Alberta government faces mounting pushback to new COVID-19 vaccine policy
The Alberta government is facing fierce and mounting opposition to plans that will reduce access to publicly funded COVID-19 vaccines in the province
The province announced late on Friday that it will limit funding of the COVID-19 shots to very specific high risk groups, including Albertans living in care homes and group settings, those receiving home care, people on social programs such as AISH, and immunocompromised individuals.
Seniors living in the community, pregnant Albertans and health-care workers will have to pay out of pocket for the vaccine, along with the rest of the population.
The province estimates the cost at $110 per dose.
"My dominant emotion is sadness because of the people who are going to be affected by this misguided policy," said Dr. James Talbot, a former provincial chief medical officer of health.
"This is saying if you want to prevent yourself from getting a serious illness and the serious consequences that go with it, if you have money you're fine. If you're a member of the working poor or a single parent family, you're out of luck."
Premier Danielle Smith defended the decision on Monday, saying because vials contain multiple doses that need to be used within hours of opening, over one million doses have been wasted in pharmacies and doctors' offices.
"That's $135 million. And so that was very influential in saying, is there a better way for us to do it," Smith said at an unrelated news conference in Calgary.
"The national standards now are to prioritize those who have the most likelihood of an adverse affect or adverse outcomes. So we prioritize those who are most at risk. And that's what we decided to do."
Talbot, also an adjunct professor at the University of Alberta, suggested the waste should have been identified and addressed much earlier and that options including single-use packaging should be investigated.
On Monday, Smith said that is something they're lobbying pharmaceutical companies for. But in the meantime, she said Albertans who want a vaccine will have to sign up for one in advance.
"We just have so many priorities in health care, we can't afford to be wasting money," she said.
Infectious diseases experts argue Alberta isn't actually following the most recent guidance from the National Advisory Committee on Immunization (NACI).
"I think there's some … very significant gaps. I don't think I've ever seen Alberta veer so far away from national recommendations. And I think as a precedent, that's extremely concerning," said Dr. Lynora Saxinger, an infectious diseases specialist at the University of Alberta.
NACI recommends all adults 65 years of age and older should receive a COVID-19 vaccine. Groups including pregnant individuals, people with underlying health conditions, First Nations individuals and health-care workers should also get the shot, the guidance states.
"Alberta is not taking that first recommendation, it seems," said Saxinger.
A secondary recommendation states that everyone else "may" receive a shot.
"It still recommends routine COVID-19 vaccination may be given. It's not recommending that it not be given," she said.
At the University of Calgary, Craig Jenne is worried Alberta's new policy will result in reduced vaccine uptake in the province.
"Which ultimately is going to lead to an increased number of people requiring medical treatment, hospitalizations, ICU visits and — hopefully not, but likely — increased loss of life in the province," said Jenne, a professor in the department of microbiology, immunology and infectious diseases.
According to provincial data, 368 Albertans have died due to COVID-19 and there have been more than 3,000 hospitalizations since the end of August 2024.
The federal government, which had been paying for the COVID-19 vaccines, is no longer doing so. Until its announcement on Friday, the Alberta government had been tight-lipped about how it would handle coverage moving forward.
Premier Danielle Smith addressed the COVID-19 vaccine policy changes on her weekend radio program Your Province, Your Premier.
On that show she said the province threw away over a million doses of the COVID-19 vaccine "because people just don't want to get the vaccine [at] the same rate as others."
Smith was asked why that is.
"I think it's because it doesn't work particularly well, if you want the truth. I mean ... a vaccine is one where you get an injection once or twice, and then you never develop the underlying condition. And so you have to judge vaccines on that basis," she said.
Talbot rejects the claim that the COVID-19 vaccine doesn't work very well.
"She is absolutely wrong about how effective the vaccine is. And her own Ministry of Health has the data to prove it," said Talbot, who is also an adjunct professor at the University of Alberta.
Jenne is also pushing back.
"This is a bit frustrating because this continues to lead to confusion and perhaps a little mistrust in the vaccines," he said.
"Throughout the various mutations of the virus, throughout the various vaccine updates, they continue to work extremely well at preventing hospitalization, at preventing ICU admission, and — critically — at preventing death."
During the 2024-25 respiratory virus season, 697,471 doses of the COVID-19 vaccine were given out.
