Latest news with #settlers
Al Bawaba
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Bawaba
Israel: 3 rockets fired from Gaza, 1 intercepted
Published May 26th, 2025 - 07:12 GMT ALBAWABA - The Israeli army revealed that three projectiles were launched from Gaza on Monday, and the defense forces intercepted one. It is worth noting that Israelis will be marking the "Jerusalem Day" march. Al-Jazeera said, citing sources, that at least 880 settlers have stormed Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem since Monday morning. "A short while ago, three projectiles were identified from the southern Gaza Strip toward the communities near the Gaza Strip," a statement posted by the Israeli army read. "Two projectiles fell in the Gaza Strip and one additional projectile was intercepted by the IAF (air force) prior to crossing into Israeli territory," it added on Monday. A large number of Israeli settlers have stormed the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound and surrounding areas in Jerusalem, waving Israeli flags, chanting, and performing Talmudic rituals to celebrate 'Jerusalem Day'. 🔴 LIVE updates: — Al Jazeera English (@AJEnglish) May 26, 2025 © 2000 - 2025 Al Bawaba (
Arab News
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Israeli settlers sanctioned by UK spotted at illegal West Bank outpost
LONDON: Two Israeli settlers sanctioned by the UK this week have taken part in efforts to displace Palestinian families from the West Bank village of Mughayyir Al-Deir. Neria Ben Pazi and Zohar Sabah were both spotted visiting an illegal outpost set up on Sunday near the community of around 150 Bedouins, The Guardian reported. Ben Pazi's organization Neria's Farm was sanctioned on Tuesday after the UK suspended talks with the Israeli government on a free trade agreement over its blockade of Gaza and the extremist language of several of the country's ministers. UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy condemned the actions of the Israeli government and suggestions its military would 'purify Gaza,' saying it 'has a responsibility to intervene and halt these aggressive actions.' Ben Pazi was sanctioned in 2024 for his role in displacing other Bedouin families in the West Bank. According to the US State Department, 'Ben Pazi has expelled Palestinian shepherds from hundreds of acres of land. In August 2023, settlers including Ben Pazi attacked Palestinians near the village of Wadi as-Seeq,' The Guardian reported. His violence in the area even led to Israel's regional military commander, Maj. Gen. Yehuda Fuchs, banning Ben Pazi from entering the West Bank in 2023. Sabah was sanctioned by the UK for 'threatening, perpetrating, promoting and supporting acts of aggression and violence against Palestinian individuals.' This included his role in an attack on a Palestinian school, which injured teachers and pupils and hospitalized the principal. The settler outpost in question, less than 100 meters from Palestinian homes at Mughayyir Al-Deir, was also visited by Zvi Sukkot, an MP with the Religious Zionist Party, who caused outrage last week when he told Israel's Channel 12: 'Everyone has got used to the idea that we can kill 100 Gazans in one night during a war and nobody in the world cares.' Ahmad Sulaiman, a 58-year-old father of 11 children who lives close to the settler outpost, said intimidation had started against his community. 'I haven't slept since they came, and the children are terrified,' he told The Guardian. 'The settlers told me: 'This is our home.'' He added: 'There is nothing I can do. They have guns and other weapons.' Israeli human rights group B'Tselem says around 1,200 Palestinians have been forced from their homes in the West Bank since Oct. 7, 2023. Yonatan Mizrachi, co-director of Settlement Watch, said the boldness of settlers despite international sanctions 'shows the settlers' lack of fear, and the understanding that they can do what they like.' B'Tselem spokesperson Shai Parnes said: 'Israeli policy to take as much land as possible hasn't changed. But what has been changing under this current government is the total impunity for soldiers and settlers.'
