumba for di English-speaking South-West region of Cameroon tok. E don produce and present one documentary on di crisis for BBC Africa Eye, e bin dey forced from im hometown wit im family for 2019. "You fit hear say dem don burn one pesin house. Or dem don kidnap pesin. You go see how dem cut-cut pipo body put for roadside. How you wan take live for city, wia every single morning you dey worry if your relatives dey safe?" Some national and international attempts don dey to resolve di crisis, wey include wetin di goment call "a major national dialogue" for 2019. Although di discussions bin establish one special status for di kontri two anglophone regions wey acknowledge dia unique history, but na very little dem resolve in practical terms. Felix Agbor Nkongho – one barrister wey be one of di leaders of di 2016 protests, wey dem later arrest – tok say as both sides dey act anyhow, di moral high ground don disappear. "E get one time… wey most pipo feel say if dem need security, dem go go meet di separatists," e tell BBC Africa Eye. "But ova di last two years, I no tink say any reasonable pesin go tink say separatists go be di ones to protect them. So make everybody die bicos we dey find independence, and I ask di question: who you go govern?" But no be only di separatists chop accuse of abuses. Organisations like Human Rights Watch bin record di brutal response of security forces to di anglophone independence movement. Dem bin document di burning of village, di torture, unlawful arrests and extrajudicial killings of pipo for war, wey pipo for outside no even see. Examples of state-sponsored brutality no dey difficult to find. Cameroonian military forces bin arrest John (no be im real name) and one of im close friend, dem dey accused of buying weapons for a separatist group. John tok say afta dem put dem for prison, di sojas bin give dem one document to sign, and dem no give dem di chance to read di contents. Wen dem refuse, dem begin torture dem. "Dat na wen dem separate us into different rooms," John tok. "Dem torture [my friend]. You fit hear di sound of flogging everywhere. I dey feel am for my own body [too]. Dem beat me everywhere. Later, dem tell me say e don accept and sign, and dem allow am to go." But na lie. One month afta di arrest, anoda man land for John cell. E tell am say im friend bin die for di room wey dem hold and torture am. Months later, dem drop John case and later release am without charge. "I just dey live in fear bicos I really no know wia to start from, wia dey safe and how to start," John tok. Part of di separatists strategy to make di state and dia security forces weak, na to push for ban on education, wey dem claim say na di tool wey goment take dey spread propaganda. For October 2020, dem attack one school for Kumba. No-one claim responsibility for di attack bit di goment blame di separatists. Men wey dey armed wit machetes and guns bin kill at least seven children. Di incident spark international outrage and condemnation. "Dem don close nearly half of di schools for dis region," journalist Eyong tok. "A whole generation of kids dey miss out on education. Imagine di impact dis go get on our communities and also for our kontri" As if di violence between di goment forces plus di various separatist groups no dey enough, one additional front don open up for di war. Militant groups for di separatist areas don rise to fight di Ambazonians inside effort to keep Cameroon united. Di leader of one of these groups, John Ewome (wey dey known as Moja Moja), bin regularly lead patrols for di town of Buea in search of separatists until dem arrest am for May 2024. E too chop accuse of human rights violations, public humiliation and torturing of unarmed civilians dem reason say be separatist sympathisers. E deny di accusations. "I no ever lay my hands on any civilian. Just di Ambazonians. And I believe say di gods of dis land dey wit me," e tell BBC. Meanwhile, di cycle of abductions and killings still dey go on. One separatist group also arrest Joe (no be im real name) di way dem take arrest Johnson, just bicos say dem wan maintain control through fear - and to cash in. "I waka inside di house and see my children and my wife for floor while di commander siddon for my kitchen wit im gun very close. Dem don carry my neighbour and my landlord. As I see dem, I know say na my turn," Joe tok. Dem carry am enta forest alongside 15 oda pipo wia e witness di execution of two of im fellow captives. But dem later free am afta di military discover di camp. Johnson bin no dey dat lucky, about two years afta im funeral, dem receive news say none of di five colleagues wey dem kidnapped wit am make am out alive. More families now go dey try to come to terms wit dia enormous loss. For Ngabi Dora Tue, her future no sure. "I get debts to settle, I no even know how I go clear di am," she tok. "I don tink to sell my body for money. And I reason di shame wey go come afta, I go just need to swallow di difficulty and push forward. I still dey very young to become a widow." BBC don ask for response from di Ambazonia Defense Forces (ADF), wey claim to be di largest separatist force. E respond say e get multiple separatist fighters now wey dey operate for di anglophone region. Di ADF say e dey operate within international law and no dey attack government workers, schools, journalists or civilians. Instead, e don blame individuals and some oda entities wey dey act on dia own accord wey no be members of di ADF for dis attacks. Di group also accuse government infiltrators of committing atrocities while claiming to be Ambazonian fighters to turn di local population against di liberation struggle.
