Trump's doubling of tariffs on Canadian steel draws fire from US House Democrat
Minutes before US President Donald Trump announced on Tuesday that he would double his tariffs on steel imported from Canada, the senior Democrat on a Congressional subcommittee blasted them as a threat to American military shipbuilding.
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Speaking at a House sea power and projection forces subcommittee hearing examining the state of US shipbuilding, Representative Joe Courtney of Connecticut said the tariffs were 'going to impact whether or not we can build steel ships'.
Shortly after those opening remarks in a hearing that focused on inefficiencies, delays and cost overruns in US military shipbuilding, Trump announced his order to hike tariffs on all steel and aluminium products imported from
Canada to 50 per cent – a response to the Canadian province of Ontario placing a 25 per cent tariff on electricity transmitted into the US.
'When we're talking about cost overruns … we've got to think holistically here in terms of just, this is not just a [National Defence Authorisation Act] issue,' Courtney said, referring to the budget bill that must be passed annually to fund the US military.
'Tariffs are going to impact whether or not we can build steel ships with nickel alloy [steel products] coming from Canada.'
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Steel products made with nickel are stronger than many other varieties, making them crucial inputs for military hardware.
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Asia Times
7 hours ago
- Asia Times
World's most powerful ex-New Yorker gets a DC military parade
Donald Trump's plan for a military parade on June 14, 2025, officially to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Army as well as coinciding with the president's 79th birthday, is yet another indication of his affinity for authoritarian leaders and regimes. Although the parade, which will include 6,000 soldiers, 150 military vehicles and 50 helicopters − and will temporarily close Reagan National Airport and cost more than US$45 million − is ostensibly to celebrate the military, the idea is pure Trump. When pressed about his desire for the parade, the president has explained his reasoning for having the parade. 'We had more to do with winning World War II than any other nation. Why don't we have a Victory Day? So we're going to have a Victory Day for World War I and for World War II.' While big military parades in Washington, D.C., other than immediately following a major military victory, are largely without precedent, there is another American city that has a much richer tradition of parades. That city is New York. New York is a parade town. It's also a city with which Trump has a long, complex relationship. Trump was born in New York and began his business career there. Before Trump was a politician, or even a reality TV star, he was a fixture in the New York tabloids. His marriages, divorces, dating life and business successes and failures were splashed across more headlines than can be easily counted beginning in the early 1980s, but Trump was always presented as a clownish figure, albeit a very rich one. In those years, continuing into the first decade of this century, the local media always presented him as gaudy, loud and not quite as business savvy as he claimed – hence the coverage of his bankruptcies. While much of the rest of the country bought the Trump narrative that he was a brilliant businessman surrounded by beautiful women, doting staff and fawning celebrities, many New Yorkers never did. New Yorkers, including me, remembered an earlier Trump who almost ran the family business into the ground over many years. Nonetheless, New York has always been important to Trump. Although he still is a well-done steak with ketchup kind of guy, while New York is a soup dumplings, or bagels and lox, or arroz con pollo, or even caviar kind of town, Trump still has a connection to this city and wants to be celebrated here. And the city celebrates with big parades honoring everything from sports championships, which used to be much more common for New York teams, to the U.S. winning wars, most recently following the first Gulf War in 1991. Additionally, New York has parades for many of the hundreds of ethnic groups that make up the city. For decades on Thanksgiving Day, as they roast their turkey, prepare the stuffing and finalize preparations for the traditional feast, millions of Americans have watched the Thanksgiving parade, which is always held in Manhattan, frequently referred to as the Macy's Day parade because Macy's has long sponsored the event. In many of New York City's legendary parades, including those