The Guardian
22-05-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Violent Israeli settlers under UK sanctions join illegal West Bank outpost
Two violent Israeli settlers on whom sanctions were imposed by the UK government this week have joined a campaign to drive Palestinians from their homes in the West Bank village of Mughayyir al-Deir. Neria Ben Pazi's organisation, Neria's Farm, had sanctions imposed by London on Tuesday, as the UK suspended negotiations on a new free-trade deal with Israel over its refusal to allow aid into Gaza and cabinet ministers' calls to 'purify Gaza' by expelling Palestinians. The British foreign secretary, David Lammy, attacked the 'impunity' of violent settlers as he announced sanctions designed to hold them and Israeli authorities to account. 'The Israeli government has a responsibility to intervene and halt these aggressive actions,' he said. Ben Pazi himself was put on the UK sanctions list last year, with the government citing his role building illegal outposts and forcing Palestinian Bedouin families from their homes. This week he made repeated long visits to an illegal outpost set up on Sunday less than 100 metres from a Palestinian home on the edge of Mughayyir al-Deir, a community of around 150 bedouins. Another visitor to the outpost, photographed on Wednesday and identified by local activists, was Zohar Sabah. He visited the day after he was added to the UK sanctions list for 'threatening, perpetrating, promoting and supporting acts of aggression and violence against Palestinian individuals'. The settlers set up a basic shelter next to a sheep enclosure with a small herd, which formed the base for a campaign of intimidation that began immediately. 'I haven't slept since they came, and the children are terrified,' said Ahmad Sulaiman, a 58-year-old father of eleven whose home was closest to the outpost. Born just a stone's throw away, he had spent his life in Mughayyir al-Deir, but by Thursday he was packing to leave, although the family did not know where they would go. 'The settlers told me: 'This is our home',' said Sulaiman. 'There is nothing I can do. They have guns and other weapons.' The intended deterrent effect of the UK sanctions was not visible at Mughayyir al-Deir, where settlers expanded their campaign of intimidation in the days after the British announcement, and the only public response from Israeli officials was a visit in support of the settlers. Zvi Sukkot, a member of the Knesset and the far-right Religious Zionist party, was filmed by activists as he left the illegal outpost. During a debate on Israel's Channel 12 last week Sukkot said: 'Everyone has got used to the idea that we can kill 100 Gazans in one night during a war and nobody in the world cares.' The hills nearby are surrounded by the burned remains of Palestinian villages, whose residents were forced out by campaigns run from similar Israeli outposts. But setting up such a short distance from the Palestinians being targeted is unprecedented. Yonatan Mizrachi, the co-director of Settlement Watch, part of the campaign group Peace Now, said settler outposts had been getting nearer to Palestinian communities since the 7 October Hamas attacks on Israel, 'but I don't remember any others that were established so close'. 'It shows the settlers' lack of fear, and the understanding that they can do what they like; they can just set up in the Palestinian community. And they didn't come to be good neighbours,' Mizrachi added. Sabah was indicted by Israeli authorities in September for his role in an attack on a school in Mu'arrajat East, where settlers targeted teachers, a 13-year-old pupil and the principal, who was hospitalised. Shai Parnes, a spokesperson for the Israeli human rights group B'tselem, said: 'Israeli policy to take as much land as possible hasn't changed. But what has been changing under this current government is the total impunity for soldiers and settlers. 'They used to hide their faces or attack at night, everything is happening much more brutal and violent and it is happening in broad daylight. They are really proud about what they're doing, sometimes even uploading the assaults themselves to social media.' Forced displacement began before the 2023 Hamas attack on Israel and the subsequent ongoing Gaza war, but has intensified since then. Around 1,200 Palestinians, nearly half of them children, have been forced to leave 20 communities, according to figures from B'tselem. It is a second displacement for families such as Sulaiman's, who lived near what is now the Israeli city of Be'er Sheva until 1948. They were forced out in the nakba, or catastrophe, in which about 700,000 Palestinians were expelled from their homes in 1948 after the creation of Israel. Israel's military occupation of the West Bank began in 1967. Around 500,000 Jewish Israelis live in 'over settlements', all illegal under international law. Dozens of small makeshift outposts are also illegal under Israeli law – like the one set up in Mughayyir al-Deir – but authorities rarely try to remove them. Ben Pazi set up his own farm in the area east of Ramallah in 2018 and has been involved in attacks and land grabs in the area for many years, according to the British and US governments. Most use a combination of attacks on people, destruction of property and deployment of herds of sheep and goats to graze land where Palestinians have fed their flocks for decades. The US state department said in 2024, when sanctions were imposed on Ben Pazi under the Biden administration: 'Ben Pazi has expelled Palestinian shepherds from hundreds of acres of land. In August 2023, settlers including Ben Pazi attacked Palestinians near the village of Wadi as-Seeq.' Donald Trump lifted those sanctions. Ben Pazi's violence attracted the attention of Israel's military commander for the region, Maj Gen Yehuda Fuchs, who issued an administrative order barring Ben Pazi from entering the West Bank in late 2023. Ben Pazi's role in the campaign to force Palestinians out of Mughayyir al-Deir was unclear. He hung up when the Guardian called to ask for comment, and did not respond to further messages. The Guardian was unable to contact Sabah. Ben Pazi was a regular visitor to the new outpost, spending several hours there on at least three days this week, according to several Israeli activists who recognised him from work in the region. On one visit he was photographed greeting an unidentified man wearing a military-style uniform. Israel's military did not immediately respond to questions about whether the man was a member of the armed forces, and if so, whether he was at the outpost in an official or personal capacity. Ben Pazi drove a group of settlers and equipment to the edge of the village, where they started erecting a fence around land where Palestinians had lived and farmed for decades. Pardes, of B'tselem, said: 'The international community have so much more to do in terms of directing steps towards the Israeli government. 'What is happening is not just about a violent threat in this place or that; it's all part of a well-defended and subsidised policy run by the government.'