Yahoo
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
'Nowhere is safe' - Cameroonians trapped between separatists and soldiers
Ngabi Dora Tue, consumed by grief, was barely able to stand on her own. The coffin of her husband, Johnson Mabia, sat amid a crowd of stricken mourners in Limbe in Cameroon's South-West region - an area that had witnessed scenes like this many times before. While on a work trip, Johnson - an English-speaking civil servant - and five colleagues were captured by armed separatists. The militants were - and still are - fighting for the independence of Cameroon's two anglophone regions in what is a predominantly francophone country. A near-decade-long conflict that has led to thousands of deaths and stunted life in the area. When he was abducted four years ago, Dora struggled to reach Johnson. When she eventually heard from separatist militants, they asked for a ransom of over $55,000 (£41,500) to be paid within 24 hours in order to secure his release. Dora then received another call from one of Johnson's relatives. "He said… that I should take care of the children. That my husband is no more. I didn't even know what to do. Tuesday he was travelling, and he was kidnapped. Friday he was killed," says Dora. The separatists responsible had not just murdered but decapitated Johnson, and left his body on the road. The roots of the separatist struggle lie in long-standing grievances that stretch back to full independence in 1961, and the formation of a single Cameroonian state in 1972 from former British and French territories. Since then the English-speaking minority have felt aggrieved at the perceived erosion of rights by the central government. Johnson was just an innocent by-stander, caught up in an increasingly brutal fight for self-determination and the government's desperate attempts to stamp out the uprising. The current wave of violence began almost a decade ago. In late 2016, peaceful protests started against what was perceived to be the creeping use of the francophone legal system in the region's courtrooms. The French- and English-speaking parts of Cameroon use different judicial systems. The protests rapidly spread, and led to a call for the closing of shops and institutions. The response of the security forces was immediate and severe - people were beaten, intimidated and there were mass arrests. The African Union called it "a deadly and disproportionate use of violence". Cameroon's defence ministry did not respond to requests for comment on this or other issues in this article. Armed groups were set up. And, in late 2017 as tensions escalated, anglophone separatist leaders declared independence for what they called the Federal Republic of Ambazonia. To date, five million anglophone Cameroonians have been dragged into the conflict - equivalent to one-fifth of the total population. At least 6,000 people have been killed and hundreds of thousands forced from their homes. "We used to wake up in the morning to dead bodies on the streets," says Blaise Eyong, a journalist from Kumba in the English-speaking South-West region of Cameroon, who has produced and presented a documentary on the crisis for BBC Africa Eye, and was forced from his hometown with his family in 2019. "Or you hear that a house has been set ablaze. Or you hear that someone was kidnapped. People's body parts chopped off. How do you live in a city where every single morning you're worried if your relatives are safe?" There have been a number of national and international attempts to resolve the crisis, including what the government called "a major national dialogue" in 2019. Although the talks established a special status for the country's two anglophone regions which acknowledged their unique history, very little was resolved in practical terms. Felix Agbor Nkongho - a barrister who was one of the leaders of the 2016 protests and was later arrested - says that with both sides now seeming to act with impunity, the moral high ground has disappeared. "There was a time… where most people felt that, if they needed security, they would go to the separatists," he tells BBC Africa Eye. "But over the last two years, I don't think any reasonable person would think that the separatists would be the ones to protect them. So everybody should die for us to have independence and I ask the question: who are you going to govern?" But it is not just the separatists who are accused of abuses. Organisations such as Human Rights Watch have recorded the brutal response of the security forces to the anglophone independence movement. They have documented the burning of villages and the torture, unlawful arrests and extrajudicial killings of people in a war largely unseen by the outside world. Examples of state-sponsored