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No need for socialism in India, secularism not core of our culture: Union minister Chouhan

No need for socialism in India, secularism not core of our culture: Union minister Chouhan

The Printa day ago

In indirect support to the RSS' call to review the words 'socialist' and 'secular' in the Preamble of the Constitution, Union minister Jitendra Singh on Friday also said any right-thinking citizen will endorse it because everybody knows that these words were not part of the original Constitution written by Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar.
Chouhan's remarks assume significance as the RSS on Thursday called for reviewing the words 'socialist' and 'secular' in the preamble of the Constitution, saying they were included during the Emergency and were never part of the Constitution drafted by B R Ambedkar. Addressing an event organised at New Delhi on 50 years of the Emergency, RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale said, 'The preamble of the Constitution Baba Saheb Ambedkar made never had these words. During the Emergency, when fundamental rights were suspended, Parliament did not work, the judiciary became lame, then these words were added.' Speaking at a programme held in Varanasi to mark 50 years of the Emergency, Chouhan said, ''Bharat mein samajwad kee zaroorat nahi hai… Dharmanirapeksh hamaaree sanskrti ka mool nahin hai aur issliye is par zaroor vichaar hona chaahiye' (There is no need for socialism in India… 'Secular' is not the core of our culture and hence, this must be deliberated upon),' he said.
Varanasi (UP), Jun 27 (PTI) Union Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan on Friday said 'there is no need for socialism in India', adding 'secularism is not the core of our culture'.
Recalling the days of the Emergency, Chouhan said in order to save her power, the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed Emergency in the country.
'There was no threat to external security nor was there any threat to internal security. The only threat was to the prime minister's chair, hence, on the night of June 25, 1975, the Emergency was declared in the country without holding a cabinet meeting,' the Union minister said.
Veteran Samajwadi Party (SP) leader Rajendra Chaudhary slammed the BJP and the RSS for suggesting that the words 'socialist' and 'secular' in the Constitution's Preamble could be done away with.
'These statements merely prove that the RSS and BJP don't believe in democracy and are making attempts to weaken the Constitution,' Chaudhary told PTI.
UP Congress chief Ajay Rai told PTI, 'Such statements in fact validate what we have been saying for long that the RSS and BJP don't have any faith in the Constitution. This country belongs to all. The Congress will protect the Constitution at all costs.' Chouhan said he was only 16 years old when the Emergency was promulgated and he was also arrested and taken to jail under Defence of India Rules.
'Even today, I get goosebumps remembering those dark days. During the Emergency, if there was a frenzy to demolish houses at Turkman Gate, the public was crushed by bulldozers. If anyone protested, they were riddled with bullets. It was not bullets fired on the public, it was the murder of the Constitution,' Chouhan recalled.
The Union minister said there was neither any appeal, nor 'vakeel' (lawyer), nor 'daleel' (argument) and alleged that it was murder of the Constitution.
'All civil rights were suspended. Putting a lock on the freedom of the press is murder of the Constitution, reducing the rights of the court, making it ineffective — it was murder of the Constitution.
'Making the entire country a prison — this was the murder of the Constitution. All opposition parties and even students were put in jails. The Congress is the killer of the Constitution,' he said.
The senior BJP leader took a dig at Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi and without naming him alleged that the Congress does not have the right to keep a copy of the Constitution.
'Those dark days are still remembered. Dictatorship is in the DNA of the Congress. Those who roam around with a copy of the Constitution in their hands will have to answer, he said.
Chouhan said if the Congress wants to learn democracy, it should learn from Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
'The Bharatiya Janata Party respects the spirit of democracy but for what Congress did, I am repeating again that they should rub their nose and apologise to the country that they had committed this historical mistake,' he said.
'Prime Minister Narendra Modi strongly believes in democracy and that is why the work of celebrating Constitution Day in independent India was done by Prime Minister Modi. Democracy is in the nature of the Bharatiya Janata Party,' Chouhan said. PTI COR NAV MAN KSS KSS
This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.