Zawya
20-05-2025
- General
- Zawya
Negotiating demographic change: sustaining land reform success in Masvingo, Zimbabwe
Here we have two such sites – Clare farm in Gutu district and Wondedzo extension in Masvingo district. In these sites, people were allocated plots (around 30ha) to include homesteads, farmland and grazing in one area (more like a (very) small commercial farm, hence the likelihood that these will be reclassified as A2 areas soon). These were supposed to be independent, productive commercial farms and were regarded as the 'best' option by settlers during the land invasion period. As a result, many influential war veterans and other locally well-connected people who joined the invasions made sure that they got plots on these farms. While these political connections may have only lasted during the period of the invasions (these were not big 'chefs' as seen on some of the A2 farms), they were able to manipulate allocations, some gaining multiple plots under different names of family members. Others also were allocated plots in A2 areas, and kept two farms, again with different names. They came mostly (as with others in the villagised A1 areas) from the communal areas, but a significant number had town business and government connections. They came with relatively more livestock and other assets and got started on farming with great enthusiasm and energy. When we did our early studies in from around 2005, these were the areas where 'accumulation from below' was most evident, and throughout the period from 2000, they regularly produced more than consumption needs and invested the surplus in improving their farms. They were impressive, vibrant places offering much hope for the future of land reform. The demographic composition is slightly different to the other A1 land reform areas too, as this group of original settlers were somewhat older when they arrived. This has implications today, as quite a number (mostly) male settlers have died, handing over land to wives (mostly). Meanwhile, sons (as well as daughters) are now grown up and in need of land, resulting in many subdivided plots. An ageing population, challenges of subdivision and a number of inheritance disputes all add to the other challenges of the recent period. While the pattern of accumulation from below and surplus production continues, the really positive vibe from 20 years ago is more subdued. Indeed, many commented in our success group discussions about the very real challenges being faced, and central among these was navigating a demographic transition between generations. Across the two sites, many of the same indicators discussed in other success ranking workshops were repeated. However, here the emphasis on crops and surpluses was central. People commented on the increases in crop outputs over 25 years: 'When we came here, we were not very good farmers. We used to harvest one or two bags of maize. Now we speak of tonnes.' In relation to this, many highlighted the importance of boreholes and irrigation. A total of nine boreholes were sunk in Clare farm alone in the last year. This is linked to the expansion of irrigated horticulture along rivers and in vleis (wetlands) in both sites, which is increasingly intensive and commercialised, and across a large scale. The presence of a significant (and growing) number of VaPostori Apostolic church followers in Wondedzo Extension in particular adds another dimension. These families are deeply into commercial horticulture and are often very successful. This is reliant on the deployment of large numbers of wives and children as labour as part of what has been called a 'traditional idiom of accumulation'; although frankly some may regard it as simple exploitation. As someone commented, 'When we came here, we had very few children. But today, we have lots of children, which has created a demand for schools.' Success through agricultural production therefore leads to a whole range of other criteria that were mentioned, including good housing infrastructure, adequate and nutritional food, livestock ownership (goats, cattle, broilers etc.), ownership of farm equipment and education of children. As in other areas, a number of shocks have disturbed people's ability to produce, but it was the ability to bounce back that was seen as key. As one Clare farm participant commented, 'Success is the ability to bounce back after some disturbances. For example, the ability to reconstruct a bridge after its destruction by floods. Or the ability to restock following the death of cattle.' This type of resilience can therefore be individual, but more often than not will be collective and relational, relying on the mobilisation of labour for bridge repair or loaning of cattle for restocking, for example. Perhaps more than any other discussion, in Clare farm, community investments in public goods – good roads, access to public transport, schools, clinics etc. – were emphasised as central to success. Community level development (kubudirira kwenharaunda) and cooperation was seen as essential. The emphasis was on a sense of place and collective commitment