The provincial government said it has purchased 485,000 doses for the upcoming fall and winter season.
A spokesperson from the Ministry of Primary and Preventative Health Services told CBC News that vaccine orders are based on several factors, "including expected uptake, previous wastage, and the number of Albertans likely to be at risk for severe outcomes."
The Alberta Medical Association is raising the alarm about the provincial government's exclusion of high-risk groups identified by NACI, including seniors in the community and health workers.
It's also concerned there is no mention of pregnant individuals, First Nations, Inuit and Métis Albertans, and other racialized groups.
"This is counter to what other jurisdictions continue to do and to recommendations from the National Advisory Committee on Immunization," Dr. Shelley Duggan, the Alberta Medical Association president, said in an emailed statement.
Calling the decision "irresponsible" and "dangerous," the United Nurses of Alberta (UNA) is demanding the government immediately reverse the decision.
The Health Sciences Association of Alberta (HSAA) is also calling on the province to provide COVID vaccines to all front-line health-care workers and "any Albertan who requests them" free of charge.
Meanwhile, Talbot said there is an economic argument to be made for providing the vaccine for free to Albertans, because it keeps people healthy — and in the workforce — and reduces health care costs and keeps hospital beds free for other Albertans who need them.
And, pointing to ongoing concerns about provincial messaging, he argued the vaccine waste should have been addressed earlier.
"The marketing campaign was late. It was ineffective," he said.
"You have to wonder what their motivation is when they know they have vaccines, they know they need to be marketing them to Albertans, and they don't bother to do it and then they point their finger to Albertans for not being interested in getting the vaccine."
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CNN
an hour ago
- CNN
While North Korea denied Covid-19 cases, the virus was widespread and barely treated, report says
For the first time since the global outbreak of Covid-19, researchers claim to have pierced North Korea's ironclad information blockade to reveal how some ordinary citizens endured the pandemic. While Pyongyang insisted for more than two years that not a single case had breached its hermetically sealed borders, a new report paints a far darker picture, of a deadly wave of largely untreated illness that swept the country, but was barely talked about. The 26-page report also details testimony of deaths by counterfeit or self-prescribed medicine, and official denial leading to a culture of dishonesty. 'Doctors were lying to the patients. Village leaders were lying to the party. And the government was lying to everybody,' said Dr. Victor Cha, one of the report's lead authors. Released by the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in partnership with the George W. Bush Institute, the paper is based on 100 in-person interviews conducted discreetly inside North Korea between September and December 2023. The testimony – gathered through informal, conversational methods known as 'snowball sampling' – span all nine provinces and the capital Pyongyang. The result is what the authors describe as 'arguably the first glimpse' inside the country's most extreme period of isolation in modern history. Snowball sampling is a recruitment method often used when studying hidden or hard-to-access populations. Researchers begin by identifying one or two trusted participants, who then refer them to others in their networks. Over time, the pool of participants 'snowballs,' growing through word-of-mouth and personal trust. While it lacks the scientific rigor of more conventional surveys, this method is often the only way of getting raw, subjective testimony from people living in repressive and totalitarian states, such as North Korea. Cha, a former White House adviser and Korea Chair at CSIS, said the findings were evidence of 'a total failure on the part of the government to do anything for the people during the pandemic.' 'Everybody was effectively lying to everybody during the pandemic,' he said. 'Because of a government policy that said there was no COVID in the country. When they knew there was.' Cha said Pyongyang's policy of denial didn't just attempt to deceive the outside world – it forced North Korea's more than 26 million people into mutually enforced silence. When North Korea closed its borders in early 2020 – as the virus made its way across the globe, on its way to infecting and killing millions – state media claimed it had kept the virus out entirely; no infections, no deaths. The world was skeptical. But the regime's total control over borders and information made independent verification nearly impossible. Two years later, North Korean television aired scenes of a military parade in Pyongyang. Crowds filled Kim Il Sung Square. Masks were scarce. Not long after, reports of a mysterious 'fever outbreak' began appearing in state media. By early May, Pyongyang confirmed its first Covid-19 case. Three months later, it declared victory – claiming just 74 deaths out of nearly 5 million 'fever' cases. But according to the new survey, Covid-19 had by that point been circulating widely inside the country for at least two years. Ninety-two percent of respondents said they or someone close to them had been infected. Most said 2020 and 2021 – not 2022 – were when outbreaks were at their worst. 