celebrating LGBTQ+ pride, the Puerto Rican Day Parade, St. Patrick's Day, West Indian American Day and others, politicians march, often in the lead, alongside their constituents. Some, like the Thanksgiving parade, have their own rituals, such as watching the balloons being inflated behind the American Museum of Natural History on the evening before Thanksgiving. However, the most famous of all parade types in New York is the ticker-tape parade. Dating from the days when paper, not computers, dominated trading floors and offices, people would throw ticker tape and other papers out their windows as the parade passed through the Financial District area that became known as the Canyon of Heroes. Not all New York parades are the same. Some, like the Thanksgiving parade, are simply fun and celebratory. Ticker-tape parades honor individuals or groups that have accomplished something significant, like landing on the Moon or winning the Super Bowl. They can recognize important foreign guests and dignitaries, while other parades celebrate the contributions of various peoples or groups of New Yorkers. But New Yorkers never throw parades for their politicians and tend to favor drums and floats rather than tanks and soldiers at these events. An avalanche of confetti rains down on Aug. 13, 1969, honoring the three astronauts of the Apollo 11 mission, who became the first people to walk on the Moon. Bettman/Getty Images While there are parades for all kinds of people and events in New York, there has never been a parade there for Donald Trump. There was a pretty massive street party in the city when it was announced that Trump had lost the 2020 election. Although Trump changed his primary residence to Florida in 2019, Trump was a New Yorker for many years and like many longtime residents had the chance to see many heroes – Mickey Mantle, John Glenn, Tom Seaver, Derek Jeter, Eli Manning, Nelson Mandela, American war veterans, numerous foreign leaders and many others – feted with a parade down the Canyon of Heroes. Jeter was celebrated five times, John Glenn and Mickey Mantle twice. It is impossible to know Trump's motivations for pushing the parade in the nation's capital. But we also know that he is a man who holds himself in high regard and craves attention. Trump will likely never get a parade in his erstwhile hometown, so Washington must be the next best thing. Trump's newfound parade fetish underscores his love-hate relationship with New York. New York is the city that made him famous and made his family, primarily because of his father's work, very rich. It is also the city that has repeatedly rejected Trump. It is the home of some of his worst real estate deals, the place where the business community lost patience with his antics and unwillingness to pay contractors, and where three times the voters turned out in huge numbers against him. A Washington, D.C., parade celebrating an unappreciated New Yorker who years ago decamped to Florida and Washington is a pale imitation of the Canyon of Heroes, where New Yorkers honor beloved leaders, war heroes, explorers and their favorite sports stars. But it is all Trump has. Lincoln Mitchell is a lecturer, School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Asia Times
8 hours ago
- Asia Times
Netanyahu's Iran strike is a well-laid trap for Trump
On the morning of June 13, 2025, explosions rang out over Tehran, shattering the fragile calm of the Islamic world's sacred day of prayer. The targets were reportedly Iranian military and nuclear infrastructure. And unlike past episodes of strategic ambiguity, this operation was not denied. It was explicitly approved by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Within hours, Iran responded. Drones were launched in swift retaliation, hitting sites believed to be affiliated with Israeli-linked interests in the region. This cycle of provocation and reprisal is not new in the Middle East. But what makes this moment different is its timing, its international implications and the risk it now poses to the United States and global stability. Just months earlier, US President Donald Trump, newly returned to office, sharply rebuked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. Trump criticized Zelensky's refusal to negotiate with Russia as the root of prolonged conflict in Europe, warning that Kyiv's obstinacy could bring the world closer to World War III. Yet it is not Ukraine that has ignited a new regional firestorm. It is Netanyahu—an American ally—who has taken a unilateral military step that may now entangle Washington in a conflict it did not start and cannot control. The irony is sharp. Netanyahu's strike, reportedly conducted without prior coordination with the United States, which