to it, and the need to respond to the particular characteristics of the farm. This required coming together through unification, ' Kubatana kwavanhu munharaunda '. One aspect of changing social relations that got special mention in these discussions was the empowerment of women in the post land reform era, and particularly now with husbands have passed on or infirm and unable to work. These were relatively large farms, with scope for independent activity by men and women. This was not a farm where women had small garden plots for what are often dismissively called 'women's crops'; instead, these were reasonably-sized commercial operations where women needed to be directly involved, developing the farm business, driving cars/trucks, managing market connections, keeping budgets/accounts and so on. As someone from Clare farm commented, 'In the past, we were told that men were better farmers than women. But now we see a lot of very good women farmers. We see household's farming activities even improving after the death of the husband. Nowadays you even here people saying: that woman is a far much better farmer than other men.' Women have become especially good farmers on these farms, and many have taken over successfully after their husbands have passed on. This has been facilitated again by a range of relational interactions generating success, including seminars, women's platforms and technologies (such as WhatsApp where women share information in groups). Women too are more mobile these days than was the case in the past, often moving between the farm and town as part of marketing of commercial products. Table 1: Transitions in Clare farm Clare farm saw the highest turnover in ranking level of any site from 2008 to 2025 – admittedly 17 years being over a longer time period than some other sites. Only 32 households remained in the same rank over this period, and there are now many more households on the farm who were not there in 2008 (mostly subdivisions but also purchases). The households of 2025 were very different to those of 2008, not least because those still alive are 17 years older; and in some cases now very old. Of those that changed rank, they moved equally up and down. 37.5% (12 households) remained static (2 households remained in SG1, 5 households remained in SG2 and 5 households remained in SG3. 31.3% (10 households) decreased their rank by moving down to one or two categories over the period. 31.3% (10 households) increased their ranking by moving one or two rankings over the period. Overall, 62.5% (20 households) had changed rank. Wondedzo Extension Table 2: Transitions in Wondedzo Extension By contrast, in Wondedzo extension very few households decreased their rank (just two households), while many more increased their rank. Many also remained static. Overall turnover was high, although less than Clare. 47.2% (17 households) remained static (13 households remained in SG1, 3 households remained in SG2 and 1 household remained in SG3. 5.6% (2 households) decreased their rank moving down to one or two categories over the period. 47.2% (17 households) increased their ranking moving one or two rankings over the period. Overall, 52.8% (19 households) had changed rank. The contrast between Clare and Wondedzo Extension is interesting. In the mid-2000s, both felt the same – prosperous farming areas, going places. Today, there is quite a contrast. Clare farm households have not been able to manage the generational transition as effectively, and there has often been a decline following the death of a husband. By contrast, in Wondedzo Extension the impact of a husband's death has not been as dramatic, and in some cases, widows have improved their status. This is because, despite first appearances, these were not similar sites. Clare was occupied by many war veterans and others also come from the same nearby communal area. They had come to farm and did so successfully, but most did not have other options to fall back on. By contrast, the Wondedzo Extension farmers were often diversified entrepreneurs. Farming may have been central, but they also had other businesses, which were also managed by wives. On the death of a husband there were more options, and widows were able to tap into these effectively. The following sections explain some of these transitions, combining information from both sites. Case studies I: transitions to a higher rank The reasons for increases in success rank included adult children (often with high-paying jobs, including in the diaspora) investing in the farm, often through projects and paying for labour and assisting elder parents. In other cases, widows who took over successfully were able to improve things, highlighting the new-found capacities of many women in the land reform areas commented on earlier. In other cases, people returned from town or other farms (acquired as multiple land acquisitions in the early 2000s) and began full-time farming. Amongst those in the Apostolic sect, the continued increase in wives and children (one with 30 wives and over a hundred children) has allowed the boosting of success in