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UFO sleuths want fewer secrets in Trump-era investigations

UFO sleuths want fewer secrets in Trump-era investigations

Yahoo2 days ago

After generations of stigma and secrecy around sightings of unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAPs), or what the public calls UFOs, investigators probing hundreds of unsolved cases say the second Trump administration could be a turning point for transparency.
"We're trying to get as much of the raw evidence out as we can without putting our partners' equities at risk," said Jon Kosloski, director of the Pentagon's All-Domain Anomaly Resolution Office, the government-wide task force leading research into mysterious sightings.
"The office has hired additional personnel and we're investing in automated security review software that can redact the sensitive information from videos," he said of an effort to release more currently classified material related to the probes.
WATCH: Investigating UFOs in the Trump-era - Tonight 7p/9p ET on ABC News Live Prime with Linsey Davis, on Hulu, Disney+ and wherever you find ABC News.
Congress established the Resolution Office in 2022 to "detect, identify and attribute" mysterious objects of interest in the air, outer space, and underwater, with special focus on mitigating potential threats to military operations and national security.
More than 1800 cases have been reviewed by the Pentagon so far, with the vast majority ultimately resolved as likely balloons, drones, debris or animals based on a comprehensive review of available data.
Kosloski says "several dozen" cases remain anomalous even after rigorous analysis of evidence. They continue to receive new reports of anomalies by military service members and the general public every month.
"It's a potential problem, a national security problem, safety of flight issue," Kosloski told ABC News. "We seem to have the full support of the administration" in pursuing answers.
President Donald Trump has famously been a UFO skeptic. "It's never been my thing. I have to be honest," he told podcaster Joe Rogan in an October 2024 interview. "I have never been a believer."
But the president, who has full access to all government secrets as commander in chief, has also hinted on several occasions that there may be more information than has previously been revealed about alleged extraterrestrial life and unusual technological capabilities.
"I won't talk to you about what I know about it but it's very interesting," Trump told his son, Donald Trump Jr., in an online video during the 2020 campaign. "But Roswell's a very interesting place with a lot of people that would like to know what's going on."
Since taking office a second time, Trump has vowed "radical transparency" across government. Last month, he ordered the release of all remaining classified files related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy Jr.
Some UFO enthusiasts across the political spectrum are pushing for a similar release of government files related to extraterrestrial mysteries.
"When you have only certain information that's shared with the American people, that's when conspiracy theories happen. And it's, in my opinion, that conspiracy theories can be detrimental," said Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., in April as she opened the House Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets.
Lawmakers from both parties have proposed legislation to force government agencies to disclose more information on UAPs, but Congress has yet to pass it.
"The issue is when we mix secrecy with a stigma, and that we create such a stigma around a phenomenon that it becomes difficult, if not impossible, for agencies, for people to look at the issue seriously," said former Associate NASA Administrator Mike Gold, who served on the agency's UAP Independent Study Team.
Gold, who is now part of the UAP Disclosure Fund, an independent group of scientific and national security experts, says Congress must fund more aggressive analysis of troves of existing government data.
"If we study UAP, not only can we help with national security," Gold said, "but even if we don't discover something exotic, what's the worst case scenario? We discover an incredible new physical phenomenon?"
Critics of the Pentagon effort led by Kosloski say it has been hobbled by "staffing shortfalls," bogged down by "bureaucratic confusion," and mired in "excessive secrecy."
In recent testimony before Congress, whistleblowers insist the government is still hiding evidence of non-human intelligence, which top officials have long denied.
Kosloski has accelerated the release of intensive investigations, publishing unclassified resolution reports for some of the most high-profile cases, detailing the technical and intelligence analysis behind the conclusion.
"Our hope is to be able to triage them, identify those that have the best scientific data, the nexus with national security interests and the true anomalies behind them, and focus our attention on those really anomalous cases," Kosloski said.
Last year, the Pentagon completed a historic review of 80 years of records related to unidentified anomalous phenomena, concluding there is "no evidence that any U.S. government investigation, academic-sponsored research, or official review panel has confirmed that any sighting of a UAP represented extraterrestrial technology."
"That stands true," said Kosloski.
Government and private UAP investigators say it will take substantially more data to resolve the most persistent mysteries on file.
As for whether he can categorically rule out the existence of an intact spacecraft or part of a spacecraft in government possession, Kosloski said he has not been able to corroborate any claims but promised to push for public release of any likely findings of non-human intelligence.
"There's no precedent for that, obviously, but I think that we would take that up through the Secretary of Defense and allow him to make that decision."
UFO sleuths want fewer secrets in Trump-era investigations originally appeared on abcnews.go.com