'Fevers were happening everywhere, and many people were dying within a few days,' one participant reported. Another, a soldier, described a military communications battalion in which more than half the unit – about 400 soldiers – fell ill by late 2021. In prisons, schools, and food factories, respondents described people collapsing or missing days of work due to fever. Even under normal conditions, the country's isolated and underfunded healthcare system struggles to meet the needs of its people. But a pandemic-level event, coupled with official denial and an initial refusal to accept foreign vaccines, left people dangerously exposed, the report claims. With virtually no access to testing, diagnoses came from Covid-19 symptoms that most of the world had grown familiar with: fever, cough, shortness of breath. Some respondents said even these symptoms were taboo. One woman recalled being told by a doctor that if she said she had those symptoms, 'you will be taken away.' Another said bluntly: 'They told me it's a cold, but I knew it was COVID.' In place of official care, citizens turned to folk medicine: saltwater rinses, garlic necklaces, even opium injections. One woman said her child died after being given the wrong dosage of adult medication. Another respondent described neighbors overdosing on counterfeit Chinese drugs. In total, one in five respondents reported seeing or hearing of deaths due to misuse of medication or fake pharmaceuticals. Protective gear was nearly nonexistent. Just 8% of respondents said they received masks from the government. Many made their own, reused them, or bought them at black-market prices. One mother said her children had to sew their own because adult-issued masks were too big. Cha says the failure was not just in what the government withheld, but in how it blocked the kind of grassroots survival that had helped North Korea's 'resourceful' citizens endure past disasters – including the 1990s famine, known inside the country as the 'Arduous March.' That crisis gave rise to private marketplaces, which emerged as a lifeline when the state-run ration system collapsed. During the pandemic, however, those markets were shut down – officially to contain the virus, but also, Cha suggests, to limit the spread of information. 'They didn't allow the people to find coping mechanisms,' he said. 'Just shut them down, quarantine them, lock them down – and then provided them with nothing.' The suffering extended beyond illness. With internal travel banned and markets shuttered, food shortages became acute. Eighty-one percent of those surveyed said they faced hunger. Respondents spoke of trying to survive quarantine periods with no rations, no access to medicine, and no way to seek help. The rationing system, long unreliable, collapsed entirely under the weight of the lockdown. 'If you didn't have emergency food at home, it was really tough,' one soldier said. Eighty-seven percent of respondents said they had no access to Covid tests at any point in the pandemic. Fewer than 20% received any vaccine — and most of those were administered only after Pyongyang acknowledged the outbreak in 2022 and accepted limited Chinese assistance. Soldiers reported receiving three shots as part of a campaign later that year. Civilian respondents described group vaccinations administered at schools or workplaces – months after the rest of the world had rolled out full vaccination programs. Even the basic act of reporting illness became a risk. According to the report, local clinics and neighborhood watch units were required to report cases to central authorities. But only 41% of respondents ever received any information about those reports. Most said the results were either never shared or filtered through rumor. One respondent said: 'I realized that serious illnesses and deaths were not reported because they were told not to call it COVID.' This system of denial created what Cha calls a 'double lie': the government lied to its people, and the people lied to each other and to their government – each trying to avoid quarantine, censure, or worse. The survey also documented a deep well of frustration with the regime's response – and its propaganda. One participant said: 'Our country can build nuclear weapons, but they can't give us vaccines.' Others noted the contrast between their conditions and what they heard about other countries: free testing, access to medicine, the ability to travel. In one of the report's most striking findings, 83% of respondents said their experience did not align with what the government or its leader Kim Jong Un told them. More than half said they explicitly disbelieved the regime's Covid-related announcements. 'When I saw the Supreme Leader touting his love for the people, while so many were dying without medicine,' one respondent said, 'I thought of all the people who didn't survive.'