the eyes of workshop participants. Those who managed to move from SG3 to SG2 did so through various mechanisms, usually a windfall that allowed some investments. So, in Wondedzo extension, one gained roora cattle as a result of a marriage agreement and created a small irrigation plot; another resolved a land dispute and was able to create a poultry project. These small, incremental moves with a limited capital injection have allowed a move towards greater success, with many expecting a subsequent move upwards to SG The following cases illustrate some of these dynamics. Clare Case 1. MM (from SG3 to SG1). MM inherited his father's plot following his death. His father had acquired the farm in the early 2000s with the help of his sister who was working as a headmistress at a local school in Chatsworth, but was heavily involved during the invasions. MM works in Canada. Recently, he has heavily invested in boreholes and irrigation equipment and has established a macadamia nut orchard using proceeds from diaspora. Currently, he is installing a ZESA (mains electricity) line at his farm, connecting it from nearby Chatsworth town. Case 2. (from SG2 to SG1). A 2008 success ranking exercise placed the late PK's household in SG3. PK was a war veteran and retired soldier. He passed away in 2023 due to kidney failure. Soon after his death, his 33-year-old son (TK) returned to the farm after a long sojourn in Pretoria. He explained: 'Following the death of my father, I realised that my mother was struggling to farm. So, I decided to return home with my wife to help my mother with farming. I was working in construction industry in Pretoria, but these days South Africa is difficult to live in.' TK currently lives with his mother but was planning to build his own homestead within his mother's plot. Case 3. (from SG2 to SG1). BB is 54 years old and her husband is an environmental health technician and councillor. The household acquired the plot in 2000. BB's household was ranked in SG2 in 2018. Recently, the household has ascended to SG1 category. During the early years of settlement, they engage in irrigation using a 'bucket' (manual) system, but latter purchased a 7.5HP and later 20HP water pumps, as well as drip irrigation. These investments were premised on the husband's savings from his salary. They grow cabbages, onions and tomatoes, and used the proceeds to pay children's school fees. They also purchased cattle with proceeds from farming and savings from husband's wages. Recently, the household has drilled a borehole. While her husband is still employed as a civil servant, BB runs the farm when the husband is away. Wondedzo Extension Although there are many more upward transitions at this site, the selection below focuses on those that moved from SG3-SG1 only. Case 5. EM. Originally from Chikombedzi, EM's parents acquired land in the early father died in 2004, but he and his siblings remained on the plot. The household was placed in SG3 in 2008. In 2006, EM started irrigating a small area with buckets from a small dam. He grew vegetables, which he sold locally and in Masvingo. From the proceeds, he was able to purchase a foot water pump. In 2010, he then purchased 5 HP for US$220 and irrigation pipes in the following year. As a member of Mapostori sect, he has 31 wives and many children who are all a source of cheap labour. He has since invested in a 30 HP and have drilled a borehole. Today, EM operates one of the largest horticulture enterprises in Wondedzo Extension. It is not surprising then that EM's household was placed in SG1 category recently. Case 6. PV (from SG3 to SG1). In 2008, PV's household was placed in SG3 despite having some cattle and 'good home' at the time. He was an absentee farmer as he was still at work. He was employed at the Ministry of Health. Now he is retired and now a fulltime farmer. In the recent years, he has invested in boreholes and drip irrigation. In fact, he was the first farmers to invest in drip irrigation in the area. Besides irrigation, he also rears pigs, broilers and egg layer chickens. In addition, he is one of the largest herd owners in Wondedzo, and engaging in pen fattening. Case 7. PM (from SG3 to SG1). Like PV, PM was an absentee in 2008. At the time, he was working as a builder in Namibia. Very little production was carried out for several years. It is not surprising then that his household was placed in SG3 in 2008. Today, he is now a fulltime farmer. Over the years, he has since invested in a good home, irrigation (solar-powered submissive pump). During the success ranking discussions, PM was described as 'mbada' (leopard) – another slang term used to describe a strong and hardworking person. In addition to farming, he is a builder locally and in town. By diversifying is income sources, PM has managed to improve his quality of life. Case 8. TM (from SG3 to SG1). He inherited the plot from his father (R) who was a war veteran and major in the army. During the success rankings, TM was described as a 'mbinga' because he runs off-farm businesses in (including restaurants) in town. Despite having good quality