may or may not be true, comes at a time when the Biden and Trump administrations alike have signaled exhaustion with Middle Eastern entanglements. After two decades of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, the American public's appetite for intervention is low. And yet, because of this one decision by an allied leader, the US may now find itself on the edge of another vortex—and one far more volatile than Ukraine. Iran's immediate retaliation should not have come as a surprise. Striking Tehran on a Friday—a day of spiritual unity for over a billion Muslims—was more than a military decision. It was a symbolic act, almost certain to provoke a visceral national and religious response. Iran's drones arrived by sunset. More will undoubtedly follow in the days ahead. Tehran has already warned it will consider American bases in Iraq, Syria, Qatar and Bahrain fair game, given what it perceives as US complicity with Israel. This is the trap. When allies act alone—especially in regions as fragile as the Middle East—they can implicate their partners in unintended wars. The United States did not overtly authorize this strike. But as long as it is seen as Israel's protector and arms supplier, it becomes vulnerable to the fallout. Washington's silence and obfuscation in the face of Netanyahu's recklessness risks being interpreted as consent. And in geopolitics, perception is reality. The consequences are already materializing. Brent crude oil jumped more than 10% by midday Kuala Lumpur time, with analysts warning of further volatility if the confrontation widens. For Southeast Asia, this matters deeply. Countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines—net oil importers—will face immediate inflationary pressure. Supply chains already under strain from Trump's renewed tariff regimes could buckle further. Capital markets, long wary of Middle East shocks, are on edge. This was not inevitable. Over the past year, there had been slow but promising progress in diplomatic engagement across civilizations. The ASEAN-GCC-China Summit marked one such effort—bringing together key actors from Southeast Asia, the Arab Gulf, and East Asia to focus on economic cooperation, cultural exchange, and regional connectivity. These efforts were never intended to replace hard power, but rather to soften its edges through dialogue. Netanyahu's pre-emptive strike threatens to undo that fragile momentum. Civilizational diplomacy cannot flourish amid a hail of missiles. Trust is harder to rebuild than it is to destroy. Domestically, Netanyahu may believe this operation strengthens his hand. He has long been politically embattled—dogged by corruption trials, mass protests and coalition pressures from ultranationalist partners. By launching a strike on Iran, he may hope to rally his base, distract from domestic dissent and portray himself as Israel's last line of defense. But this is a dangerous gamble. If Iran's retaliation expands or becomes more lethal, Israel's internal divisions may deepen. The trauma of the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks has not healed. And polls in Israel suggest growing frustration with Netanyahu's leadership and the direction of the state. His attempt to appear strong could ultimately backfire. For Trump, this moment is equally precarious. He came back to office promising peace through strength, but without more wars. If US forces are attacked in the coming days—as Iran has threatened—he will be forced to choose between military response and political restraint. Either choice risks undercutting his narrative. What this moment demands is urgent diplomacy. The United States, with partners like Turkey, Qatar and even neutral European states, must reestablish backchannels to Tehran. Israel must be counseled—firmly—that escalation does not serve anyone's strategic interest, least of all its own. Iran, for its part, must understand that disproportionate retaliation could fracture what limited international sympathy it retains. There is still time to contain this crisis. But it requires clarity from Washington. Silence will only widen the misunderstanding. If Trump wants to avoid being dragged into another Middle Eastern war, he must make it clear—publicly—that the United States did not support this strike, and that any attack on US interests will be met with a proportional, not automatic, response. Great powers are often judged not by how they start wars, but by how they prevent them. Netanyahu's strike has lit the fuse. It is now up to others to make sure the fire doesn't reach the powder keg. The world is watching—not just Tehran and Tel Aviv, but Washington, Riyadh, Doha and Kuala Lumpur too. When allies act alone, the costs are never theirs alone.