CNN
an hour ago
- CNN
While North Korea denied Covid-19 cases, the virus was widespread and barely treated, report says
For the first time since the global outbreak of Covid-19, researchers claim to have pierced North Korea's ironclad information blockade to reveal how some ordinary citizens endured the pandemic. While Pyongyang insisted for more than two years that not a single case had breached its hermetically sealed borders, a new report paints a far darker picture, of a deadly wave of largely untreated illness that swept the country, but was barely talked about. The 26-page report also details testimony of deaths by counterfeit or self-prescribed medicine, and official denial leading to a culture of dishonesty. 'Doctors were lying to the patients. Village leaders were lying to the party. And the government was lying to everybody,' said Dr. Victor Cha, one of the report's lead authors. Released by the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in partnership with the George W. Bush Institute, the paper is based on 100 in-person interviews conducted discreetly inside North Korea between September and December 2023. The testimony – gathered through informal, conversational methods known as 'snowball sampling' – span all nine provinces and the capital Pyongyang. The result is what the authors describe as 'arguably the first glimpse' inside the country's most extreme period of isolation in modern history. Snowball sampling is a recruitment method often used when studying hidden or hard-to-access populations. Researchers begin by identifying one or two trusted participants, who then refer them to others in their networks. Over time, the pool of participants 'snowballs,' growing through word-of-mouth and personal trust. While it lacks the scientific rigor of more conventional surveys, this method is often the only way of getting raw, subjective testimony from people living in repressive and totalitarian states, such as North Korea. Cha, a former White House adviser and Korea Chair at CSIS, said the findings were evidence of 'a total failure on the part of the government to do anything for the people during the pandemic.' 'Everybody was effectively lying to everybody during the pandemic,' he said. 'Because of a government policy that said there was no COVID in the country. When they knew there was.' Cha said Pyongyang's policy of denial didn't just attempt to deceive the outside world – it forced North Korea's more than 26 million people into mutually enforced silence. When North Korea closed its borders in early 2020 – as the virus made its way across the globe, on its way to infecting and killing millions – state media claimed it had kept the virus out entirely; no infections, no deaths. The world was skeptical. But the regime's total control over borders and information made independent verification nearly impossible. Two years later, North Korean television aired scenes of a military parade in Pyongyang. Crowds filled Kim Il Sung Square. Masks were scarce. Not long after, reports of a mysterious 'fever outbreak' began appearing in state media. By early May, Pyongyang confirmed its first Covid-19 case. Three months later, it declared victory – claiming just 74 deaths out of nearly 5 million 'fever' cases. But according to the new survey, Covid-19 had by that point been circulating widely inside the country for at least two years. Ninety-two percent of respondents said they or someone close to them had been infected. Most said 2020 and 2021 – not 2022 – were when outbreaks were at their worst. 'Fevers were happening everywhere, and many people were dying within a few days,' one participant reported. Another, a soldier, described a military communications battalion in which more than half the unit – about 400 soldiers – fell ill by late 2021. In prisons, schools, and food factories, respondents described people collapsing or missing days of work due to fever. Even under normal conditions, the country's isolated and underfunded healthcare system struggles to meet the needs of its people. But a pandemic-level event, coupled with official denial and an initial refusal to accept foreign vaccines, left people dangerously exposed, the report claims. With virtually no access to testing, diagnoses came from Covid-19 symptoms that most of the world had grown familiar with: fever, cough, shortness of breath. Some respondents said even these symptoms were taboo. One woman recalled being told by a doctor that if she said she had those symptoms, 'you will be taken away.' Another said bluntly: 'They told me it's a cold, but I knew it was COVID.' In place of official care, citizens turned to folk medicine: saltwater rinses, garlic necklaces, even opium injections. One woman said her child died after being given the wrong dosage of adult medication. Another respondent described neighbors overdosing on counterfeit Chinese drugs. In total, one in five respondents reported seeing or hearing of deaths due to misuse of medication or fake pharmaceuticals. Protective gear was nearly nonexistent. Just 8% of respondents said they received masks from the government. Many made their own, reused them, or bought them at black-market prices. One mother said her children had to sew their own because adult-issued masks were too big. Cha says the failure was not just in what the government withheld, but in how it blocked the kind of grassroots survival that had helped North Korea's 'resourceful' citizens endure past disasters – including the 1990s famine, known inside the country as the 'Arduous March.' That crisis gave rise to private marketplaces, which emerged as a lifeline when the state-run ration system collapsed. During the pandemic, however, those markets were shut down – officially to contain the virus, but also, Cha suggests, to limit the spread of information. 