source of income, he has not built a proper homestead at the plot, although he supports two of his siblings who have built their own homesteads at the plot. He is also politically connected to the party-state, illustrated by having a borehole drilled through ZANU-PF party recently. Case studies II: transitions to a lower rank The causes of decline mentioned in the success ranking workshops included death of the male household head, succession conflicts and misfortunes in business/work. In a number of prominent cases, family disputes have led to the precipitous collapse of once thriving farms, and participants in our group ranking discussions pointed to the need for family harmony and cohesion as a key criterion for success, especially when thinking about transitions across generations. These types of decline were particularly common in Clare farm. The following illustrate these dynamics from the two sites. Clare Case 9: RS (SG1 to SG3). A 2008 success ranking exercise placed RS's household in SG1. The now late RS was born in 1963 at Rasa near Bhasera in Gutu communal area. He came to Clare farm in 2000 and was one of the leaders of the invasion. He was allocated a plot of 70 hectares, and quickly cleared 9 ha for farming. He invested substantially in the new area. He built a good home, with four houses. In 2008, he owned 14 cattle and 51 goats, as well as other agricultural equipment such as ploughs and scotch-cart. He was also a good networker, able to make connections which have benefited his livelihood options. During the early years of resettlement, he held several positions at local level, including Secretary for the war veteran group during the land invasions (which he helped coordinate across several farms), Base Commander of Clare farm, and later he was elected Political Commissar for Ward 32 then ZANU-PF Party Chairman. He was also elected Secretary for Lands and Resettlement in the District Coordinating Committee. These connections allowed him to gain access to government schemes, most notably through Operation Maguta, and he received seed and fertiliser on loan. However, in 2008, a series of events led to a decline. He and one of his wives had fallen acutely ill; they were treated for tuberculosis and diagnosed as HIV positive. RS and his wife's ill health derailed the household's production and sapped the household's resources. In 2009, RS tried to burn down the house where his now estranged second wife lived. She escaped and fled, while he was later arrested and charged. However, before the case could be heard, he took his own life in May 2009. Following his death and that of his first wife, the estranged wife left for South Africa, leaving the plot unoccupied. In 2012, after 'nyaradzo' (a ceremony held following the death of a person), RS's brothers asked RS's oldest son (MS) to take over the farm as the first-born son. RS's brothers also asked MS's mother – RS's first wife whom he had divorced a long time ago – to return at the farm. This caused upset among the other half-siblings, and one of the half-siblings accused MS of grabbing all the father's assets. This prompted MS and his mother to abandon the farm. Although the half-brothers have 'reconciled', nothing is happening at the farm to this day. Case 10: JH (SG1 to SG2). JH was born in Serima in 1953. She and her husband acquired a self-contained plot in Clare in the year 2000. According to her, 'In 2000, we heard that people will be given land and my husband then applied because he wanted a plot. He said that in the communal areas we were crowded, and I do not want to be settled in an A1 villagised farm that resembles the communal areas.' At the time, they were both full-time farmers in the nearby Serima communal . At settlement, they had 8 head of cattle and a plough. Between 2001 and 2002, the household cleared 9ha of crop field. They grew maize, rapoko, sweet potatoes, roundnuts and groundnuts for both consumption and sale. From 2003 to 2009, the household managed to buy a scotch-cart, plough and cultivator, fencing the whole farm and paddocks, as well as educating their last-born son up to form 6 with maize proceeds. The household's herd had increased to 17 at the time. As a result, the household of JH was placed in SG1 in 2008. The household was on an upward trajectory during this period. As a good farmer with a good record of selling maize to the GMB, JH's husband used to gain access to inputs from Operation Maguta. However, a series of events has led to a decline. These include the death of JH's husband in 2010 due to old age; January disease led to the death of cattle (resulting in lack of draft power and adequate manure) and children who were once a source of cheap labour have come of age and left for urban jobs. All these factors have led to the reduction of area cultivated from 9ha to 2ha. As a result, JH's household was recently been ranked as SG2. As JH noted, 'A lot of things have changed. When my husband was still alive, we used to harvest a lot of maize. In Ward 1, we were always number one every season when it comes to crop farming. It's all gone now. All things