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Points of Light, founded by the Bush family, aims to double American volunteerism by 2035
Points of Light, founded by the Bush family, aims to double American volunteerism by 2035

Washington Post

time13 minutes ago

  • Washington Post

Points of Light, founded by the Bush family, aims to double American volunteerism by 2035

NEW ORLEANS — The Bush family's nonprofit Points of Light will lead an effort to double the number of people who volunteer with U.S. charitable organizations from 75 million annually to 150 million in 10 years. The ambitious goal, announced in New Orleans at the foundation's annual conference, which concluded Friday, would represent a major change in the way Americans spend their time and interact with nonprofits. It aspires to mobilize people to volunteer with nonprofits in the U.S. at a scale that only federal programs like AmeriCorps have in the past. It also coincides with deep federal funding cuts that threaten the financial stability of many nonprofits and with an effort to gut AmeriCorps programs, which sent 200,000 volunteers all over the country. A judge on Wednesday paused those cuts in some states , which had sued the Trump administration. Jennifer Sirangelo, president and CEO of Points of Light, said that while the campaign has been in development well before the federal cuts, the nonprofit's board members recently met and decided to move forward. 'What our board said was, 'We have to do it now. We have to put the stake in the ground now. It's more important than it was before the disruption of AmeriCorps,'' she said in an interview with The Associated Press. She said the nonprofit aims to raise and spend $100 million over the next three years to support the goal. Points of Light, which is based in Atlanta, was founded by President George H.W. Bush to champion his vision of volunteerism. It has carried on his tradition of giving out a daily award to a volunteer around the country, built a global network of volunteer organizations and cultivated corporate volunteer programs. Speaking Wednesday in New Orleans, Points of Light's board chair Neil Bush told the organization's annual conference that the capacity volunteers add to nonprofits will have a huge impact on communities. 'Our mission is to make volunteering and service easier, more impactful, more sustained,' Bush said. 'Because, let's be honest, the problems in our communities aren't going to fix themselves.' According to data from the U.S. Census Bureau and AmeriCorps, the rate of participation has plateaued since 2002 , with a noticeable dip during the pandemic . Susan M. Chambré, professor emerita at Baruch College who studied volunteering for decades , said Points of Light's goal of doubling the number of volunteers was admirable but unrealistic, given that volunteer rates have not varied significantly over time. But she said more research is needed into what motivates volunteers, which would give insight into how to recruit people. She also said volunteering has become more transactional over time, directed by staff as opposed to organized by volunteers themselves. In making its case for increasing volunteer participation in a recent report , Points of Light drew on research from nonprofits like Independent Sector, the National Alliance for Volunteer Engagement and the Do Good Institute at the University of Maryland. Sirangelo said they want to better measure the impact volunteers make, not just the hours they put in, for example. They also see a major role for technology to better connect potential volunteers to opportunities, though they acknowledge that many have tried to do that through apps and online platforms . Reaching young people will also be a major part of accomplishing this increase in volunteer participation. Sirangelo said she's observed that many young people who do want to participate are founding their own nonprofits rather than joining an existing one. 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The Surprising Joy of Lego's $5 Mini Builds
The Surprising Joy of Lego's $5 Mini Builds