'They didn't allow the people to find coping mechanisms,' he said. 'Just shut them down, quarantine them, lock them down – and then provided them with nothing.' The suffering extended beyond illness. With internal travel banned and markets shuttered, food shortages became acute. Eighty-one percent of those surveyed said they faced hunger. Respondents spoke of trying to survive quarantine periods with no rations, no access to medicine, and no way to seek help. The rationing system, long unreliable, collapsed entirely under the weight of the lockdown. 'If you didn't have emergency food at home, it was really tough,' one soldier said. Eighty-seven percent of respondents said they had no access to Covid tests at any point in the pandemic. Fewer than 20% received any vaccine — and most of those were administered only after Pyongyang acknowledged the outbreak in 2022 and accepted limited Chinese assistance. Soldiers reported receiving three shots as part of a campaign later that year. Civilian respondents described group vaccinations administered at schools or workplaces – months after the rest of the world had rolled out full vaccination programs. Even the basic act of reporting illness became a risk. According to the report, local clinics and neighborhood watch units were required to report cases to central authorities. But only 41% of respondents ever received any information about those reports. Most said the results were either never shared or filtered through rumor. One respondent said: 'I realized that serious illnesses and deaths were not reported because they were told not to call it COVID.' This system of denial created what Cha calls a 'double lie': the government lied to its people, and the people lied to each other and to their government – each trying to avoid quarantine, censure, or worse. The survey also documented a deep well of frustration with the regime's response – and its propaganda. One participant said: 'Our country can build nuclear weapons, but they can't give us vaccines.' Others noted the contrast between their conditions and what they heard about other countries: free testing, access to medicine, the ability to travel. In one of the report's most striking findings, 83% of respondents said their experience did not align with what the government or its leader Kim Jong Un told them. More than half said they explicitly disbelieved the regime's Covid-related announcements. 'When I saw the Supreme Leader touting his love for the people, while so many were dying without medicine,' one respondent said, 'I thought of all the people who didn't survive.'


CNN
an hour ago
- CNN
While North Korea denied Covid-19 cases, the virus was widespread and barely treated, report says
For the first time since the global outbreak of Covid-19, researchers claim to have pierced North Korea's ironclad information blockade to reveal how some ordinary citizens endured the pandemic. While Pyongyang insisted for more than two years that not a single case had breached its hermetically sealed borders, a new report paints a far darker picture, of a deadly wave of largely untreated illness that swept the country, but was barely talked about. The 26-page report also details testimony of deaths by counterfeit or self-prescribed medicine, and official denial leading to a culture of dishonesty. 'Doctors were lying to the patients. Village leaders were lying to the party. And the government was lying to everybody,' said Dr. Victor Cha, one of the report's lead authors. Released by the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in partnership with the George W. Bush Institute, the paper is based on 100 in-person interviews conducted discreetly inside North Korea between September and December 2023. The testimony – gathered through informal, conversational methods known as 'snowball sampling' – span all nine provinces and the capital Pyongyang. The result is what the authors describe as 'arguably the first glimpse' inside the country's most extreme period of isolation in modern history. Snowball sampling is a recruitment method often used when studying hidden or hard-to-access populations. Researchers begin by identifying one or two trusted participants, who then refer them to others in their networks. Over time, the pool of participants 'snowballs,' growing through word-of-mouth and personal trust. While it lacks the scientific rigor of more conventional surveys, this method is often the only way of getting raw, subjective testimony from people living in repressive and totalitarian states, such as North Korea. Cha, a former White House adviser and Korea Chair at CSIS, said the findings were evidence of 'a total failure on the part of the government to do anything for the people during the pandemic.' 'Everybody was effectively lying to everybody during the pandemic,' he said. 