brutality are not difficult to find. John (not his real name) and a close friend were taken into custody by Cameroonian military forces, accused of buying weapons for a separatist group. John recalls that after being incarcerated, they were given a document which they were told to sign without being given the chance to read its contents. When they refused, the torture began. "That is when they separated us into different rooms," says John. "They tortured [my friend]. You could just hear them flogging everywhere. I could feel it on my own body [too]. They beat me everywhere. Later they told me he accepted and signed and they allowed him to go." But that was not the truth. A month after his arrest, another man arrived in John's cell. He told him that his friend had, in fact, died in the room he had been held and tortured in. Months later John's case was dropped and he was released without charge. "I just live in fear because I don't really know where to start from or where it is safe to start from or how," says John. You can watch the full film, The Land That Bleeds, here Part of the separatists' strategy to weaken the state and its security forces is to push for a ban on education which they say is a tool of government propaganda. In October 2020, a school in Kumba was attacked. No-one claimed responsibility for the atrocity but the government blamed separatists. Men armed with machetes and guns killed at least seven children. The incident sparked, for a brief moment, international outrage and condemnation. "Nearly half the schools in this region have been shut," says journalist Eyong. "A whole generation of kids is missing out on their education. Imagine the impact this will have for our communities and also for our country." As if the violence between the government forces and the various separatist groups was not enough, an additional front has opened up in the war. Militant groups in the separatist areas have emerged to fight the Ambazonians in an effort to keep Cameroon united. A leader of one of these groups, John Ewome (known as Moja Moja), regularly led patrols in the town of Buea in search of separatists until he was arrested in May 2024. He, too, has been accused of human rights violations, of public humiliation and torturing unarmed civilians thought to be separatist sympathisers. He denies the accusations. "I've never laid my hands on any civilian. Just the Ambazonians. And I believe the gods of this land are with me," he told the BBC. Meanwhile, the cycle of abductions and killings continue. Joe (not his real name) was - like Johnson - taken hostage by a separatist group, keen to maintain control through fear - and to cash in. "I walked into the house, and found my children and my wife on the floor while the commander was sitting in my kitchen with his gun very close. All around me, my neighbour had been taken, my landlord had been taken. So when I saw them, I knew it was my turn," says Joe. He was led into the forest with 15 other people where he witnessed the execution of two of his fellow captives. But he was eventually freed after the military discovered the camp. Johnson was not as lucky and, about two years after his funeral took place, news arrived that neither were his five colleagues kidnapped with him. Their bodies had just been found. More families will now have to try to come to terms with their enormous loss. For Ngabi Dora Tue, sitting with her young child in her lap, the future feels almost overwhelming. "I have debts I have to settle I don't even know how to settle," she says. "I thought of selling my body for money. And then I Iook at the shame that would come after, I just have to swallow the difficulty and then push forward. I was very young to become a widow." The BBC has asked for a response from the Ambazonia Defense Forces (ADF), which claims to be the largest separatist force. It responded that there are a multiplicity of separatist fighters now operating in the anglophone region. The ADF said it operates within international law and does not attack government workers, schools, journalists or civilians. Instead it has blamed individuals and fringe entities acting on their own accord who are not members of the ADF for these attacks. The group also accuses government infiltrators of committing atrocities while claiming to be Ambazonian fighters to turn the local populations against the liberation struggle. BBC identifies security forces who shot Kenya anti-tax protesters Sudan's years of war - BBC smuggles in phones to reveal hunger and fear Secret filming reveals brazen tactics of UK immigration scammers 'Terrible things happened' - inside TB Joshua's church of horrors Go to for more news from the African continent. 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