New York Times

time15 minutes ago

  • New York Times

The Surprising Joy of Lego's $5 Mini Builds

Early on the morning of my 34th birthday, I found myself at Target in search of shampoo to get through a weeklong trip visiting a friend. There I was, standing in the checkout line, when something small caught my eye. Without hesitation, I grabbed it. It was a $5 Lego Mini Build of a Star Wars TIE Interceptor. This was no ordinary impulse purchase. It was a bell tolling me back to a long string of elementary school birthdays, when Lego sets always made their way into my hands — an occupational hazard of having two grandfathers who were engineers. I couldn't pinpoint the last time I'd bought myself a Lego set, but the year certainly began with 19. As soon as I got back, I spilled the mere 48 pieces of the TIE Interceptor set across the desk in my friend's guest room. Hour by hour, I'd return to it over the course of the day, snapping together a few more pieces, following one more half step in the instruction booklet, until finally, just before midnight, the build sat completed in the palm of my hand. These small sets — known in the Lego community as polybags — have since become a checkout-aisle purchase on every Target trip I make. For the low price of $5, I can briefly go back in time and enter the meditative trance of clicking bricks. Before that fateful Target run, I hadn't consciously decided to stop buying Lego. It was a thing that just kind of happened. First, people stopped buying sets for me, assuming I'd grown out of them. Then I stopped spending what little money I managed to make as a kid on Lego. And gradually the habit left my life entirely. It certainly didn't help that, as an adult, I've almost always lived in small New York apartments, which offer relatively little space for me to spread out and assemble massive sets and even less space to store them once completed. The other issue is that most of the sets I might want — the sprawling Rivendell set from The Lord of the Rings, or the mammoth Titanic, or a Millennium Falcon the size of a large pizza — cost several hundred dollars. An X-Wing Starfighter in pursuit of a TIE Interceptor. Rebecca Hartje Polybag sets represent, for me, the perfect balance of everything I loved about Lego without any of the obstacles that made me stop buying sets in the first place. They are so small that I can effectively build them on my lap. Once completed, they take up virtually no space, fitting neatly in a drawer or discreetly on a shelf. I don't mind looking at them, and their diminutive size makes them oddly adorable as I stash them away in surprising corners of my apartment. 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This season, I'm particularly fond of the Botanicals Mini Build, Field Flowers, four stalks from different plants that now live in a tiki cocktail glass in my living room. And as a bird nerd, I also like the Lego Creator Tropical Toucan and the bed of flowers sitting at its feet (which has crept up in price to roughly $10). A tropical toucan with a bed of flowers is one of three builds possible in this set. Alexander Aciman/NYT Wirecutter And I am not alone in my love of these little sets. 'I do often grab a Lego polybag in the checkout aisle if the theme catches my eye,' says Wirecutter writer and resident AFOL (Adult Fan of Lego) Joshua Lyon. 'The bag tends to sit unopened on my desk. Months, sometimes years later, I'll find the little treasure buried under office detritus, and that's what delights me — Lego polybags are small and inexpensive enough to become a surprise treat at some point down the line.' 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From a van Gogh piece to a retro radio, these are our favorite Lego sets for adults. Our kid testers, and their parents, loved these Lego sets. Our resident Lego obsessive tested nine sets of the flashy, fake flora. Here's what to know before you make (or give) your own garden of earthly delights.

The AI lobby plants its flag in Washington
The AI lobby plants its flag in Washington