'Because of a government policy that said there was no COVID in the country. When they knew there was.' Cha said Pyongyang's policy of denial didn't just attempt to deceive the outside world – it forced North Korea's more than 26 million people into mutually enforced silence. When North Korea closed its borders in early 2020 – as the virus made its way across the globe, on its way to infecting and killing millions – state media claimed it had kept the virus out entirely; no infections, no deaths. The world was skeptical. But the regime's total control over borders and information made independent verification nearly impossible. Two years later, North Korean television aired scenes of a military parade in Pyongyang. Crowds filled Kim Il Sung Square. Masks were scarce. Not long after, reports of a mysterious 'fever outbreak' began appearing in state media. By early May, Pyongyang confirmed its first Covid-19 case. Three months later, it declared victory – claiming just 74 deaths out of nearly 5 million 'fever' cases. But according to the new survey, Covid-19 had by that point been circulating widely inside the country for at least two years. Ninety-two percent of respondents said they or someone close to them had been infected. Most said 2020 and 2021 – not 2022 – were when outbreaks were at their worst. 'Fevers were happening everywhere, and many people were dying within a few days,' one participant reported. Another, a soldier, described a military communications battalion in which more than half the unit – about 400 soldiers – fell ill by late 2021. In prisons, schools, and food factories, respondents described people collapsing or missing days of work due to fever. Even under normal conditions, the country's isolated and underfunded healthcare system struggles to meet the needs of its people. But a pandemic-level event, coupled with official denial and an initial refusal to accept foreign vaccines, left people dangerously exposed, the report claims. With virtually no access to testing, diagnoses came from Covid-19 symptoms that most of the world had grown familiar with: fever, cough, shortness of breath. Some respondents said even these symptoms were taboo. One woman recalled being told by a doctor that if she said she had those symptoms, 'you will be taken away.' Another said bluntly: 'They told me it's a cold, but I knew it was COVID.' In place of official care, citizens turned to folk medicine: saltwater rinses, garlic necklaces, even opium injections. One woman said her child died after being given the wrong dosage of adult medication. Another respondent described neighbors overdosing on counterfeit Chinese drugs. In total, one in five respondents reported seeing or hearing of deaths due to misuse of medication or fake pharmaceuticals. Protective gear was nearly nonexistent. Just 8% of respondents said they received masks from the government. Many made their own, reused them, or bought them at black-market prices. One mother said her children had to sew their own because adult-issued masks were too big. Cha says the failure was not just in what the government withheld, but in how it blocked the kind of grassroots survival that had helped North Korea's 'resourceful' citizens endure past disasters – including the 1990s famine, known inside the country as the 'Arduous March.' That crisis gave rise to private marketplaces, which emerged as a lifeline when the state-run ration system collapsed. During the pandemic, however, those markets were shut down – officially to contain the virus, but also, Cha suggests, to limit the spread of information. 'They didn't allow the people to find coping mechanisms,' he said. 'Just shut them down, quarantine them, lock them down – and then provided them with nothing.' The suffering extended beyond illness. With internal travel banned and markets shuttered, food shortages became acute. Eighty-one percent of those surveyed said they faced hunger. Respondents spoke of trying to survive quarantine periods with no rations, no access to medicine, and no way to seek help. The rationing system, long unreliable, collapsed entirely under the weight of the lockdown. 'If you didn't have emergency food at home, it was really tough,' one soldier said. Eighty-seven percent of respondents said they had no access to Covid tests at any point in the pandemic. Fewer than 20% received any vaccine — and most of those were administered only after Pyongyang acknowledged the outbreak in 2022 and accepted limited Chinese assistance. Soldiers reported receiving three shots as part of a campaign later that year. Civilian respondents described group vaccinations administered at schools or workplaces – months after the rest of the world had rolled out full vaccination programs. Even the basic act of reporting illness became a risk. According to the report, local clinics and neighborhood watch units were required to report cases to central authorities. But only 41% of respondents ever received any information about those reports. Most said the results were either never shared or filtered through rumor. One respondent said: 'I realized that serious illnesses and deaths were not reported because they were told not to call it COVID.' This system of denial created what Cha calls a 'double lie': the government lied to its people, and the people lied to each other and to their government – each trying to avoid quarantine, censure, or worse. The survey also documented a deep well of frustration with the regime's response – and its propaganda. One participant said: 'Our country can build nuclear weapons, but they can't give us vaccines.' Others noted the contrast between their conditions and what they heard about other countries: free testing, access to medicine, the ability to travel. In one of the report's most striking findings, 83% of respondents said their experience did not align with what the government or its leader Kim Jong Un told them. More than half said they explicitly disbelieved the regime's Covid-related announcements. 'When I saw the Supreme Leader touting his love for the people, while so many were dying without medicine,' one respondent said, 'I thought of all the people who didn't survive.'