come to an end. Who can do what my husband was doing now? My husband would never leave the crop fields. Every season we would hold a 'humwe'. I would brew traditional beer and my husband would invite his friends from Chiriga for humwe. Now I can't do all this when 'baba vemusha' (father of homestead) is no longer there.' Case 11: CC (SG1 to SG3). CC's household is an example of 'accumulation from above'. In 2008, the household was ranked in SG1. During this period, participants in the success ranking exercise described the household as 'above us all'. The household had a poultry enterprise of 300 to 500 birds, which were sold in Harare. Also, during this period, he was working at the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, where he managed to acquire a tractor under the Farm Mechanisation programme and other financial loans. In addition, he made substantial investments on the farm, purchasing irrigation equipment and building a very big and elaborate house. However, in recent times, things have declined. The poultry business has since collapsed. Overall, very little is happening at the farm. Wondedzo extension Case 12. MC (from SG1 to SG2). The late MC acquired land in the early 2000s. She was one of the few women who got land in their own right, although she was married at the time. Her husband had a plot at Mukosi settlement. In 2008, MC's household was ranked in SG2 category. The participants of the success ranking at the time described her as a 'good farmer', with most farming equipment. Through farming, she was able to invest in irrigation infrastructure and educating her children. However, she passed away and husband took over. Following her passing, there has been a decline. According to participants of the success ranking, this is because 'he has too many wives'. Case 13. EG (from SG1 to SG2). EG and her husband acquired land in the early 2000s. EG's household was ranked in SG1 category in 2008. At the time, they were described by participants of the success ranking as 'proper farmers.' They were full-time farmers, and grew maize, cotton, groundnuts and rapoko; and regularly sold maize to GMB. Using proceeds from maize, they managed to buy a plough and scotch-cart. However, for various reasons, the household has declined to SG2 category. The death of the husband combined with the outbreak of January Disease in the early 2020s, which led to the death of all the household's cattle, resulting in lack of draft power and manure. Case studies III: maintaining a high rank Thirteen households in Wondedzo Extension have managed to maintain their SG1 status as compared to only two in Clare. As mentioned above, households in Wondedzo Extension have managed to effectively manage succession transition than those in Clare farm. In addition, most farmers in pursued diversified livelihood portfolios, with wives and children often involved in off-farm activities, such that even after the death of the male household head those households were able to maintain their high status. This can be clearly seen in the following examples. Case 14: AM is now in her early 80s, and is originally from nearby Masvingise area in Gutu South communal area. Although married at the time, she acquired a plot in Wondedzo Extension on her own account in the early 2000s. At that time, her husband was working as a bus inspector in Masvingo. On acquiring the land, the household cleared a 5ha arable field, moved their large herd to the plot and built a good home. Her husband later passed away in 2006, but the household maintained a high rank. She grew maize, rapoko and groundnuts. She regularly sold maize to GMB. A 2008 success ranking placed the household in SG1. At that time, she had 'lots of cattle'. In 2021, in consultation with her children, she took the decision to return to her communal areas home because of old age. As a family, they then decided to exchange the plot with her sister's son who had a smaller A1 villagised plot in Stanmore B irrigation plot. They approached the District Administrator (DA) so that he could facilitate the process. However, the DA was against the idea. According to AM, 'the DA first asked if we were related to the person who we wanted to exchange the land with. I told him that he was my sister's son. And, he said, in that case, 'this was not right'. He asked why I was giving away my own children's 'nhaka' (inheritance) to someone else's son. 'Your sister's son does not share the same blood with your children', he said. He advised us to go back home and think carefully again. We returned to the DA several times, but his answer never changed. Seeing that the DA was not going to approve our request, my children (including married daughters) then sat down among themselves and decided that my youngest son (T) would take over the plot as he had not inherited anything from the parents. The older son (TB) had inherited the old homestead in communal areas and house in Masvingo town following the death of their father. So it was only fair that the young son also inherits the plot.' Once they had agreed, the children then secretly built a new homestead within the old stand in the communal areas, and comfortably furnished it for their mother. 