Asia Times
9 hours ago
- Asia Times
US support for Israel tainted by far-right ideology
The US's unwavering support of Israel is tainted by far-right ideology; the rest of the West must join the Global South to halt the genocide in Gaza and to prevent the crisis from escalating into a wider regional conflict. Last week, in a dangerous escalation of the Middle East crisis, Israel launched what it described as pre-emptive strikes against Iran. This latest development has further inflamed global protests, including in Western cities, against Israel's actions, particularly its ongoing blockade of humanitarian aid to Gaza. The growing outrage over Israel's actions is contributing to a rise in antisemitism. In the US, two recent attacks targeting Jewish individuals—one in Colorado and another in Washington—have left many in the Jewish community feeling increasingly vulnerable. The FBI Director Kash Patel has classified these attacks as acts of domestic terrorism. Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump has vowed to combat antisemitism while reaffirming unwavering US support for Israel. Evangelicals represent a core constituency of the US support for Israel. Their backing is rooted in the belief that the founding of Israel fulfills biblical prophecy and signals the anticipated second coming of the Messiah. Beyond supporting Israel, evangelicals are part of a broader movement. Through initiatives like the Heritage Foundation's Project 2025, conservative groups aim to promote Christian nationalist values and, more broadly, reestablish Christianity as the foundation of Western civilization. In February, Vice President JD Vance criticized European governments for suppressing conservative voices, framing it as an attack on freedom of speech. During Germany's recent general election, Elon Musk openly endorsed the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a far-right political party. The involvement of American conservatives in European politics has sparked alarm – especially in Germany, given the country's WWII legacy. In May, German authorities moved to ban the AfD, officially designating it as a right-wing extremist organization. Here is a troubling contradiction in US support for Israel: While publicly denouncing antisemitism, Trump has been linked to figures such as Nick Fuentes, a known Holocaust denier and Nazi sympathizer. Equally disconcerting, the evangelical support for Israel is rooted in a theological worldview that envisions the eventual conversion of all people—including Jews—to Christianity. This year, 2025, marks the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. In its aftermath, the United Nations was founded with a solemn pledge: to prevent future world wars and ensure that atrocities like the Holocaust would never happen again. Yet for many in the Global South, the ongoing suffering of Palestinians has made those pledges seem hollow. Early in the Gaza war, South Africa took the lead in charging Israel of committing 'genocide', filing a case at the International Court of Justice. Despite these efforts, the Global South's attempt to stop the war proved futile as Western powers uniformly backed Israel's military response to the October 7, 2023, attacks and its claimed right to self-defense. However, two years into the conflict, it has become increasingly evident that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may have broader, more maximalist territorial objectives—namely, the reoccupation of both the West Bank and Gaza as part of a vision for a Greater Israel. His strategy seems calculated to make Gaza utterly unliveable, creating conditions that would force Palestinians into mass displacement. With its conscience finally stirred, Europe began a long-overdue reckoning with Israel, as countries including Ireland, Spain and Norway publicly accused it of creating a 'man-made humanitarian catastrophe' in Gaza. The pressure intensified last week when five Western nations—including the UK, Canada and Australia—took coordinated action, imposing diplomatic sanctions on two far-right Israel cabinet members. At the same time, the Gaza war has fractured the Jewish diaspora, exposing profound divisions. In the US, organizations like the Jewish Voice for Peace have not only denounced Netanyahu's policies but also actively mobilized protests against Israel's military campaign. The dissent has reached even Israel's highest levels, seen in former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's authoring of a blistering Haaretz op-ed declaring, 'Enough is Enough. Israel is Committing War Crimes.' Since its founding, Israel's paramount security objective has been to ensure that Jews never again experience a tragedy like the Holocaust. But Netanyahu's current military actions in Gaza are now being labelled by the international community of committing atrocities akin to 'genocide.' In a cruel historical irony, the nation born from persecution risks replicating the very patterns of oppression it was created to escape. Another tragic irony lies in Netanyahu's far-right coalition aligning with elements of American extremist factions – the same white supremacist groups and Christian nationalist movements whose ideological forebears helped pave the way for the Holocaust. Beyond risking a wider regional conflict and fueling a global rise in antisemitism, Israel's latest strikes against Iran and its ongoing devastation of Gaza has severely damaged its international reputation. Yet the greatest tragedy lies in the catastrophic humanitarian toll on the Palestinian people—a damming testament to the world's failure to prevent yet another massive crime against humanity. The United States, which helped to establish the United Nations Charter precisely to prevent such atrocities, has become increasingly complicit under Trump-era policies that embrace far-right ideological agendas. In July, the Hague Group—co-chaired by Colombia and South Africa—will convene an emergency ministerial meeting in Bogota to address Israel's ongoing alleged crime of genocide. The international community must act decisively: it is time for the rest of the West to step up and join the Global South in working to end the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and prevent the crisis from spiraling into a broader regional war. Peter T C Chang is former deputy director of the Institute of China Studies, Malaysia