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How Emergency '75 Tried To Distort The Constitution Of India
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How Emergency '75 Tried To Distort The Constitution Of India

It was this provision that the then-President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed depended upon while proclaiming the Emergency on the night of June 25, 1975. 'Internal disturbance" lent itself to a wide-ranging interpretation, including political and civil society movements. The original article contained no proviso that the proclamation of the emergency should be restricted to only affected parts of India. Thus it was proclaimed for the whole of India, even if that were not necessary. Also, in a glaring lapse of parliamentary procedure, President Ahmed's proclamation preceded the cabinet meeting approving the emergency. The proclamation of emergency, Kuldip Nayar informs, was signed at 11.45 pm on June 25, 1975. Indira Gandhi decided to call the meeting of the cabinet at 6 pm on June 26 after returning from the Rashtrapati Bhawan (The Judgement: Inside Story of the Emergency in India, P. 39-41). The proclamation was placed before the cabinet that met at 1, Safdarjung Road—the Prime Minister's official residence—for ex-post facto approval. The arrest of the opposition leaders, as well as the journalists, had gone on with ruthless efficiency in the intervening period. Article 352 has been altered since then, raising the constitutional bar against the sweeping imposition of emergency countrywide as in 1975. Paradoxically, even Indira Gandhi's government has a role in it through the 42nd amendment of the Constitution (1976). The 44th amendment brought in by the Janata Party's government (1978) further conditioned the imposition of emergency. Thus, from the constitutional viewpoint, the imposition of emergency became more difficult. Further, Article 359, which was related to the suspension of the enforcement of the rights conferred by Part III during emergencies, no longer applied to Articles 20 and 21. This meant that the constitutional provisions with regard to protection in respect of conviction of offences, and protection of life and personal liberty, could not be abridged under any circumstances (even if other fundamental rights are suspended under emergency). These changes will be described ahead. II The events described as the causes of the Emergency '75, e.g. students' movement spearheaded by Jay Prakash Narayan, the Allahabad High Court's judgment declaring Indira Gandhi's election from Raebareli parliamentary constituency (1971) as void, etc, were at best immediate causes. Immediate causes only ignite the stockpile of explosive materials already present. The underlying cause of the Emergency '75 was Indira Gandhi's authoritarian style of functioning, which she equated with efficiency. This imbalanced the harmony conceived by the framers of the Constitution, between the legislature, executive, and judiciary. However, a more impersonal reading of the situation was that it represented a 'mid-life crisis of the Constitution" itself. Advertisement Indira Gandhi prioritised directive principles over fundamental rights. She vouched for 'parliamentary supremacy" in sorting out constitutional provisions (which, according to her, impeded the development of India) over judicial interpretation. She felt 'parliamentary supremacy" was necessary to prevent the Constitution from becoming atrophied. Parliament of India must have unlimited authority to amend the Constitution with a two-thirds majority as and when needed. There was a sudden acceleration in Constitution amendments during her second tenure. During the first two decades of its operation, the Constitution had been amended on 23 occasions. The Constitution (Twenty-third Amendment) Act, 1969, was notified on January 23, 1970, and came into force the same day. 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The apex court held that the whole of Article 31 C, which abrogates for certain purposes the fundamental rights in Articles 14, 19, and 31 of the Constitution, is invalid. The court stated that while ordinarily it had no power to review a constitutional amendment, it could do so if the amendment destroyed or damaged the basic structure of the Constitution. Basic feature, however, is not a finite or quantifiable concept but depends on the merit of the case. III Less than five months after the Emergency '75 had been declared–on November 10, 1975–the Supreme Court constituted a 13-judge bench to hear a plea of the Government of India that the Keshavananda Bharati verdict should be overruled. It was evidently a quid pro quo by Chief Justice AN Ray, who had been elevated to the top position by Indira Gandhi, by superseding three senior-most judges, who resigned in protest (April 1973). Legal luminary Nani A Palkhivala filed a petition against this government plea on the ground that the Keshavananda Bharati judgment was delivered by a full bench of the Supreme Court with proceedings lasting for five months. It would set a wrong precedent whereby even this full bench's judgment might be reconsidered by another full bench in future. Moreover, the time was least opportune, when fundamental rights of the citizens stood abrogated, there was no effective opposition inside Parliament, and most important leaders of the opposition parties were languishing in jail. Nobody could write or speak anything in public that was not acceptable to the government (We, The People P. 187). Due to Palkhivala's forceful advocacy, the bench was dissolved within two days of argument, though nothing was reported in the media due to censorship. Yet, it was a victory, no doubt, which saved the prestige of the judiciary. 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