'This made me very happy that my children could come up with such a plan. If the DA had approved our request, we would have got rid of the plot. I am grateful to the day.' Today, her son who is also a successful businessman in Gweru is now the new owner of the plot and is now registered in his name. He owns nearly 200 cattle, and is even renting additional grazing land from other farmers. It is therefore not surprising that the household retained SG1 status thanks to careful succession planning. Case 15. Originally from Mutema area in Gutu, EC and her husband acquired a plot in Wondedzo Extension in 2000. Her husband had been working as a mechanic for many years before he became a pastor in one of the Pentecostal churches in 2000. On acquiring the farm, they invested in housing infrastructure and clearing of 10ha of crop fields. At settlement, they had a herd of 8 cattle, which later increased to 35 through natural growth. They regularly harvested a lot of maize (up to 30 tonnes in good seasons) and sold to GMB. They also engaged in horticulture near Mutirikwi river, and sold their products (leaf vegetables, onions and tomatoes) at KuTrain market. Using proceeds from farming, they managed to set up a private school (linked to the church) and to educate their children (some up to tertiary level). One of her daughters worked as a school teacher at the family's private school, one was a secretary at the family's school, and the other was self-employed as a cross-border. In 2008, the household was ranked in SG1 category. At the time, participants of success rankings described the husband as a 'number one farmer here.' The household had 8 oxen (making two spans of 4 oxen), and hired as many as four permanent workers. From 2014 through to 2023, the household also constructed a very large modern house, which is comfortably furnished, using income from cattle and maize sales. In 2021, EC's husband passed away. Despite his death, the household has retained its SG1 status to this day. All three of her daughters were sending remittances back home, which were used to pay workers and buy inputs. Both of her two sons were at home, farming with her, although the younger son suffers from mental illness. The household has16 head of cattle. Last season, she received inputs to engage in wheat production under Command Agriculture on her irrigation plot. In sum, these two A1 self-contained cases demonstrate the potential of accumulation from below through agriculture over time. This can be sustained with labour, supervision and coordination at the farm and through marketing networks. External investment is important but not vital, and many households have prospered for many years through agriculture-driven success. However, demographic change challenges this pattern of continued accumulation. In Clare, the deaths of husbands often caused major disruptions, with declines being seen in household status. This was in part because there were frequently few alternative income sources and diversified business interests to draw on. This was unlike in Wondedzo extension, where people maintained quite diversified livelihood portfolios and were not just farmers. These conditions influence how in different sites demographic change and generational transition has been negotiated quite differently, with major consequences for 'success' in the long term.
Jordan Times
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Jordan Times
Israeli settlers storm Al Aqsa Mosque under heavy police protection — Waqf Department
By JT - May 19,2025 - Last updated at May 19,2025 The Old City of Jerusalem with the Dome of the Rock (right) and Al Aqsa Mosque (left) (AFP photo) AMMAN — Dozens of extremist Israeli settlers stormed the courtyards of the Al Aqsa Mosque/Al Haram Al Sharif compound in occupied Jerusalem on Monday, entering through the Mughrabi Gate under tight protection from Israeli occupation forces. The Jerusalem Waqf and Al Aqsa Mosque Affairs Departmentsaid in a statement, cited by the Jordan News Agency, Petra, that the settlers conducted 'provocative' tours throughout the mosque compound and performed Talmudic rituals in its eastern section. Israeli forces continued to restrict access for Palestinian worshippers to the holy site, the department said, imposing heightened security the mosque's entrances and Palestinian groups have intensified calls for mass mobilisation and continued presence at Al-Aqsa Mosque in response to what they describe as ongoing efforts by settler organisations and Israeli authorities to impose control over the holy site and advance plans to build the alleged 'temple' in place of the mosque, according to Petra. These calls come ahead of the upcoming 'Jerusalem Day' on May 26, when far-right groups are expected to increase visits to the site. The mosque compound has remained under heightened Israeli restrictions since October 7, with security forces limiting Muslim access, erecting metal barriers, and detaining worshippers attempting to enter, Petra said.
