City of Milton hires new police chief
MILTON, Fla. (WKRG) — The City of Milton has a new police chief.
According to a news release from the city, Jennifer M. Frank will step into the role in April.
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City officials said she is the first woman police chief in Northwest Florida and the 21st in Florida.
'I'm not the first female police chief—I'm just Chief,' Frank said. 'If you show up, do the work, and hold your own, gender doesn't matter. Breaking the glass ceiling is one thing, but bringing others with you is what truly matters.'
Frank has served 19 years in law enforcement including tenures with Plymouth State Police, Norwich Police Department and Windsor Police Department. She was most recently the Windsor Police Chief in Vermont where she came up with 'community driven policing strategies that reduced violent crime calls by 50%,' according to Milton officials.
The Windsor Police Department also received the National Leadership in Community Policing Award in 2023 under Frank.
Frank's career has included traditional policing and even presidential security details for public figures such as President George W. Bush, President Bill Clinton, President Joe Biden, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts, New York Governor George Pataki, and presidential candidates Mitt Romney and Rudy Giuliani.
Frank was a teacher before becoming an officer. She once had to disarm a student she mentored when he entered the classroom with a 9mm gun.
She emphasizes staying connected with the community and working with the next generation as she launched a cadet program in 2008 and has mentored at-risk youth over the last 16 years.
'We've had kids enter the program because they made poor choices,' Frank said. 'They start with community service, but then they become the rockstars and leaders of the program. Some of them even become officers and, more importantly, great humans.'
'Some people need a diversion program, some need a ticket, and some need jail,' she continued. 'Our goal is always to be the least intrusive while ensuring safety. When we eliminate dangers—whether it's crime, or something as simple as giving kids a safe place to be after school—we make a real difference.'
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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But all train service had been interrupted by the strike, and skilled rail operators did not want to cross the picket lines. After nine hours, the exhausted guardsmen arrived in Sacramento early on the morning of July 4 — having taken a train through a circuitous route to avoid trouble. They marched to the city armory, then on to the occupied depot, where they were met by Sacramento members of the National Guard who were already deployed. Guardsmen — about 1,000 weekend warriors — stood in the hot sun, rifles at the ready alongside the Gatling gun they brought, facing the railroad strikers camped out in the depot with their wives and children. One Guardsman's gun went off accidentally, killing a bystander. Officers ordered their men to fix their bayonets and, if ordered to shoot, to 'aim to kill.' One Sacramento unit reported that its men would not fire on their friends and relatives. Other Guardsmen wore their sympathies on their sleeves and lapels: pro-striker buttons. The strikers and their families began to mingle with the phalanx of guardsmen. 'Frank, if you kill me you make your sister a widow,' one striker informed her brother-in-law in the Guard. Some guardsmen removed the ammunition from their weapons; others lowered them and just wandered away — toward the lemonade and ice that the protesters themselves provided. The strikers stayed in the depot for weeks. The whole thing was a chaotic farce. Matters were hardly any less tense in Southern California. People lined the streets of downtown Los Angeles, chanting and cheering for the strikers, many of whom wore American flag lapels. Photographs of goings on in Sacramento and the Bay Area got passed from one Angeleno to another in the crowd. Guardsmen in L.A. expressed the same kind of trepidation about bringing militarized force to bear on the strikers. 'If we had to fight Indians or some common enemy,' one guardsman offered in a revelatory admission, 'we might have some fun and excitement. But this idea of shooting down American citizens simply because they are on strike for what they consider their rights is a horse of another color. All of the boys are against it from first to last, and many are in sympathy with the strikers.' In hindsight, the federal and state response to the rail strike of 1894 appears to have lacked some consideration of unintended consequences. Calling in the Guard only created chaos, emboldened the strikers and, for a time at least, sustained much of the public's support. The federal government, with some seeing 1894 as 'the greatest crisis in our history,' allied with the rail corporations in a set of legal maneuverings that led to the deployment of federal troops across the country. As the strike dissipated, each side tried to take the high ground of intention and behavior: The crisis was lawlessness or it was unwarranted government overreach. 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