Yahoo

time18 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

The AI lobby plants its flag in Washington

Top artificial intelligence companies are rapidly expanding their lobbying footprint in Washington — and so far, Washington is turning out to be a very soft target. Two privately held AI companies, OpenAI and Anthropic — which once positioned themselves as cautious, research-driven counterweights to aggressive Big Tech firms — are now adding Washington staff, ramping up their lobbying spending and chasing contracts from the estimated $75 billion federal IT budget, a significant portion of which now focuses on AI. They have company. Scale AI, a specialist contractor with the Pentagon and other agencies, is also planning to expand its government relations and lobbying teams, a spokesperson told POLITICO. In late March, the AI-focused chipmaking giant Nvidia registered its first in-house lobbyists. AI lobbyists are 'very visible' and 'very present on the hill,' said Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) in an interview at the Special Competitive Studies Project AI+ Expo this week. 'They're nurturing relationships with lots of senators and a handful of members [of the House] in Congress. It's really important for their ambitions, their expectations of the future of AI, to have Congress involved, even if it's only to stop us from doing anything.' This lobbying push aims to capitalize on a wave of support from both the Trump administration and the Republican Congress, both of which have pumped up the AI industry as a linchpin of American competitiveness and a means for shrinking the federal workforce. They don't all present a unified front — Anthropic, in particular, has found itself at odds with conservatives, and on Thursday its CEO Dario Amodei broke with other companies by urging Congress to pass a national transparency standard for AI companies — but so far the AI lobby is broadly getting what it wants. 'The overarching ask is for no regulation or for light-touch regulation, and so far, they've gotten that," said Doug Calidas, senior vice president of government affairs for the AI policy nonprofit Americans for Responsible Innovation. In a sign of lawmakers' deference to industry, the House passed a ten-year freeze on enforcing state and local AI regulation as part of its megabill that is currently working through the Senate. Critics, however, worry that the AI conversation in Washington has become an overly tight loop between companies and their GOP supporters — muting important concerns about the growth of a powerful but hard-to-control technology. 'There's been a huge pivot for [AI companies] as the money has gotten closer,' Gary Marcus, an AI and cognitive science expert, said of the leading AI firms. 'The Trump administration is too chummy with the big tech companies, and basically ignoring what the American people want, which is protection from the many risks of AI.' Anthropic declined to comment for this story, referring POLITICO to its March submission to the AI Action Plan that the White House is crafting after President Donald Trump repealed a sprawling AI executive order issued by the Biden administration. OpenAI, too, declined to comment. This week several AI firms, including OpenAI, co-sponsored the Special Competitive Studies Project's AI+ Expo, an annual Washington trade show that has quickly emerged as a kind of bazaar for companies trying to sell services to the government. (Disclosure: POLITICO was a media partner of the conference.) They're jostling for influence against more established government contractors like Palantir, which has been steadily building up its lobbying presence in D.C. for years, while Meta, Google, Amazon and Microsoft — major tech platforms with AI as part of their pitch — already have dozens of lobbyists in their employ. What the AI lobby wants is a classic Washington twofer: fewer regulations to limit its growth, and more government contracts. The government budget for AI has been growing. Federal agencies across the board — from the Department of Defense and the Department of Energy to the IRS and the Department of Veterans Affairs — are looking to build AI capacity. The Trump administration's staff cuts and automation push is expected to accelerate the demand for private firms to fill the gap with AI. For AI, 'growth' also demands energy and, on the policy front, AI companies have been a key driver of the recent push in Congress and the White House to open up new energy sources, streamline permitting for building new data centers and funnel private investment into the construction of these sites. Late last year, OpenAI released an infrastructure blueprint for the U.S. urging the federal government to prepare for a massive spike in demand for computational infrastructure and energy supply. Among its recommendations: creating special AI zones to fast-track permits for energy and data centers, expanding the national power grid and boosting government support for private investment in major energy projects. Those recommendations are now being very closely echoed by Trump administration figures. Last month, at the Bitcoin 2025 Conference in Las Vegas, David Sacks — Trump's AI and crypto czar — laid out a sweeping vision that mirrored the AI industry's lobbying goals. Speaking to a crowd of 35,000, Sacks stressed the foundational role of energy for both AI and cryptocurrency, saying bluntly: 'You need power.' He applauded President Donald Trump's push to expand domestic oil and gas production, framing it as essential to keeping the U.S. ahead in the global AI and crypto race. This is a huge turnaround from a year ago, when AI companies faced a very different landscape in Washington. The Biden administration, and many congressional Democrats, wanted to regulate the industry to guard against bias, job loss and existential risk. No longer. Since Trump's election, AI has become central to the conversation about global competition with China, with Silicon Valley venture capitalists like Sacks and Marc Andreessen now in positions of influence within the Trump orbit. Trump's director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy is Michael Kratsios, former managing director at Scale AI. Trump himself has proudly announced a series of massive Gulf investment deals in AI. Sacks, in his Las Vegas speech, pointed to those recent deal announcements as evidence of what he called a 'total comprehensive shift' in Washington's approach to emerging technologies. But as the U.S. throws its weight behind AI as a strategic asset, critics warn that the enthusiasm is muffling one of the most important conversations about AI: its ability to wreak unforeseen harm on the populace, from fairness to existential risk concerns. Among those concerns: bias embedded in algorithmic decisions that affect housing, policing, and hiring; surveillance that could threaten civil liberties; the erosion of copyright protections, as AI models hoover up data and labor protections as automation replaces human work. Kevin De Liban, founder of TechTonic Justice, a nonprofit that focuses on the impact of AI on low income communities, worries that Washington has abandoned its concerns for AI's impact on citizens. 'Big Tech gets fat government contracts, a testing ground for their technologies, and a liability-free regulatory environment,' he said, of Washington's current AI policy environment. 'Everyday people are left behind to deal with the fallout.' There's a much larger question, too, which dominated the early AI debate: whether cutting-edge AI systems can be controlled at all. These risks, long documented by researchers, are now taking a back seat in Washington as the conversation turns to economic advantage and global competition. There's also the very real concern that if an AI company does bring up the technology's worst-case scenarios, it may find itself at odds with the White House itself. Anthropic CEO Amodei said in a May interview that labor force disruptions due to AI would be severe — which triggered a direct attack from Sacks, Trump's AI czar, on his podcast, who said that line of thinking led to 'woke AI.' Still, both Anthropic and OpenAI are going full steam ahead. Anthropic hired nearly a dozen policy staffers in the last two months, while OpenAI similarly grew its policy office over the past year. They're also pushing to become more important federal contractors by getting critical FedRAMP authorizations — a federal program that certifies cloud services for use across government — which could unlock billions of dollars in contracts. As tech companies grow increasingly cozy with the government, the political will to regulate them is fading — and in fact, Congress appears hostile to any efforts to regulate them at all. In a public comment in March, OpenAI specifically asked the Trump administration for a voluntary federal framework that overrides state AI laws, seeking 'private sector relief' from a patchwork of state AI bills. Two months later, the House added language to its reconciliation bill that would have done exactly that — and more. The provision to impose a 10 year moratorium on state AI regulations passed the House but is expected to be knocked out by the Senate parliamentarian. (Breaking ranks again, Anthropic is lobbying against the moratorium.) Still, the provision has widespread support amongst Republicans and is likely to make a comeback.

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